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  • Challenging Theater in the Special Period

    Katherine Ford (bio)

    A review of White, Bretton. Staging Discomfort: Performance and Queerness in Contemporary Cuba. U of Florida P, 2020.

    Given the country’s unique history and connections with the United States, especially since 1959, Cuba and its theater hold a singular interest for Western scholars, particularly those in the United States. Within Cuban studies, queerness and identities that challenge traditional definitions have occupied more and more space in the arts produced and analyzed on the island and beyond, although these spaces have been contested within official discourse. Bretton White’s Staging Discomfort: Performance and Queerness in Contemporary Cuba situates itself at these crossroads, adding to art and scholarship that seeks to understand the role and portrayal of the body and queer theory in Cuban theater at a particularly difficult historical moment: the Special Period in Times of Peace, an extended and extensive economic crisis beginning in 1991 as a direct result of glasnost and perestroika in the Soviet Union. The Special Period restricted financial aid to the island nation, and was perhaps the most serious challenge to the Revolution. For the theater that White examines, the body—in particular, reproducing the physical discomfort and difficulties associated with life in Cuba at that time— takes center stage in order to highlight what defines and distinguishes Cuba during the Special Period, often posing direct challenges to official definitions from the state. While there are other studies of the arts in the Special Period and of Cuban theater since the Revolution, White’s Staging Discomfort is a welcome and necessary addition given its attention to queer studies within performance. These two areas need further scholarly exploration and will benefit Cuban studies and theater studies alike.

    Physical discomfort is central to the theater White analyzes. White focuses on five theatrical works that foreground the bodies of actors and even spectators: Carlos Díaz’s 2007 production of the German play Las relaciones de Clara (Dea Loher, Klaras Verhältnisse, 2002); Baños públicos, S. A., by Esther Suárez Durán (written in 1994, published in 1996, awarded the UNEAC prize in 1998, and staged in 1999); El Ciervo Encantado’s production of Pájaros de la playa (2004); Chamaco, by Abel González Melo (read in 2005, published in 2006, and staged in Havana in 2006); and Perros que jamás ladraron (2012), written and directed by Rogelio Orizondo. Attention to the body is important in these plays because physical discomfort was a central, quotidian reality of the Special Period. Given the scarcity of food, clothing, and other goods, the body and its needs occupy much if not all thought of the Cuban people during this time. This reality is conveyed in the performance of these plays through the portrayal of sex workers who exchange sexual favors for gifts or food, for example, or is experienced by the audience in the lack of air-conditioning in the theater in which the play is staged. White’s analysis focuses on challenges to dominant definitions of identity and sexuality from the Revolution, showing that the body is central to these challenges. Her emphasis on same-sex intimacies reveals what she calls “an aesthetics of differentiation rather than assimilation” (21).

    Staging Discomfort considers the role that queerness plays in theater performance in Cuba’s Special Period. As White underlines, theater, unlike other aspects of the Cuban art world, “is art by Cubans and for Cubans” (213). Theater is not a genre in Cuba for tourists or passers-through. This can be limiting for the theater community because engaging with the international art world can offer economic opportunity. On the other hand, an examination of Cuban theater allows scholars to see an art world created by and for Cubans. Scholars approaching this work from outside Cuban studies will thus benefit from the comprehensive contextualization that White presents to help understand and situate these works. Staging Discomfort positions the role of theater within the Cuban Revolution of 1959 and after, underlining the official incorporation of the arts into the definition and consolidation of the Revolution. Theater, or course, was one of the genres that contributed to defining the Revolution for the public, though it has its own history. As was the case with the other arts produced during the Revolution, theater was subjected to restriction and censorship, particularly at the end of the 1960s and through much of the 1970s. Following the presentation of this historical context, White turns to the Special Period in Times of Peace; the performances she analyzes were staged in the waning years of the Special Period (though, as White rightly points out, the Special Period does not have a definitive end). The Special Period was widely defined by want and lack—economic and otherwise. There was a profound shortage of everything: food, clothes, and paper, among other essential and nonessential goods. Restrictions resulting from both economic shortages and state censorship became pronounced in Cuban theater during the Special Period due to the financial cost of staging a play (starting with the need for a physical space to rehearse and produce a play) and intensified by limited international exposure, and therefore revenue and investment, for Cuban theater.

    Staging Discomfort complements this historical contextualization with the analysis of the plays using theories deriving from queer studies. The book is divided into five chapters, each focusing on a different play and its performance in Havana between 1999 and 2012, after the harshest years of the Special Period had ended (even as the Special Period itself carried on without end). The five plays White analyzes explore the body, sexuality, and definitions of identity in ways that challenge traditional norms, each with its own theoretical and temporal framing. In these thematic explorations, the body figures centrally, reflecting the community’s corporeal discomfort due to the very real scarcities of the time. As noted, this bodily discomfort is not limited to the actors’ bodies but also includes those of the audience members. These performances are not escapist theater; instead, the focus on the body in the plays accentuates discomfort and manipulation and mimics what was happening outside the theater walls. These plays, White writes, have “the effect of bringing the city—and the city’s problems—into the theater” (2). The city and the body—both strongly situated in the Havana of the Special Period-—are intertwined within the space of discomfort: “This book concentrates on how theatrical spaces connect bodies of actors and spectators while focusing on how spectator proximities can counteract pressures for imposed similarity” (2). While the role of the Cuban Revolution was to promote a universal identity, the Special Period—and the theater analyzed in Staging Discomfort—revealed that there was not one Cuban identity but many, and that these identities occupied a space of discomfort and fissure, proposing an alternate view of sexuality and the body. White’s exploration of Havana theater finds and highlights the cracks and dissimilarities in definitions of identity to promote otherness through theatrical expression. Staging Discomfort correctly highlights Cuban theater’s role in understanding the role of the body and of otherness in definitions of identity and sexuality. As White points out, theater in Cuba uses the body and discomfort to make connections through difference rather than assimilation—a direct challenge to the role of the Revolution since the very beginning.

    In Carlos Díaz’s production of the German play Las relaciones de Clara, the body is both the problem and the solution, mimicking the early years of the Special Period when selling bodies, especially sexually, offered many Cubans a way to survive. Staging the play in various rooms throughout an old colonial house with no or limited air-conditioning, and making the spectators move to follow action that is often uncomfortably close, created a production where everyone on both sides of the fourth wall were very aware of their bodies and the physical discomfort that they could experience. Baños públicos, S. A., by Esther Suárez Durán, highlights access to and the use of public bathrooms in Cuba, connecting concepts of urination and gay sex as well as private enterprise and loyalty with revolutionary ideas. White’s third chapter on El Ciervo Encantado’s production of Pájaros de la playa (2004), based on the novel by Severo Sarduy, remembers the AIDS crisis of the 1980s and 90s and the corporeal suffering and alienation that resulted. El Ciervo Encantado’s rendition for theater evokes rather than narrates, moving beyond language and centering on the body. This is done through auditory overload—the actors’ dialogue is often garbled, shouted, and without meaning. El Ciervo Encantado does not want to tell the spectator what is happening, and instead creates a corporeal sensation that implies the story recounted in the performance. Chamaco, by Abel González Melo, recounts the gritty side of Havana and is one of the more successful plays analyzed. In González Melo’s opinion, it is a story about greed during the Special Period, though White also highlights the way it talks about homosexuality at that time—recounting and making visible the invisible. Finally, Perros que jamás ladraron, written and directed by Rogelio Orizondo, is composed of monologues about life during the Special Period, though the silliness of the production contrasts with the seriousness of the material presented. White observes that “Perros takes these tensions . . . beyond mere juxtaposition in order to contemplate how we fail at both seeing or experiencing what is represented, or documented on stage” (186). Though most visible perhaps in this chapter, the juxtaposition of the visible and invisible is a central issue throughout Staging Discomfort.

    After detailing the ways in which these five plays challenge the hegemonic cultural identity that the Revolution had been solidifying for decades, White’s conclusion narrates Cuba’s current political balancing act, where official discourse attempts to respond to the criticism that its definitions of identity are hegemonic with a new tolerance for difference. Her conclusion points to the advances in social freedoms that Mariela Castro has introduced while also acknowledging that, in Cuba, the state control of cultural production means that there is very limited freedom of expression, a reality felt even more acutely among the LGBTQ+ community and after the unrest in the summer of 2021.

    In her conclusion, White underlines that the theater she analyzes—indeed Cuban theater more generally—is theater on the fringe. This is art that endeavors to look at and understand the Cuban experience from within, and for a domestic audience. For a readership not familiar with the contemporary, everyday realities of Cuba, this can make for a challenging presentation—and even reviewing this presentation poses its challenges. How can an author convey a reality that resonates with many and reminds readers of other historical and social contexts, but that remains singular and unique? How can an author portray the simultaneous lack, restriction, and opportunity of the Cuban theater world? In Staging Discomfort, White succeeds in addressing these questions by detailing the historical and social contexts that contribute to the everyday world of the playwrights, directors, theater groups, and audiences. She conveys the political past and the contemporary cultural reality that inform the works her book examines. Staging Discomfort: Performance and Queerness in Contemporary Cuba does important and necessary work that allows us to understand and appreciate more about Cuban theater and culture, and about queer theory and culture in contexts outside of the United States. The monograph will serve many different audiences and widen our understanding of the fields it brings together.

    Katherine Ford is Professor of Hispanic Studies and Chair of the Department of Foreign Languages and Literatures at East Carolina University. She specializes in Modern Latin American literature, concentrating on theater and performance of the twentieth century. She is the author of essays on Latin American and Latinx theater and of the books Theater of Revisions in the Hispanic Caribbean (2017) and Politics and Violence in Cuba and Argentina (2010). She is currently looking at the connections between theater and film and the role of the humanities in community engagement.

  • Two, Three, Many Instituent Instances in Common

    Robert F. Carley (bio)

    A review of Dardot, Pierre, and Christian Laval. Common: On Revolution in the 21st Century. Translated by Matthew MacLellan, Bloomsbury, 2019.

    In the “Introduction” to Common: On Revolution in the 21st Century, Pierre Dardot and Christian Laval set up an opposition-in-relation between neoliberalism and its challengers. The challenge constitutes a feint of sorts; the opposition is between neoliberal capital and the lack of any concerted public or societal response, whether from political parties in the state, from citizen groups, through organized labor, or from the styles of mobilization favored by social movements in democratic contexts. The evacuation of social or political counter-forces seated in or facilitated by the state (including past instances of revolutionary posture toward states and valorizations of them)—especially as it concerns states’ degraded effectiveness as a lever against poverty, inequality, and environmental catastrophe—is included in Dardot and Laval’s account alongside the scant possibilities for sustained non- and sub-state collective action.

    Across Dardot and Laval’s book, the common develops as more than a mere opposition to neoliberalism. At the theoretical level, the common turns out to be utterly overwhelming, absorbing and transforming extant conceptions of common spaces, goods, and properties through potential instituent practices emerging from the necessary differentiation of different struggles and the importance of those struggles on different fronts (to paraphrase Stuart Hall). Dardot and Laval’s point that there seems to be no viable alternative to neoliberalism is reminiscent of Marcuse’s frame-up of “the Great Refusal” in One-Dimensional Man (66), evoking what Common has in common with earlier theories and political projects. Though unlike One-Dimensional Man in many respects, Common also resembles it. One-Dimensional Man (like most of Marcuse’s subsequent work) addresses the problems of affluence as a social totality that stakes its “democratic” and consumerist exceptionalisms on global conflict and imperial power. Marcuse traces a broad, global range of exclusions produced by a narrow and measured U.S. affluence, theorizing both liminality and exteriority as potentially productive of novel (albeit narrow) expressions of social protest: not a common but a “great” refusal common to those cast out (the exploited and exploitable) and to outcasts (e.g., hippies). Marcuse’s text precedes the broad and varied eruptions of social protest across Europe and in the North Atlantic in the late 1960s. In One-Dimensional Man, he seeks to consolidate what had seemed like riotous, sub-state instances of revolt into an idea, a possible political horizon. Other contemporary texts, issuing largely from the Autonomisti and Operaisti in Italy, similarly recast ideas and reorient political horizons by critiquing and inverting Marxist political economy. The Operaisti, for instance, consolidate a new political subject constituted by the mass migration of Southern industrial workers northward, a new mass of workers outside of both labor and party discipline who, while participating in the postwar industrial boom, developed a repertoire of strategies and fierce tactics that shook and altered the foundations of the Italian “planner state.”

    What each of these texts shares with Common is the identification of elements liminal to social totalities and the thinking of revolution otherwise: Who (other than the proletariat) makes revolution, how, and under what conditions? Marcuse, the Autonomisti, and the Operaisti wonder how and through what organizational means these revolutionary ferments can be sustained. Their responses give rise to alternative assessments of practices, subjects, and organizations. What these texts share “in common” are novel ways to reconceive revolutionary praxis in the context of interregna. Dardot and Laval’s perspective on the present-day configuration of state and civil society relations is consistent with their earlier book, The New Way of the World: On Neoliberal Society (2014), in which they define neoliberalism as the rational framework through which both markets and states operate, negating the possibilities of a “double movement” (to the state) and a “triple movement” (to “progressive” expressions of either political or market forces in civil society, an expression made popular by Nancy Fraser and Stephanie Malin). Dardot and Laval invoke Arendt’s concept of “desolation” to amplify classical sociological conceptions of consumerism, alienation, and anomie, and to emphasize that theorizing the common becomes an urgent and necessarily revolutionary act in the face of this triumvirate of anti-societal forces. These initial descriptive aspects of neoliberalism specify the roles, actors, agents, and the breadth and depth of forces that come into focus in Dardot and Laval’s theoretical framework, which is vast and populated with intellectual histories, theories, and concepts. They also specify the revolutionary dynamics that can both structure and animate the pathways towards the horizon where the common sits.

    Dardot and Laval’s approach across the three sections of the book is archaeological and philologically expansive, for example when reviewing the classical renderings of the concept of the common, both prior to and after its ancient, various, and somewhat cumulative juridical codifications and institutional articulations. The archaeological approach and philological investigations of instituted, juridical, and praxiological aspects of commons make the book, in part, an interdisciplinary field statement. The purpose of these inquiries into the common, however, is to show that it was and remains co-extensive with the social imaginaries that consolidate around developments of nascent and fragile proto-states, and limited and qualified fragments of civil society. Theories and concepts resist and enjoin one another and are directed toward further elaborations of commons. Dardot and Laval draw on classical sociological theory, political philosophy (across various periods), and historical sources. Source materials are not introduced into the text so as to arrest the archeology; rather, this well-sourced and annotated text is relentless in its focus on the development of the concept of common, following it into cul-desacs and leaping across historical gaps from antiquity and into the nineteenth century. The first section of Common effectively traces these various projects as affines to the common that ultimately failed to produce an unfettered triumph of the common.

    At one point, Dardot and Laval define common as a political principle that guides the practice of building, maintaining, and sustaining the commons (28). This unity of principle and practice, forged in the interest of describing a revolutionary opposition to our current post-neoliberal trajectory, finds a corollary in Wolfgang Fritz Haug’s concept of “societalization,” an intersubjective, conscious, and collective process of reproducing social relations and structures both apart from and in conflict with capitalist institutions, relations, and practices (Haug 91). Haug’s concept emerges from his work on ideology critique and shows how ideology can be understood in different organizations and political practices. Dardot and Laval’s rendering of an appositive revolutionary political principle and practice differs from Haug’s work, however, insofar as they insist on a requisite break from any and all aspects of nineteenth- and twentieth-century Marxist political projects and on the non-conflictual posture of commoning.

    Common is divided into three sections. In the first part Dardot and Laval describe the historical emergence of the commons in the nineteenth century. Dardot and Laval express some hope that contemporary post-statist struggles under the aegis of commons might produce connections in place of the instrumentalization of political organizations by the state as well as fractionalizations internal to organizations engaged in these struggles. These connections, which are made through collective practices, recall Donna Haraway’s use of the term “affinity groups” to describe common struggles that are social-issue based, but more directly resemble the late-nineteenth-century Iberian-anarcho “tradition” of affinity groups (155). Marcuse is less sanguine about the possibility of affine-based struggles. In the last essay he wrote, “The Reification of the Proletariat,” he sees them as non-sustaining, voluntarist, and performative, always-already reified on the surfaces of affluent societies. Marcuse’s essay was published just prior to the neoliberal conjuncture; Haraway’s was published in the midst of Reagan’s presidency and so well into the neoliberal conjuncture.

    Dardot and Laval begin their third chapter by noting that commons and variations on the term inaugurate anti-capitalist struggles after state communism. Several pages later, they acknowledge that struggles around varied significations of the commons are less pronounced in US-based alter-globalization struggles and that, though it is more strongly linked to struggles across central and south America, the common is not what Mayer Zald would describe as an ideological catchphrase. They argue instead that “a retroactive reading nevertheless reveals the presence of the category in these movements; the category can be symptomatically detected in the emergence of new organizations and movements” (68). By the end of the chapter, Dardot and Laval point out that in both scope and depth the theoretical and political projects of the commons entail a defense of a non-market exteriority to capital in the hopes that it will take root. Against market society on a global register, they point out that the historically, socially, and culturally constituted fungibility of the common (what they call its goods and contents) is prescribed.

    In the second part of the book, “Law and Institution of the Common,” Dardot and Laval focus on the generative practices of commons, asking how these have been and can be durably instituted. The section culminates in their chapter on “Instituent Praxis” (277), a form of praxis that is at once materialized, made conscious, and realized through use. This chapter anchors their earlier definition of common and develops the political program of Common: the nine propositions that Dardot and Laval offer in the last section of the book. Through repetition, instituent praxis gives rise to rules that, through time and use, become customs. Customs are produced through a collective and praxiological orientation towards emancipation or against the common as fungible and appropriable. Instituent praxis fixes the common and establishes its durability over time; it is, at the same time, an organizational form that can further institute creative practices, thereby introducing novelty within a social totality. Dardot and Laval excavate the category of instituent praxis from the work of Émile Durkheim, Marcel Mauss, Paul Fauconnet, Jean-Paul Sartre, and Cornelius Castoriadis. The “ready-made” notion of the instituent as already established or instituted—or, rather, the conflation of activities that institute or produce things and fix or ossify them into a bureaucratic form—emerges in early-twentieth-century French social sciences. In this regard, Dardot and Laval’s argument positions itself against Mauss, Fauconnet, and Durkheim, who take their object of investigation to be the already instituted, supra-individualist social facts that organize the production of all activities (where the instituent is indistinct from what it produces: the institution—that is, the bureaucratic form).

    Dardot and Laval see in Sartre’s Critique of Dialectical Reason an antidote to these sociological traditions’ rendering of instituent practice. Sartre identifies the contradiction inherent in notions of instituent emergence, where instituent work is praxis and, at the same time, signifies a practice both apart from and inaugural to social institutions. Inaugural instituent acts represent the effort of singularized but common actors oriented towards a social or political goal. In other words, Sartre stresses that the instituent—always oriented towards instituted ends— becomes superordinate, and both homogenizes and domesticates the wills of others, specifying a particular form of reification. For Sartre, instituent forms of praxis give rise to institutionalization and bureaucratization. However, Dardot and Laval note that Sartre’s understanding of instituent practices also necessarily refers to a prior, creative form of practice held in common.

    The work of Castoriadis provides the most important and fully developed contribution to Dardot and Laval’s discussion of pre-institutional instituent forms of praxis. Castoriadis stresses instituent production as radically new forms of praxis that emerge throughout history. For Castoriadis, instituent production makes history while also shaping and engendering what is already instituted. Whereas Sartre begins from the point of view of the instituted and sees instituent production as the foundation of and as phenomenally indistinct (though analytically distinct) from what is instituted, Castoriadis’s thought is framed by the genesis of the instituted as an always instituent act. Instituent production for Castoriadis is rooted in the imaginary that, though it consists of already instituted meanings, is also the font of images, things, and representations embedded in our capacities to see things as they are not, or as other than they are. These concepts can be made concrete and, in turn, can become instituted. The imaginary—which consists of the novel, pre-reflexive, and not-yet symbolized as well as instituted meanings, images, and things—inaugurates instituent activity. Castoriadis’s concept of praxis models instituent activity as emerging from the imaginary but raised to the level of consciousness and rendered as collective and generative activity. However, as Dardot and Laval note, the exercise of instituent praxis as power (or as politics) negotiates its position within societal and political forces and so bears the weight of its embeddedness within an historical trajectory. On the one hand, Castoriadis’s discussion of the generative and novel historical nature of instituent praxis— and its foundations within the imaginary—lightens the weight of any historical load. On the other hand, for Dardot and Laval instituent praxis is a conscious act that is conditioned within collectives or groups and that, as strategically or wittingly as possible, opposes the remnants of instituted forms of praxis that would undo the common. Dardot and Laval see the common arise from the conscious activity of instituent praxis where relations produced through collective work are not separate from its ends, and its ends need not be absorbed by extant institutions. The ends of instituent practice (via the imaginary that shapes it) is the production of the common that is persistently creative and not instituted. Dardot and Laval’s instituent praxis is, at every turn, an emancipatory praxis.

    The third part of the book makes nine proposals that rise out of Dardot and Laval’s concept of instituent praxis. Praxis makes its way from a common use (“Use Rights Must Challenge Property”) to the globally-instituted (“We Must Institute a Federation of the Commons”). Castoriadis returns in the last pages to anchor the revolution of the commons as the reinstitution of society from within its neoliberal midst. They explain that, like the ancien régime, neoliberalism represents a rationality concretely anchored in a social totality that cannot merely be contested by an alternative political force. The expanded scope of instituent praxis (through Dardot and Laval’s nine proposals) and the novelty of its instituting, creative, and generative powers render already common spaces, goods, and properties inappropriable. Instituent praxis regulates (or commons) through use, and remakes what neoliberal reason designates common—space, property, and goods, among other things—as the common.

    Although each section of the book has an explicit focus, the transition between the second and third sections sees the intensive discussion of praxis recede into the background as the proposals for a federated commons take center stage. It takes some effort to recall, for instance, the micro-practices within recuperated Argentinian factories that differentiate each of the examples and demonstrate the conceptual complexity and practicable variabilities of instituent praxis. Regardless, case of recuperated Argentinian factories illustrate the tensions associated with the emancipatory features of instituent praxis. They show an extraordinary collective inventiveness and collaborative organizational framework develop in the face of the legal development of new rules. The Argentinian case represents one of many substantive examples that allows Dardot and Laval to developed their concept of praxis. These examples furnish their nine proposals. However, I remain unclear as to how instituent praxis, rules, and customs necessarily develop into federations. The obscurity of that development is a weakness in the book that recalls Sartre’s leap from inaugural instituent praxiological acts to their bureaucratization inside institutions and political organizations. The principles of the common are framed as injunctions, so even if commons overwhelm, infest, and convert a neoliberal social totality—like an interminable and viral “war of position”—will this necessarily result in a federation? Although it’s clear that the concept of praxis mediates socio-organizational practices of commons and Dardot and Laval’s proposals, the mediations between praxis and principles remain unclear. Who will federate and how? Non the less, Common: On Revolution in the 21st Century advances common studies as a field and political program and specifies the dynamics that will bring the common to fruition. Much as Marcuse, the Autonomisti, and Operaisti did in the interregnum between Keynesianism and neoliberalism, Dardot and Laval specify a common revolutionary ground for movements of the present.

    Robert F. Carley is an Associate Professor of International Studies at Texas A&M University, College Station. He is the author of Cultural Studies Methodology and Political Strategy: Metaconjuncture (2021), Gramscian Critical Pedagogy (2021), Culture and Tactics: Gramsci, Race, and the Politics of Practice (2019), Autonomy, Refusal, and the Black Bloc (2019), and Collectivities (2016). His most recent article, “Intersecting Oppressions; Intersecting Struggles: Race, Class, and Subalternity” (2022) appears in the Journal of Class and Culture. He is a member of the Governing Board of the Cultural Studies Association and co-edits Lateral: Journal of the Cultural Studies Association.

    Works Cited

    • Haraway, Donna J. “A Cyborg Manifesto: Science, Technology, and Socialist-Feminism in the Late Twentieth Century.” Simians, Cyborgs, and Women: The Reinvention of Nature, Routledge, 1991, pp. 149–81.
    • Haug, Wolfgang Fritz. Commodity Aesthetics, Ideology, and Culture. International General, 1987.
    • Marcuse, Herbert. One-Dimensional Man: Studies in the Ideology of Advanced Industrial Society. 2nd ed., Routledge, 1991.

  • Underground Fanon

    Anthony C. Alessandrini (bio)

    A review of Arnall, Gavin. Subterranean Fanon: An Underground Theory of Radical Change. Columbia UP, 2020.

    Given the tragically short time Frantz Fanon was given to live and to write, it is remarkable that we can now regard him as one of the most important political and intellectual figures of the second half of the twentieth century. Equally remarkable is the fact that there is a field that can rightly be called “Fanon studies”—and that it continues to boom sixty years after his death.1 In part this is because, despite his short and eventful life, Fanon was shockingly prolific. In addition to writing three books in less than ten years, he also wrote dozens of articles, many of them while serving as an editor of El Moudjahid (the newspaper of the Front de libération nationale), as well as speeches for some of the major political gatherings of his time, including the First and Second World Congress of Black Writers and Artists, the All-African People’s Congress, and the Afro-Asiatic Solidarity Conference.

    And this is not even to mention Fanon’s day job. For most of his adult life, he worked as a psychiatrist, including serving as director of the Blida-Joinville Hospital in Algeria from 1953 to 1956. Over the course of his medical career, Fanon co-authored an astonishing number of articles for journals in his field, documenting in particular his interest in alternative methods for treating psychiatric disorders. Add to this the literary efforts of his youth—while still a student, he founded a short-lived literary journal, Tam-Tam, and wrote three plays (not performed or published during his life) before the age of 25—and we are left with the staggering legacy of a figure who burned his mark into an often hostile world.2

    But if Fanon’s writing has produced a rich and varied response from readers since his untimely death, this is not so much because of the sheer amount of writing he was able to produce but rather because of the complex, sometimes opaque, and occasionally outright contradictory nature of his thought, and the remarkable amount of territory he managed to cover as a writer in just one decade. This has inspired a wide and disparate range of responses, which is one reason why the field of Fanon studies has often been a contentious place indeed.

    This contentiousness manifests itself most clearly in the distinction drawn by many commentators between the so-called “early” and “late” Fanon, which, in practice, means the distinction between Black Skin, White Masks and The Wretched of the Earth.3 Some who focus primarily on the first book—including those who, following Homi Bhabha’s powerful but controversial reading, see Black Skin, White Masks as an example of poststructuralism avant la lettre—consider The Wretched of the Earth to be a retreat to more conventional Marxist analysis. Other critics have tended to argue that The Wretched of the Earth should be understood as the culmination of Fanon’s mature political thought, while Black Skin, White Masks by and large fails to “slough off its petit-bourgeois stink,” as Cedric Robinson famously declared (82). I’m only marking out a few coordinates of the field, of course, and plenty of readings fall between these two extremes. Nevertheless, the early/late binary continues to haunt the field.

    Given these different emphases and the stakes involved, Fanon studies has occasionally taken the form of meta-commentary among critics more concerned with squaring off against other Fanonists than engaging with Fanon’s texts. This in turn leads some critics to stake a claim to the “true” Fanon. The title of Lewis R. Gordon’s 2015 book, What Fanon Said, sums up this tendency. Gordon has been an important and deeply perceptive reader of Fanon for more than two decades—his 1995 book Fanon and the Crisis of European Man remains one of the finest English-language readings of Fanon’s body of work—and in What Fanon Said, he insists that his goal is less to present an authoritative, conversation-ending interpretation than to provide an introduction to Fanon’s work via close readings. But the book’s title reveals something important about the nature of Fanon studies: more often than not, the subtext is a claim to deliver to the reader what Fanon really said.

    This is one of many reasons why Gavin Arnall’s brilliant book, Subterranean Fanon: An Underground Theory of Radical Change, is such a welcome arrival to the field. Although he is a close and careful reader, Arnall makes no claims about revealing to us what Fanon “really” said. Instead, he presents us with a Fanon who, in pursuing his tortured attempts to analyze, as a step towards destroying, the workings of racism and colonialism, was in a constant state of disagreement with himself. Subterranean Fanon persuasively traces a constant preoccupation with change throughout Fanon’s disparate body of work, asking “what constitutes an instance of change, what role the past and the present play in effecting or obstructing change, how something new comes into existence, and how the new relates to what precedes it” (11). Arnall thus follows the lead of Achille Mbembe in characterizing Fanon’s project as one of “metamorphic thought.” In Mbembe’s memorable words, Fanon’s language functions “like an artillery shell aimed at smashing, puncturing, and transforming the mineral and rocky wall and interosseous membrane of colonialism” (Mbembe Critique 162, qtd. in Arnall 10–11). Arnall also cites the influence of contemporary activists’ appropriations of Fanon’s work to attest to his continued relevance to those struggling in the name of revolutionary change. Given Fanon’s active role in the struggle for decolonization, Arnall rightly concludes that change—specifically, change in the form of true decolonization—is “not only the object of Fanon’s thinking but also its primary objective” (11).

    Indeed, Arnall argues that Fanon’s engagement with the question of change is so intense that it splits his metamorphic thought in two. On the one hand, he follows many readers in identifying Fanon’s primary mode of analysis as dialectical. For “the dominant Fanon,” as Arnall refers to this strand of his thought, “change entails a dialectical process set in motion through contradiction” (12). It is a mark of Arnall’s care that he doesn’t merely leave it at that, but takes the time to describe precisely what Fanon’s dialectical approach entails—especially in those moments when he explicitly declares the need to “stretch” Marxist analysis to suit the colonial context (for example, in the first chapter of The Wretched of the Earth). For the dominant Fanon who works in this particular dialectical mode, Arnall writes, “to theorize is to translate, to dialectically convert any inherited doctrine into a new version of itself so as to place it in the service of the struggle for liberation” (13). This approach allows Arnall to acknowledge Fanon’s engagement with many different forms of analysis—from Marxism to existentialism to psychoanalysis to phenomenology—without pinning him down to one at the expense of another.

    But alongside this “dominant Fanon” who works in a recognizably dialectical mode, there exists what Arnall calls “the subterranean Fanon.” This underground current breaks through sporadically but insistently throughout Fanon’s whole body of work, exhorting us towards a very different kind of thinking about how change comes to be. For the dominant Fanon, contradiction and its overcoming constitute the basis of dialectical change. But the subterranean Fanon has very different ideas: “If contradiction is the sine qua non of dialectical thinking,” Arnall argues, then “the subterranean Fanon thinks about other kinds of opposition: oppositions without interpenetration or unity, oppositions that do not follow a both-and logic, oppositions between incommensurable or radically heterogeneous phenomena” (16). “For the subterranean Fanon,” Arnall concludes, “such nondialectical oppositions are not static but rather generate a different, nondialectical kind of change” (17). This is the Fanon for whom decolonization represents not a stage in an ongoing dialectic but rather a tabula rasa that wipes clean all that came before: “decolonization is quite simply the substitution of one ‘species’ of mankind by another. The substitution is unconditional, absolute, total, and seamless” (Fanon, Wretched 1).

    The most famous of these nondialectical oppositions can be found in the opening pages of The Wretched of the Earth, where Fanon presents us with a Manichaean vision of the colonized territory as “a world divided in two.” Describing the “sectors” inhabited by the colonizer and the colonized respectively, Fanon declares that “the two confront each other, but not in the service of a higher unity. Governed by a purely Aristotelian logic, they follow the dictates of mutual exclusion. There is no conciliation possible, one of the terms is superfluous” (Wretched 4). What this means in terms of the practice of decolonization is quite radically different from what would be implied by a dialectical approach, which is why, for Arnall’s subterranean Fanon, “instead of canceling and preserving the old to make the new, the old is to be cleared away, completely destroyed, irreversibly annihilated so that something new can emerge as the result of sheer invention” (16–17). Put differently: if for the dominant Fanon to theorize is to translate, for the subterranean Fanon “to theorize is to invent, to bring into existence an entirely new way of thinking corresponding to an entirely new society” (Arnall 17).

    Arnall is certainly not the first reader to detect either of these strands—the first often referred to the Hegelian/Marxist, and the second to the Nietzschean, traditions—in Fanon’s work. What makes Subterranean Fanon such an important departure is his refusal to resolve the tension in either direction and thereby force Fanon’s multivocal work into line with either school or political ideology. While Arnall is a generous reader of previous work in Fanon studies, he patiently but insistently refuses any attempt to close down the agonistic debate that Fanon’s two voices carry out. As he puts it at the end of his reading of Black Skin, White Masks, in one of the few moments when he shifts into a slightly more polemical mode: “I have focused on the text’s distinct approaches to the problem of change instead of offering yet another commentary that willfully ignores or acrobatically resolves every conflictual statement and unexpected image in an anxious, anti-Fanonian impulse to no longer question” (65).

    But if we accept Arnall’s argument for two distinct currents that run through Fanon’s work, what’s the relationship between them? His answer seems to be: it depends. That’s in part because he proposes not simply isolated moments of contradiction between a dialectical and nondialectical approach, but rather a dynamic in which the latter acts as a subterranean mode of thought, one that never overtakes the dominant dialectical approach but is always present just beneath the surface. More specifically, he proposes three forms of contact between the dominant and the subterranean Fanon. On some occasions, they are juxtaposed without conflict; on others, they arise as visible contradictions, indicating the extent to which Fanon’s thought is internally split; and then, most interestingly, there are moments when “the underground current of thought in Fanon’s oeuvre manifests itself in a more ambiguous manner” via slips in language, the introduction of terms or images that diverge from an ongoing argument, or other slippages that reveal Fanon’s continual multivocality (18). By the end of the book, Arnall employs Fanon’s own term “scissiparity” (the literal division of cells via fission) to describe this split within Fanon’s work, asking whether it might ultimately be understood as “a direct consequence of the colonial undertaking” (131–32). Arnall never quite answers this question, and one wishes that the book’s conclusion, which raises interesting questions but is frustratingly short, had focused a bit more clearly on how readers might best encompass this split between the dominant and subterranean Fanon.

    What is most important about this framing of Fanon’s work in terms of dominant and subterranean is that it allows Arnall to perform a virtuosic set of readings. He is a close and careful reader, sensitive to literary devices like Fanon’s tendency to repeat the same term with slight variations, and curious enough to follow Fanon’s wordplay wherever it takes him. Indeed, his renderings of Fanon into English often catch on to subtleties lost by Fanon’s official translators. Arnall’s close attention to the twists and turns of Fanon’s texts encourages a similar sort of ethic in his readers: indeed, the phrase “careful readers of Fanon may have already noticed…” is sprinkled throughout the book. His thesis about the split within Fanon’s thought means he does not have to corral his readings into an argument about which aspect of Fanon’s thought is “correct,” or offer pledges of loyalty to one school of thought in Fanon studies; instead, he is free to follow where Fanon leads. Arnall’s reading of The Wretched of the Earth, carried out over the course of two chapters, is exemplary in this regard, moving carefully and brilliantly through that complicated and tortured text.

    Subterranean Fanon is also one of the first critical works in English to engage closely with a range of Fanon’s clinical writings and psychiatric papers, as well as with his early unpublished play Parallel Hands. These texts have now been collected in the anthology Alienation and Freedom, but Arnall had already gone to the source to read them in the archives of the Institut Mémories de l’édition contemporaine, located in a small village near Caen, France, where Fanon’s papers are held. Indeed, Arnall tells us that the main focus and argument of his book developed around this work in the archives. As a result of these beautiful close readings and his ability to range over the whole of Fanon’s body of work, Subterranean Fanon is the book I would hand to any novice reader of Fanon looking for an introduction or critical guide to his work. Arnall provides a thorough overview at once deeper and wider than many of the books that explicitly set out to introduce Fanon’s work.

    As for how he pursues his argument about the dominant and subterranean currents in Fanon, it could be said that Arnall’s own analysis follows a similar sort of structure: basically dialectical with bursts of subterranean, anti-dialectical thinking. Rather than organizing the book thematically, he reads Fanon front to back, beginning with the early work collected in Alienation and Freedom, continuing through Black Skin, White Masks and Fanon’s writings on Algeria during the late 1950s (including A Dying Colonialism), and culminating in an extended reading of The Wretched of the Earth. In a funny sort of way, Subterranean Fanon reminded me of another book that might be its mirror image (or its dialectical opposite): Ato Sekyi-Otu’s Fanon’s Dialectic of Experience, published in 1996. Like Arnall, Sekyi-Otu is a close and careful reader of Fanon, and also treats Fanon’s body of work as an interconnected whole with recognizable patterns throughout. Both Arnall and Sekyi-Otu draw on the work of Antonio Gramsci to elucidate important aspects of Fanon’s thought. But whereas Arnall follows the nondialectical currents that move underground throughout Fanon’s work, interrupting and supplementing it, Sekyi-Otu’s project is the diametrical opposite: he proposes to “read Fanon’s texts as though they formed one dramatic dialectical narrative” (4). While he, like Arnall, understands Fanon to be engaged in a constant and complicated dialogue with himself, for Sekyi-Otu it is always in the interest of pursuing a larger dialectical narrative whose subject is “political experience.” If Arnall’s subterranean Fanon is in constant tension with the dominant dialectical flow, Sekyi-Otu’s Fanon introduces moments of rupture that are ultimately “reviewed, renounced, and replaced in the course of a movement of experience and language”—an explicitly dialectical movement, that is (Sekyi-Otu 5).

    I have always found Sekyi-Otu to be among the most persuasive readers of Fanon. In particular, I have been deeply influenced by his reading of the Manichaean argument of “On Violence” (the opening chapter of The Wretched of the Earth) against critics like Hannah Arendt who accuse Fanon of confusing violence with politics. In fact, Sekyi-Otu insists, Fanon “is saying with the most classical of political philosophers that where there is no public space, there is no political relationship, only violence, ‘violence in a state of nature’” (87). In other words, Fanon presents us with a description of the colonial context in which no dialectical movement— indeed, no movement of any kind—is possible. However, the sticking point for me in Sekyi-Otu’s argument is his insistence on resolving any moment of discontinuity or rupture into a larger “dialectical narrative.” Arnall, who provides a generous but critical reading of Fanon’s Dialectic of Experience, makes a similar point, and I find his approach more persuasive. But of course the whole reason for having a field like Fanon studies is to allow such interconnected but ultimately disparate readings to proliferate, and Subterranean Fanon and Fanon’s Dialectic of Experience can best be read together, as part of this larger dialogue with Fanon and his work.

    If there is a downside to Arnall’s reading, it results from his focus on what he calls “the continuity of Fanon’s internal division” throughout his body of work. It’s not that Arnall fails to mark the crucial historical shifts that influenced Fanon’s life and work, in particular his move to Algeria and subsequent commitment to the Algerian Revolution. Even in this transitional moment that led to his later work, Arnall rightly insists that

    Fanon remained the deeply divided thinker who wrote Parallel Hands and Black Skin, White Masks, split between an explicitly declared and developed project of dialectical analysis and a more implicit, subterranean current of nondialectical and sometimes antidialectical thought.

    Arnall’s reading is subtle enough not simply to mark this larger continuity but also to track “how it acquires new dimensions as [Fanon] directs his gaze toward a new set of historical circumstances” (66).

    But in pursuing this continuity, Arnall at times effaces the wild shifts in Fanon’s work as he moves between genres, methodologies, and audiences. Indeed, Fanon often makes such shifts within the same text or even on the same page. One reason Fanon studies has been so generative is because Fanon’s work speaks to so many disciplines. At the same time, any attempt to claim him for a particular discipline breaks down or is forced to radically simplify his work. A book like Black Skin, White Masks is most often read in terms of its engagement with phenomenology, psychoanalysis, and Marxism, but at least two chapters of the book consist entirely of what a colleague once called “weird-ass literary criticism.” Similarly, Alienation and Freedom brings together highly technical clinical articles for specialized medical journals, Fanon’s early (and sometimes unfortunate) efforts at existential drama, and unapologetically polemical political writings that sought to rally support for the Algerian Revolution. It reflects the oeuvre of a writer with an insatiably restless mind who made a habit of doing many things at the same time.

    Arnall’s chapter on several early texts from Alienation and Freedom does an admirable job of weaving together an argument from these disparate strands. He begins with Fanon’s clinical writings, in particular those Fanon produced with his mentor François Tosquelles, which outline a form of “annihilation therapy”; pauses to note parallels with “Yesterday, Today, and Tomorrow,” a short essay influenced by Fanon’s reading of Nietzsche; and concludes with an extended reading of Parallel Hands, a play written while Fanon was still a medical student. Arnall finds in all of these texts an important continuity: glimpses of “another, subterranean Fanon bubbling volcanically beneath the dominant form of analysis and occasionally exploding to the surface” (43). It’s a deeply impressive reading. But as he draws our attention to this continuity, we sometimes lose the differences in genre, situation, and address that distinguish these disparate texts. In particular, it feels odd to describe the work being done by a play as “analysis.” Granted, Parallel Hands is, among its other faults, a fairly transparent political allegory. But the distinctions between Fanon’s dramaturgy and his clinical writing, between the deeply poetic passages of Black Skin, White Masks and the self-conscious propagandizing he did for El Moudjahid, between the moments of crystal clarity and those where by his own admission he seeks to induce in his readers a form of vertigo: surely these demand that any attempt to trace continuities must also grapple with Fanon’s disparate genres, voices, and methods. Arnall’s impressive work in tracing a dominant and subterranean Fanon through his body of work provides an important way to think about the problem of political change, in both Fanon’s time and in our own. But there are moments when Arnall’s reading threatens to turn Fanon into a writer who is solely a political theorist, even when he is writing plays or clinical notes or memoiristic essays. Fanon is unquestionably a political theorist. But he is also many other things.

    It may be that I’m demanding the impossible, praising Arnall for tracing this continuity between the dominant and subterranean Fanon so brilliantly and doggedly while also demanding attention to the many other Fanons whose voices make themselves known in his work. But engaging the impossible is precisely what collective intellectual and political work is for. At its best, a field like Fanon studies can be precisely that: collective work towards liberation, inspired by a thinker for whom liberation was always at the center of all he wrote and did. Subterranean Fanon is a necessary book for this collective liberatory work, and readers of Fanon will be deeply grateful for it.

    Anthony Alessandrini teaches English at Kingsborough Community College and Middle Eastern Studies at the CUNY Graduate Center. He is the author of Frantz Fanon and the Future of Cultural Politics; the editor of Frantz Fanon: Critical Perspectives; and the co-editor of “Resistance Everywhere”: The Gezi Protests and Dissident Visions of Turkey. His book Decolonize Multiculturalism is forthcoming.

    Footnotes

    1. I refer specifically to the reception of Fanon’s work in English; the French reception of Fanon’s work has been quite different and, with some important exceptions, more belated. For an excellent overview of this reception, see Magali Bessone’s introduction to the 2011 edition of Fanon’s Oeuvres, “Frantz Fanon, en équilibre sur la color line” (23–43). I’m grateful to Professor Bessone for illuminating conversations about the French reception of Fanon’s work.

    2. Much of Fanon’s writing—including his medical writings—remained widely dispersed until the publication of the invaluable collection Ecrits sur l’aliénation et la liberté (translated as Alienation and Freedom), edited by Jean Khalfa and Robert J. C. Young. Among their other important archival achievements, Khalfa and Young discovered and published typescripts of two plays Fanon had written in his twenties: The Drowning Eye and Parallel Hands.

    3. It seems important to note that I’m not just an observer of the field of Fanon studies but a participant in it, so I have my own stakes here. In particular, I have tried to argue against this very division of Fanon’s work into “early” and “late”; see Alessandrini (75–100).

    Works Cited

    • Alessandrini, Anthony C. Frantz Fanon and the Future of Cultural Politics: Finding Something Different. Lexington Books, 2014.
    • Bessone, Magali. “Frantz Fanon, en équilibre sur la color line.”
    • Fanon, Oeuvres, pp. 23–43. Fanon, Frantz. Alienation and Freedom. Edited by Jean Khalifa and Robert J. C. Young, translated by Steven Corcoran, Bloomsbury, 2018.
    • ———. Ecrits sur l’aliénation et la liberté. Edited by Jean Khalifa and Robert J. C. Young, Paris, La Découverte, 2015.
    • ———. Oeuvres. Paris, La Découverte, 2011.
    • ———. The Wretched of the Earth. Translated by Richard Philcox, Grove, 2004.
    • Gordon, Lewis R. Fanon and the Crisis of European Man: An Essay on Philosophy and the Human Sciences. Routledge, 1995.
    • ———. What Fanon Said: A Philosophical Introduction to His Life and Thought. Fordham UP, 2015.
    • Mbembe, Achille. Critique of Black Reason. Translated by Laurent Dubois, Duke UP, 2017.
    • ———. “L’universalité de Frantz Fanon.” Fanon, Oeuvres, pp. 9–21. Robinson, Cedric. “The Appropriation of Frantz Fanon.” Race & Class, vol. 35, no.1, 1993, pp. 79–91.
    • Sekyi-Otu, Ato. Fanon’s Dialectic of Experience. Harvard UP, 1996.

  • “CCTV” Visual Text by Chantal Peñalosa & Jose-Luis Moctezuma

    Video

    JLM:

    wearing a brown
    unisex apron
    the hands that pertain to the arm
    and the arms that belong to the shoulders
    and the shoulders that weave the delicate fabric
    of nerves and arteries and musculature
    what we call the mind or the self
    or the voice that speaks to you
    within this system of cloud-
    drift and gesture
    
    assembles
    and then
    
    polishes
    
    a series of knives –
    forks – spoons –
    arranged on a
    table
    
    face concealed,
    the light stores up
    the color
    and a wave-
    crash of gray static
    freezes every
    
    thing ex-
    cept a circum-
    flex in aeternum
    
    the angle of repose
    for the eye
    deranges a movement
    where the hand
    and the heart
    hold the metal
    
    invisible to
    the camera’s
    caduceus
    
    & its repetitions
    announce an un-
    suturing of labor
    
    from its place-
    meant

    CP:

    19 de octubre del 2012
    7:05 am
    Viernes
    Llego
    Digo buenos días
    Afuera la luz es nueva y la calle lleva el sonido de algunos carros
    Adentro enciendo la luz del comedor y la atmósfera se vuelve más amarilla, contrasta con los
    azules que veo desde la ventana.
    También enciendo la radio, radiolatina es la estación que me dicen que ponga en las mañanas.
    La cafetera ya está lista pero sé que tal vez nadie llegue hoy.
    Afuera todo es movimiento, en los árboles, en los cables 
    de luz y en una bolsa de Sabritas que pasa
    rodando por la calle, son los vientos de Santa Ana que
    hacen que todo cobre vida.

    JLM:

    “they believed that the worst punishment imaginable was a bullshit job”
    
    a hillside does not have a job but what does it do?
    
    the grass serenading the hillside does not have a job so what does it do?
    
    the flies leaping in the shit-stained grass in the field do not have a job but what do they do?
    
    the fingers dancing do not have a job so what do they do?
    
    what is the role of a hand when the rest of the body is performing a job?
    
    what does the body know of the hand when it falls asleep on the clock?
    
     
    
    sisyphus does not have a job so what does he do? what did he do to deserve this?
    
    I write letters to everyone I know:
    
    a letter to my manager a letter to
    
    my neighbor’s dog a letter to the
    
    grate at the end of the door a letter
    
    to my primos across the border
    
    a letter to the myopic tecolotes
    
    who patiently wait for the light-
    
    house to burn down a letter to
    
    the grasses in the earth’s mouth &
    
    the mushrooms and the mosses
    
    a letter to the rust that can’t sit
    
    still in the chromatisms of a chair
    
    that sits in the rain and sits still
    
    a letter to the pentagon in the
    
    heart of the inner country a letter
    
    to ward off the nine eyes of google
    
    a letter that represents the alchemy
    
    of consonants but never the vowels
    
    a letter that rewards long penitence
    
    after much degradation and sweat
    
    a letter to the bottles of salt carefully
    
    positioned to mimic coastal erosion
    
    a letter for the left hand who writes
    
    to the right hand of what happens on
    
    the other side of the screen that divides
    
    the body from its cloud of wires & skin

    CP:

    Sobre la Avenida México hay una batalla
    comienza a las 6 am
    De un lado suena el himno nacional mexicano, del otro lado suena el himno nacional de Estados
    Unidos.
    El gobierno le regaló a la ciudad un reloj conmemorativo de la independencia.
    a ciertas horas suena una canción
    A las 6:00 am el himno nacional
    A medio día suena la vikinga
    A las 4 el cachanilla
    Y a las 6 cielito lindo
    La idea era que las canciones marcaran diariamente las horas de los habitantes.
    
    Un mes después de que instalaran el reloj. Los de la border patrol comenzaron a poner el himno
    nacional de Estados Unidos a la misma hora, a todo volumen desde la camioneta que se estaciona
    todos los días en la cima de una loma para vigilar la frontera.
    Las vecinas dicen que es la batalla de las 6:00 am sobre la Avenida México.

    JLM:

    the network is a series of cameras in a closed-circuit telepathy
    the tele-vision in the mind erects a structure of feeling
    the network is a series of empty gestures in a black box
    the border is a series of plateaus in which we intensify and speak in tongues
    the network is a refraction in the glass that slices the eye open
    the camera is a room inside a stanza inside a poem inside a box inside a bottle
    the network is a series of views of the end of the world
    
    a view of Antwerp awash in its grime and mercury
    
    a view of several large cranes and shipyards and maybe a crack pipe
    
    a view of the Global City
    
    a view of merchants and tradesmen and longue-durée economics and maybe a syringe
    
    a view of a book written by Roberto Bolaño in 1980
    
    a view of diamonds in the River Scheldt
    
    a diamond sea (a view of)
    
    a view of not one sea (the north sea) but many seas
    
    a view of diamonds hence the Diamond Sutra
    
    a view of World-Systems-Theory
    
    a view of Subhuti respectfully asking the Buddha if he would like Dunkin Donuts
    
    a view of diamonds being dunked into a pool of blood in slow motion for a music video
    
    a view of the World Bank from the banks of Port-au-prince
    
    a view of the Age of Explorations
    
    a view of broken factory windows because they are always broken
    
    a view of fork-tongued white men in armor bearing contracts
    
    a view of contractual relations in the Antwerp of the 1600s
    
    a view of someone lying completely utterly still in a cage
    
    a view of several cages, emptied
    
    a view of someone else in a cage who is looking at the camera
    
    a view of the Ever Given terminally stuck in the evergreen waters of the Suez Canal from the satellites of Antwerp’s business district
    
    a view of the Evergrande Liquidity Crisis from the living room of a sinjoren
    
    a view of hands in vinyl gloves carefully fabricating time – one brushstroke at a time

    CP:

    Pasaban avionetas muy a lo lejos haciendo piruetas en los cielos de Tecate, y cada vez que la estela aparecía, escuchaba decir a la gente: son los americanos, ya están otra vez tirando hielo para que llueva.
    
    There’s something about the weather of this place.

    JLM:

    the hand is no longer free
    from the organs
    and their conspiracy
    
    my body
    like a dandelion
    grows
    
    in the crevice
    of someone else’s
    vision
    
    my tremulous
    soul like a fly wavering
    in its inertia
    
    can find no signal
    in the noise of the flesh
    or the poisoned air
    
    and yet I resume
    my work – this aimless labor
    at reconstructing time
    
    I polish
    the spoons and see
    my face in them
    
    one after
    another one
    after another
    one
    after
    
    another –
    
    “dear managers of
    human arrangement:
    
    I am writing to report
    that
    inside the onion
    all the constructs of labor
    rest concealed
    like the blade sleeping
    inside a knife
    at vanishing point
    
    inside the worker
    a salt accrues
    and builds up builds up
    builds up until it spills
    out at the moment
    an onion is bladed open
    
    inside time are all
    the rudiments of labor:
    
    a worker – a rustworn onion –
    a knife-all-blade –
    glass bottles pregnant with salt and tears
    and the effort to keep from vanishing”

    CP:

    Lo habían encomendado a subir una roca hasta la cima de una montaña
    Desde donde la piedra volvia a caer por su propio peso.
    Habían pensado que no hay castigo más terrible que el trabajo inútil.
    Lo unico que vemos es el esfuerzo de un cuerpo para levantar la piedra
    Y subirla por una pendiente cien veces recorrida
    El rostro crispado, la mejilla pegada a la piedra,
    La tension de los brazos,
    La seguridad enteramente humana de dos manos llenas de tierra.
    Una vez arriba, la piedra desciende al pie de la montaña.
    Desde donde habra de volver a subirla hasta la cima
    Solo para verla bajar de nuevo a la llanura.
    Todo su ser se dedica a no acabar nada.

  • Climates of the Absurd in Chantal Peñalosa and José-Luis Moctezuma’s “CCTV”

    Judith Goldman (bio)

    Embedded in an unassuming point on the 1,952-mile Mexico-US border, the scene of counter-surveillance that ends “CCTV”—the collaborative video-poem by Mexican multimedia artist Chantal Peñalosa and Xicano poet José-Luis Moctezuma presented here—subverts through an aestheticized, albeit still uncanny surreality. Rising to the pro-voyeuristic height of the cop car on the hill, the rooftop sitter stages a standoff that, in this landscape, parodically echoes a Western shootout, but more so invokes a laser-like Magrittean absurdity, suggested even more strongly by the perpetual cloud panel of the dual-channel video.1 The cross-border filmic perspective from the Mexican side meets the surreal with the surreal, drafting the border patrol into an Ionesco anti-play that exposes the police’s own theater of the absurd. The real abstraction of the border is taunted by what Moctezuma calls “system of cloud,” continually asserting its impertinent, blissful autonomy from nation states and their would-be compartmentalization. Elsewhere in the piece, Peñalosa verbally reports a cognate scene: blaring the US national anthem as a sonic duel, the US border patrol aggresses through a cacophonous miasma inversely made of nationalism. If the hourly musical interludes of the town clock help create a shared habitus and specifically Mexican identity for inhabitants, that acoustically grounded form of life is degraded by a trespassing neo-imperial counterblast.2 Another of her prose passages registers yet further Yanqui climate control, weather modification through cloud-seeding: “son los americanos, ya están otra vez tirando hielo para que llueva.”3 At the end of this closing segment of inside-out domestic arrangements, a new shot captures a street sweeper raising dust, the dingy street, and the mere serviceability of the domicile: the aesthetic is desublimated, and we end by viewing its supports.

    Such a focus on the revelatory “back-of-the-house” echoes the moments in the poem-video that feature service labor in a typical café, or rather the ritualized, compulsive doubles of such tasks. In this sousveillance video, Peñalosa works her actual day job as a subversive form of maintenance art, treading an infra-thin line between work and work-like tasks that points to the hollowness of alienated service labor through repetition, hypertrophied duration, and useless perfectionism (even if, in the case of polishing a spoon, it produces a version of Self-portrait in a Convex Mirror). If “la perruque,” as theorized by Michel de Certeau, is a form of time-theft as an employee does work for themself in the guise of work for an employer, surely by surreptitiously turning her wage labor at the café into sessions in an artist studio, Peñalosa engages in the practice; yet since her art, made on the boss’s clock, assumes the mode of an exaggeration of her work tasks, it also forces la perruque into a paradoxical form.4 Over against a perverse, excessive, messy, inefficient attention to saltshaker levels (Duchamp anyone?, and don’t the other workers [managers?] seem on the cusp of noticing?), Peñalosa’s miniature theater of hand and object nonetheless also possesses a certain tenderness. It seems to sacralize these mundane tasks and to make real and felt the time in which they are performed, as in the care with which the entire surface of a copy of Chihuahuan novelist Jesús Gardea’s novel Sóbol (1985) is painted with coffee grounds by gloved hands and then wiped clean— taking up almost a minute and a half of the ten-minute piece—an act of inoperative undoing saturated with intention.5 With her commentary on interior ambience and an external ambient, Peñalosa also keeps the atmospheric in focus.

    José-Luis Moctezuma’s poetics of interaction with the video seek neither to frame nor to explicate the visual feed.6 The relation of his poetry to the video is further complicated by Peñalosa’s own verbal contributions to the piece, which consist of excerpts from her work diary. The ekphrastic mode of some of Moctezuma’s verse mimics and signifies on Peñalosa’s understated filmic style (in part due to much of the video’s status as workplace footage unobtrusively obtained) as well as on the performance of the labor being filmed. Akin to the iterations of hyphenated enjambment, “the hands that pertain to the arm / and the arms that belong to the shoulders” grammatically echo Peñalosa’s own explorations of labor’s dysintegral alienation, “an un-suturing of labor / / from its place- / meant,” its repression of “what we call the mind or the self” that is nonetheless also present. The poetry also collaborates with and extends the video’s attention to, for instance, the fly’s guest performance by imagining in a negative register the proletarianization of every element of these scenes. It responds to the beautifully whimsical, reflexively gratuitous video segments by repeating, as though in a children’s book, the question of the legibility of being outside capital’s labor regime: “the grass serenading the hillside does not have a job so what does it do?” The speaker’s later litany of epistolary addressees likewise personifies, using the quaint figure of the letter to establish such a meaningful counterworld. Yet a mournful mise-en-abyme characterizes his final lyric section written in the persona of the hapless worker, capturing the void in wage labor in a compressed sestina.

    The impetus for “CCTV” was the Live Magazine Show performance event in 2021’s sixday Lit y Luz Festival (Chicago), a yearly translingual gathering bringing artists and writers from Mexico and the United States into conversation through cross-arts collaboration.7 Paired with Peñalosa without their being previously acquainted, Moctezuma urged her to send selections from existing work. Responding as well to the festival’s theme of “Structure,” “CCTV” recycles outtakes from a number of her videos, such as La rutina de un tenedor [Fork routine] and Amberes [Antwerp], made during her artist residency in Antwerp and later shown in an exhibition of artworks focusing on Roberto Bolaño’s eponymous 1981 novella (Moctezuma, “Conversation”).8 In part through Moctezuma’s poetic intervention, the resulting montage of self-citation becomes itself an integral work, drawing out commonalities of concern, approach, and aesthetics across her oeuvre. While in Peñalosa’s case the title “CCTV” alludes ironically to her act of turning the camera on her workplace, CCTV is also a trope in Moctezuma’s major first book of poems, Place-Discipline, much of which theorizes how the interpenetration of digital capitalism, algorithmic governance, and surveillance racializes the urban space of Chicago. Mid-poem here, Moctezuma concatenates the trope of CCTV with other figures of involuted closed circuits: border enclosure, black box, camera as la cámara (in Spanish also “chamber”), and poetic stanzas, perhaps a recessed allusion to Dante’s theory of stanza and the canzone structure in De vulgari eloquentia (the Italian word stanza means “room”).9 Meditating on the segment that features the port of Antwerp, Moctezuma reveals its history as a colonial entrepôt that continues into its present as a global nexus that exceeds its locale—a bravura iteration of a micro-genre germane to political economy in which a single point is dilated into the full fan of its capitalist capillarity.10

    It’s perhaps not clear whether a set of fingers walking up and then down the switchbacks of a mountain path, through a trick of scale and perspective, is meant to emblematize Sisyphus. In “The Myth of Sisyphus,” Camus sees any act as capable of producing a friction of confrontation with meaninglessness that yields what he calls the “climate of the absurd” [“le climat de l’absurdité”], yet he also singles out artistic creation as particularly revelatory, a “dogged revolt against [the human] condition . . . All that ‘for nothing,’ in order to repeat and mark time” (85). Art should be anti-redemptive, a matter of disciplined, focused emulation of existential absurdity: “A little thought estranges from life whereas much thought reconciles to life. Incapable of refining the real, thought pauses to mimic it” (75). Art “adopts the experience of a life and assumes its shape” (84). Peñalosa’s practice might be considered conceptualist insofar as it often involves a verbatim annexation of “reality,” whether in video or in words, that Camus, with his focus on philosophy and the novel, would not recognize or imagine as potentially paradigmatic of the art he valorizes. The last passage from “CCTV” quotes from the final section of Camus’s essay, which offers his forcibly ironic, counterintuitive interpretation of the myth. Intriguingly, Peñalosa cites Camus’s description of Sisyphus’s embodied labor of perpetually pushing the rock, rather than the passage just following it, here:

    The workman of today works every day in his life at the same tasks, and this fate is no less absurd. . . . Sisyphus, proletarian of the gods, powerless and rebellious, knows the whole extent of his wretched condition . . . If the descent is thus sometimes performed in sorrow, it can also take place in joy. . . . One does not discover the absurd without being tempted to write a manual of happiness. . . . This universe henceforth without a master seems to him neither sterile nor futile. Each atom of that stone, each mineral flake of that night-filled mountain, in itself forms a world. (90–91)

    One is struck, too, by the essay’s relation to Moctezuma’s responsive radical apostrophizing: “The absurd man, when he contemplates his torment, silences all the idols. In the universe suddenly restored to its silence, the myriad wondering little voices of the earth rise up” (Camus 91). In its too-close human tracings that open onto the inhuman, “CCTV” may not offer a manual of happiness. But it does model a bracingly lucid futility speaking our contemporary.

    Judith Goldman is the author of four books of poetry, most recently agon (Operating System 2017), and a number of articles on contemporary poetry and poetics; she has performed her work nationally and internationally. In 2019–2020, a collaborative, multi-media installation Open Waters [Northwest Passage + Open Polar Sea + Arctic Plastic] was exhibited at the Burchfield Penney Art Center in Buffalo, NY. Goldman is Associate Professor in the Department of English at SUNY, Buffalo, where she directs its Poetics Program. She is also the Poetry Features Editor for Postmodern Culture.

    Footnotes

    1. Many paintings by René Magritte use a cloud motif (for instance, Le faux miroir [The False Mirror] (1929); La condition humaine [The Human Condition] (1933); La vengeance [Revenge] (c.1938–9). The constant presence of the cloud channel in the work was a collaborative decision of the artists, and connects with a photographic diptych by Peñalosa, in which a cloud formation is imaged from Tecate, California, USA and Tecate, Baja California, Mexico.

    2. I adopt this thought from Corbin, Village Bells.

    3. For a brilliant discussion of this issue, see Weizman and Sheikh, The Conflict Shoreline.

    4. See De Certeau’s discussion of “la perruque” in The Practice of Everyday Life, 24–28.

    5. Núria Vilanova discusses Gardea’s textualization of the border and literary aesthetics organized and motivated by the desert landscape over a number of novels in “Another Textual Frontier”; Sóbol is known for its sonic experimentation.

    6. “Explicitation” is a term used by literary theorist Antoine Berman in “Translation and the Trials of the Foreign” (1985) to name a translator’s deformation of a text through the incorporation of explanatory language that destroys a work’s style, its intended opacity, reticence, or sense of mystery. I stretch this term here to cover how ekphrastic verse can overexplain its visual instigator.

    7. Information about the Lit y Luz organization and festival schedules quoted from their website www.litluz.org.

    8. For more on this exhibition, see the website at Museum of Contemporary Art, Antwerp: https://www.muhka.be/programme/detail/1316-amberes-.

    9. See, for instance, the epigraph from the second book of De vulgari eloquentia that heads Giorgio Agamben’s Stanzas: “And here one must know that this term (stanza) has been chosen for technical reasons exclusively, so that what contains the entire art of the canzone should be called stanza, that is, a capacious dwelling or receptacle for the entire craft” (vii). A longer form of “CCTV” (still related to, but not choreographed with the video) written by Moctezuma plays extensively on sonic and conceptual puns around chamber, stanza, and a camera that films. Undoubtedly, many of my thoughts on the collaboration discussed here derive from reading Moctezuma’s longer work; many thanks to the author.

    10. The port of Antwerp is still one of the largest in Europe. The city opened the first bourse in 1531 and remained a center of finance through much of the sixteenth century; it was the “sugar capital” of Europe, importing from Spanish and Portuguese plantations, and is still known for its diamond industry. See “Antwerp.”

    Works Cited

    • Agamben, Giorgio. Stanzas: Word and Phantasm in Western Culture. Translated by Ronald L. Martinez, U of Minnesota P, 1993.
    • “Antwerp.” Wikipedia, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Antwerp. Accessed 2 Mar. 2022.
    • Berman, Antoine. “Translation and the Trials of the Foreign.” The Translation Studies Reader, edited and translated by Lawrence Venuti, 2nd ed., Routledge, 2004, pp. 276–289.
    • Camus, Albert. Le myth de Sisyphe. Paris, Éditions Gallimard, 1942. Faded Page, https://www.fadedpage.com/books/20160912/html.php. Accessed 3 Mar. 2022.
    • ———. The Myth of Sisyphus and Other Essays. Translated by Justin O’Brien, Vintage, 1955.
    • Corbin, Alain. Village Bells: Sound and Meaning in the Nineteenth-Century French Countryside. Translated by Martin Thom, Columbia UP, 1998.
    • De Certeau, Michel. The Practice of Everyday Life. Translated by Steven Rendall, U of California P, 1984.
    • Moctezuma, José-Luis. Place-Discipline. Omnidawn, 2018.
    • ———. Personal communication with author. 28 Jan 2022.
    • Vilanova, Núria. “Another Textual Frontier: Contemporary Fiction on the Northern Mexican Border.” Bulletin of Latin American Research, vol. 21, no. 1, Jan. 2002, pp. 73–98.
    • Weizman, Eyal and Fazal Sheikh. The Conflict Shoreline: Colonization as Climate Change in the Negev Desert. Göttingen, Steidl in association with Cabinet Books, 2015.

  • Horrible Beauty: Robin Coste Lewis’s Black Aesthetic Practice

    Matthew Scully (bio)

    Abstract

    In Voyage of the Sable Venus and Other Poems (2015), Robin Coste Lewis deploys “horrible beauty” as a dissensual aesthetic experience that challenges the perceiving subject. To experience horrible beauty, in Lewis’s poetry, is to be called to reflect on and critique the pathologies of whiteness upheld and perpetuated by aesthetic scenes, as well as to reframe what has been rendered either invisible or hypervisible. By arresting the perceiving subject, horrible beauty functions as a political aesthetic in its critique of the ways that regimes of race, gender, and sexuality both shape and foreclose experience.

    In an interview with Matthew Sharpe, Robin Coste Lewis describes her confrontation with Thomas Stothard’s eighteenth-century etching, The Voyage of the Sable Venus, from Angola to the West Indies, which provides her 2015 poetry collection and its lengthy central poem sequence their titles and genesis:

    It’s really horrible. It’s beautiful and horrible simultaneously. It’s a redux of the Botticelli Venus on the half-shell, except this “Venus” is a black woman. Like Botticelli’s Venus, she’s attended by all these classical figures, but then you notice something in Triton’s or Neptune’s hand. Instead of the usual trident, he’s carrying a flag of the Union Jack! So it’s a pro-slavery image. (“Robin Coste Lewis”)1

    Though Lewis begins by denouncing the image as horrible, her description first signals its presumably beautiful characteristics, such as the representation of a black woman in the image of Botticelli’s Venus.2 The Union Jack suddenly introduces contextual reference—“but then you notice something”—which subverts the initial sensation of the image as beautiful. Lewis can only describe the simultaneity of the image’s beauty and horror in narrative sequence. A feeling of repulsion interrupts the attractive feeling of pleasure generated by Lewis’s aesthetic encounter, and this surprising shock of the horrible—signaled both by her sudden “notice” of the image’s context and by her exclamatory remark—frames her re-narration of the encounter. Lewis articulates the conjunction of the beautiful and the horrible as a conjunction of the aesthetic and the historical, which produces a disjunctive and dissensual experience for the perceiving subject, one that fractures sensible coherence. As John Brooks points out, Lewis narrates “the intersection of aesthetics with politics” in this encounter with a historically-specific image (239). Lewis’s description of this experience also inverts the apparent order of her sensations in a chiasmus—the movement from beauty to horror becomes reframed as a movement from horror to beauty—which performatively reenacts the disjunctive nature of her aesthetic encounter and its torsion. In “Boarding the Voyage,” Lewis similarly claims that she “fell in love with the Sable Venus at first sight” and experienced a “simple delight” with the substitution of a white woman by a black woman (00:18:52-19:06). At the same time, she insists on the difficulty of the image—its “atrocious irony” (00:16:26-30)—and the problematic logic of mere replacement, which does nothing to challenge the more fundamental structural racism against black women (00:19:06-27).3 Lewis’s description highlights the way in which the image seduces its perceivers, yet she also acknowledges the horrifying realization of the violent and exclusionary norms inherent in it. Lewis’s shift from an aesthetic encounter to a scene of interpellation registers the complicity between sensory experience and modes of being and knowing.4

    These conjunctions of the beautiful and horrible, as well as of the aesthetic and the epistemological, constitute a crucial aspect of Lewis’s poetics in her first collection, which opens with the dedication “for Beauty.” Lewis ought to be read, therefore, as both a poet and an aesthetic theorist. While much of the critical commentary on Lewis has—quite reasonably— focused on her intervention in the archive and its particular historicity, I argue that Lewis’s poetry develops an aesthetic of horrible beauty in order to challenge the logics structuring racist and sexist representations.5 As Rizvana Bradley and Denise Ferreira da Silva have recently emphasized, these political, social, and cultural projects are constituted by the aesthetic. Monique Roelofs and David Lloyd have similarly shown that modern racializing regimes depend on aesthetics. Roelofs, for example, argues that race and aesthetics “saturate one another” to such an extent that they cannot be isolated (29–30). In this introductory section, I consider the implications of horrible beauty as a political and aesthetic category for Lewis. Situated within contemporary black aesthetics and alongside poets invested in (re)appropriating cultural and archival materials, including Claudia Rankine, Dionne Brand, and M. NourbeSe Philip, Lewis refuses to separate beauty from impurities and historical realities. More specifically, Lewis’s conception of horrible beauty intervenes in contemporary approaches to aesthetics that center questions of race, gender, and sexuality. Similar to “wounded beauty,” which foregrounds the “vertiginous experience” of beauty that inaugurates “crises of identification” (Cheng 196), “terrible beauty,” which characterizes a beauty “bound up with the arousal of discomforting emotions” (Korsmeyer 52), and the “ugly beauty of the postmodern” that describes something such as the “magnolia” covering over antiblack violence in Billie Holiday’s “Strange Fruit” (Young 221), horrible beauty names a political aesthetic that works both to fracture the consensual formations of the white aesthetic regime and to open a space for other sensible worlds and experiences.

    What I call horrible beauty, following Lewis, therefore overlaps in many ways with these alternative designations, though it is most closely aligned with “terrible beauty.” Carolyn Korsmeyer suggests that “terrible beauty shades towards horror and other aesthetic categories” and that terrible beauties can generate “a zone where terror and horror, beauty and sublimity and ugliness, can be difficult to distinguish” (63). In this essay, however, I prefer horrible beauty not simply because it draws from language used by Lewis herself, but because the horrible more precisely describes the poetic movements in Voyage of the Sable Venus that aim, somewhat paradoxically, to arrest us. In my estimation, while Korsmeyer makes a misleading conflation when she associates the terrible and the horrible, Adriana Cavarero offers a helpful correction by emphasizing that the horrible is only problematically associated with fear, which more accurately follows the feeling of terror (8). Rather than an experience of fear “manifested in a trembling body,” horror “has to do with repugnance,” and its physical symptom is more typically a state of paralysis, of “feeling frozen” (7–8). In what follows, the processes of aesthetic experience will be described as dialectical, yet the horrible paradoxically arrests these movements. Horrible beauty fixes the beholder, much as Lewis is fixed by Stothard’s etching, in a paralyzing state of attraction and repulsion.

    Several of Lewis’s readers have responded to this antagonistic movement and paralysis of horrible beauty. Leah Mirakhor, for example, frames her interview with Lewis by announcing that Voyage of the Sable Venus “captures how beauty and brutality often exist not only simultaneously but also symbiotically, particularly in depictions of black female figures” (“Door”). Francine Prose remarks that “Lewis’s book doesn’t diminish our enjoyment of art but rather enhances it by encouraging us to formulate a more conscious way of thinking about what we are seeing.” With a slightly but importantly different emphasis, Lewis admits that she wants to make her readers “uncomfortable” (“Robin Coste Lewis: ‘Black Joy’”). This essay extends these reflections on the conjunction of horror and beauty to explore Lewis’s poetic reconfigurations of blackness and aesthetics. In doing so, I elucidate the precise feelings of discomfort, as well as of possibility, generated by Lewis’s poetry. Rather than a project of liberal inclusion, Lewis’s poetics of horrible beauty aims to reorient us to the aesthetic scene in order to sense anew or differently what has already been within its frame. As Lewis argues, “the entire history of human beings is a history of erasure” (“Race” 00:03:06–15), and in her poetry “horrible beauty” functions as an erasure of this erasure by drawing attention to ways in which the aesthetic field frames—and elides—its subjects.6

    My emphasis on horrible beauty also aims to complement, rather than conflict with, Lewis’s insistence that “black joy” is her “primary aesthetic” (“‘Black Joy’”). Lewis reflects on the fact that black life appears saturated by “love and beauty,” yet with an “undertow of profound terror, a terror inspired and supported by the state”; an experience, in other words, of “rich contradiction.”7 Lewis’s attention to the horrible enables her to transpose this terror into a repulsive object, one that can be remade. In every poem, Lewis asserts, “Beauty is what I’m after.” Horrible beauty constitutes the space within which black joy appears, and they are therefore the two contradictory sides of Lewis’s aesthetic project. Horrible beauty names the production of the sensible and insensible fabrics of black life, a schema in which blackness often gets “muted” by the horrifying exclusions of white hegemony. Yet, in a dialectical reversal, horrible beauty turns this senseless violence—or violence of the senseless—against the aesthetic regime. In the space that opens up, or even within this space of enclosure, black joy can appear. For Lewis, black joy emerges in spite of antiblackness, for “because of love and family and connection, our lives were gorgeous.” Black joy, then, is an insistence on connection and relationality, as well as on an experience of life and “a lot of fun,” despite the violence of white supremacy. Horrible beauty names the aesthetic frame of this experience of black joy within and against a space of antiblack violence. Horrible beauty’s antagonism potentially disrupts the order of things to make possible new links and new modes of connection. In this way, horrible beauty foregrounds for readers the dissensual nature of black joy, an experience that reconfigures the contradictory experiences of black life.

    A central strategy of the horrible beauty constitutive of Lewis’s poetics is the embodiment of aesthetic judgment: often, her speakers experience–and her poems figure–an affective encounter with the aesthetic, and this embodied or affective experience often depends on uncomfortable conjunctions. In “Pleasure & Understanding,” for instance, the speaker casually asserts, “Everything’s fucked up. Everything’s gorgeous. Even / Death contains pleasure,” before continuing a meditation on the antagonism between pleasure and understanding (129).8 Lewis’s emphasis on the body, and her poetry’s attempt to make its audience aware of the physical, of the felt sense of aesthetic experience that exceeds representational schemas, also marks an interest in blackness as excess. Writing about the most radical work of the Black Arts Movement, Margo Natalie Crawford argues, “the word ‘black’ always gestures to a profound overturning of the identity category ‘Negro’ and a desire to reenchant black humanity as much more than an identity category. ‘Black’ signaled excess, the power of the unthought” (3).9 In what follows, I argue that Lewis’s attention to the beautiful figures this excess and thus rebels against normative expectations. There is, then, a “fugitive” quality that defines horrible beauty precisely because it reframes and disfigures those aesthetic scenes that depend on an inaugural distortion and disfiguration of black life (Moten, Stolen Life 30).10 Horrible beauty’s antagonism of attraction and repulsion does not, however, prevent Lewis from lingering on its disjunctive experiences. Whereas Immanuel Kant suggests that “We linger in our contemplation of the beautiful, because this contemplation reinforces and reproduces itself” (68), Lewis and her poetic speakers linger not to reproduce their contemplations but to change them. To be arrested by horrible beauty is to be called to reflect on and critique the pathologies of whiteness upheld and perpetuated by the aesthetic regime, as well as to reframe what has been rendered either invisible or hypervisible.

    Reframing Beauty I: Race and Aesthetic Judgment

    Before turning to the title poem, which Lewis constructs by arranging titles and descriptions of already-existing artworks, I consider two brief poems, “Beauty’s Nest” and “Plantation,” to foreground Lewis’s articulations of the beautiful and of the subject who encounters violent processes of subjectivation in an aesthetic scene.11 These poems reveal horrible beauty as a way of accounting for a psycho-affective or libidinal subject, one constituted through racial, gender, and sexual regimes of identification. By aesthetic “scene” I refer to Saidiya V. Hartman’s notion of a “scene of subjection,” which frames “the enactment of subjugation and the constitution of the subject” in a movement of dialectical torsion (Scenes 4), as well as to Jacques Rancière’s notion that a scene is “a little optical machine that shows us thought busy weaving together perceptions, affects, names, and ideas, constituting the sensible community that makes such weaving thinkable” (Aisthesis xi). Because the scene seeks to “appropriate” and “reconsider” older objects and patterns, it potentially functions not only as a scene of subjection but also as one of emancipation (Rancière, Aisthesis xi). As Hartman argues, “the exercise of power” is “inseparable from its display” (Scenes 7). “Beauty’s Nest,” one of the brief poems in the collection’s first section, frames the paradoxes inherent in beauty in an effort to break apart its exercises of power.

    Like “Voyage,” “Beauty’s Nest” includes narrative components and conceptualizes beauty as a “nest.” Nest suggests both a space of incubation and an entanglement, both a place in which beauty resides and in which beauty appears as an assemblage. The conjunction of the title hints at something uncanny, as “nest” speaks to both the familiar and the unfamiliar aspects of beauty. The latter become increasingly foregrounded. Following the title, Lewis establishes the historical stage on which the content of the poem will take place: “JIM CROW WELCOMES YOU HOME / AFTER THE WAR, JUST AFTER MIDNIGHT / GRAND CANYON: 1951” (21). The poem of course asks its readers to interpret the “welcome” that Jim Crow offers as an ironic gesture. This complicates the suggestion that black veterans return “home,” because the “home” for which they fought conceptualizes them as subjugated and disposable. The poem takes place in an uncanny scene in which the homely and the unhomely appear coterminous. It achieves this effect in part by situating itself in a specific history, one determined by the violence and racism of Jim Crow.

    Given Lewis’s figure of the “nest,” Sigmund Freud’s intervention in “The Uncanny” and more recent configurations of the uncanny in the black Gothic offer reference points for the poem and its investment in reframing the beautiful.12 Freud describes his essay’s psychoanalytic intervention as a supplement to traditional aesthetics, “which in general prefer to concern themselves with what is beautiful, attractive and sublime—that is, with feelings of a positive nature—and with the circumstances and the objects that call them forth, rather than the opposite feelings of repulsion and distress” (619). The uncanny, as that which “arouses dread and horror,” supplements traditional aesthetics with a consideration of negative affects. The “doubling” effects that produce feelings of uncanniness—as in the doppelgängers of Jordan Peele’s Us (2019)—tend to proliferate and act as “a kind of fractal law of the Gothic” (Serpell). Sheri-Marie Harrison groups these trends under the “new black Gothic,” in which “Gothic tropes” function as a way “to make sense of black life in relation to the present-day neoliberal manifestations of white supremacy and the institutions it requires to maintain its violent dominance—institutions such as the police, the judicial system, and the NRA.” Where Harrison emphasizes “dark humor” as a characteristic of the uncanny representations of the new black Gothic, Lewis’s uncanny poetics emphasize instead a sense of paralysis. “Beauty’s Nest” fixes its subjects and readers so that they perceive the sensory deprivations of the white aesthetic regime, which in turn enables a new aesthetic construction.

    As in her encounter with the etching, in “Beauty’s Nest” Lewis stresses the imbrication of aesthetics and history as one of the sources for the subject’s disjunctive experience of attraction and repulsion. With the historical context of Jim Crow, “Beauty’s Nest” proceeds to describe a violence and horror inherent in beauty as inseparable from the violence and horror constructed within history. The poem incorporates autobiographical elements from Lewis’s life (“Black Joy”). Upon telling her father her experience of the beauty of the Grand Canyon, Lewis discovers he had been there but had not seen it. Following World War II, he and fellow black soldiers arrived at the Grand Canyon at night but were not allowed to stay in a hotel: “So there they stood in the pitch black looking at the darkness, unable to see the Grand Canyon, all because they at least wanted to say they had stood on the rim.” “Beauty’s Nest” provides a poetic occasion to “[use] our individual desires to connect to larger historical or natural themes.” This biographical context enriches our sense of the poem. It opens by describing “Beauty’s nest” as that which

    renders the body
    mute. An elegance
    so inconceivable,
    it’s violent. Extreme . . .

    (21)

    This “nest” overwhelms the body and possesses an “elegance” so extreme as to be “violent.” Already, the poem acknowledges this nest to have an uncanny structure; a nest refers to a place of security, a place of rest, yet the violent excess named by the speaker compromises that ostensible safety. The question, then, is not one of opposing aesthetic experiences but of the impurity of—or differential opposition within—the experience of the beautiful itself. As the beautiful in Lewis’s poetry elicits at once attraction and repulsion, it must be understood as imbricated with the horrifying. The racist scene reconstructed in “Beauty’s Nest” emphasizes that the attraction of the beautiful is always already repulsive, even as this repulsion also carries with it an inherent attraction. Whereas Lewis’s discussion of beauty and horror with which I began suggests a dialectical chiasmus, “Beauty’s Nest” shows not an oscillation between positions but the structuring antagonism inherent in horrible beauty. Claire Schwartz in fact reads “Plantation,” a poem to which I will soon turn, as an articulation of the way that “desire entangles repulsion and attraction” (230). The ambivalence of horrible beauty in “Beauty’s Nest” reveals how racial schemas both produce and foreclose sensible experiences. Lewis’s conjunction of the beautiful and the horrible as an uncanny encounter between “feelings of a positive nature” and “feelings of repulsion and distress” stages the beautiful’s simultaneous generation of attraction and repulsion, precisely because the subject is always a particular— rather than universal—effect of processes of subjectivation.

    Lewis’s description of the body as “mute” in the opening stanza of “Beauty’s Nest” also invokes synesthesia to emphasize the embodied sensations of horrible beauty. Though the body tends to be thought of as mute already, to mute the body suggests unreadability. This disruption of sensation and legibility continues when the speaker describes the experience of seeing the Grand Canyon:

      It hurts
    the heart to see
    something so vast and deep
    can also be made of dirt.

    (21)

    Sight reveals the incongruity of the Grand Canyon’s vastness and its base matter, and the speaker links this visual sensation to the heart rather than to the subject. Although the heart cannot be said to “feel,” it is a metonym for the center of feeling. Lewis continues this strategy in the second stanza, when the speaker asks,

    And if it can be
    of the earth, the body
    ponders, might
    such a landscape
    exist also within me?

    (21)

    Again, “the body” does not literally “ponder.” These descriptions of synesthesia articulate a conjunction and disjunction of sensation, which perhaps speaks to the violence perceived when the beautiful and the horrible merge, as well as when the sensory and cognitive appear complicit. There is a disorienting conflation of an aesthetic scene with an epistemological one in the poem. “The body” can refer both to a particular body and to a generalized body, which is played out in the third stanza when four figures are introduced. As the poem develops, these sensations are shared across modes of sensibility by a particular body or by bodies in common. Lewis engages, then, with a common feeling or common sense. Rancière argues, via Schiller, for a rereading of “[a]esthetic common sense” as “a dissensual common sense” that “challenges the distribution of the sensible” (“Lyotard” 98): Lewis’s poem in its disjunctive synesthesia stages this dissensual common sense in the encounter with horrible beauty it describes. But where Rancière preserves a notion of common sense to radicalize it, Lewis’s disjunctions emphasize that racialized and gendered notions of the “human” and of who counts as “Man” depend on a common sense that appears common only “through the constitutive excommunication” of “figures who nevertheless come to haunt Man as the bearers of an ontological dissonance, an immanent declension, we might call blackness” (Bradley and Ferreira da Silva). In Lewis’s poetry, common sense only appears as catachresis, that is, as a figural articulation with no literal referent.

    “Beauty’s Nest” turns away from these observations in the third stanza to the “YOU” referenced in the setting description. This turn reveals the double temporality structuring the poem. The opening stanzas present to the reader an encounter with the beauty of the Grand Canyon which, despite the “1951” date, seems to be taking place in a non-specific moment. By contrast, the closing stanzas more clearly focus on the figures in a specific moment in the past (1951) referenced by the opening “YOU.” Considering the poem’s autobiographical context, we might read this double temporality as the convergence of Lewis’s and her father’s experience. At the outset of the third stanza, the speaker introduces “four” “uniformed” figures on the “rim” of the Grand Canyon. While the reader thus understands the “you” to refer to these figures, “you” nonetheless interpellates the reader, producing a potentially uncanny experience of doubling and reversal, for the reader-beholder suddenly becomes the read-beheld. Such a shift vertiginously changes our positionality within this aesthetic scene: “to be for the beholder is to be able to mess up or mess with the beholder. It is the potential of being catalytic. Beholding is always the entrance into a scene, into the context of the other, of the object” (Moten, In the Break 235). The opening of the third stanza reads as an uncanny repetition, as another beginning for the poem, in part because it places the reader uncomfortably into a scene, one that repeats or restages the scene at the poem’s outset. Ironically, these figures cannot see the beauty before them because they have arrived here at night:

      the imagination tries
    to conceive all the things
    it is still too dark
    to see.

    (21)

    “Beauty’s nest” remains inaccessible to these four because of the pervasive darkness of night. Instead of perceiving natural beauty before them, they must rely on their imagination to construct the image of the Grand Canyon. Yet one cannot imagine an aesthetic experience of the beautiful. By definition the beautiful must initially be experienced; that is, the subject must be confronted by a presentation of something that they may then judge to be beautiful (Kant 44–5). After this judgment, the beautiful object or experience may be recollected, but the encounter itself must have taken place already. The two opening stanzas translate an encounter with the Grand Canyon into poetry, which makes possible an encounter with the beautiful in the reading experience. As a further attempt to inaugurate an experience of the beautiful, the poem focuses not only on the terror of Jim Crow for its personae but also on the horror of racist subjection that regulates who has access to a beautiful experience. The poetic production of a beautiful experience is overlaid with a feeling of repugnance toward racial subjection. Readers are fixed by this aesthetic scene to interrogate its sensory configurations and disfigurations.

    The poem draws our attention to the limits of the imaginative project of the four figures by putting it in conjunction with politico-historical knowledge. These figures return to their

    wide tan Ford
    and begin to drive
    again—again—past
    all the motels, and their signs,
    which, were it not just
    after midnight, you know—
    and could see—say
    WHITES ONLY.

    (21)

    Racial exclusion need not be visible to be known. Beauty, on the other hand, can only strike the observer when it appears in the particular, when it makes itself—or is made—visible and perceivable in a specific way. One effect of the poem’s double temporality is to stress this exclusion, for the reader is allowed to access the reconfigured encounter with the beautiful in a way the figures within the poem are not. With the poem’s closing “WHITES ONLY,” Lewis insists on the constitutive exclusions that foreclose the possibility of any shared aesthetic scene. Horrible beauty names the uncanny attraction and repulsion of an aesthetic that both includes and excludes a subject from racialized communities of sense. In this way, the poem asks us to interrogate the constitution of the aesthetic field itself in order to see what gets produced, for some and in certain contexts, as insensible, invisible, or off limits. Yet the poetic object also becomes a substitute experience for those soldiers—including, in a biographical reading, Lewis’s father—who could not access the beauty of the Grand Canyon. The poem emphasizes this substitution when reflecting on the literal or material grounds of the landscape’s beauty (“dirt” and “earth”) and then converting this literality into a figurative substitution: “might / such a landscape / exist also within me?” (21). This rhetorical question, if answered affirmatively, suggests an internalization, such that no restrictions of access to an external scene of beauty could prevent one’s aesthetic experience. Jim Crow may police the sensible field for the four black soldiers, but there is in the poem a counter-aesthetic that cannot be fully managed by the dictates of white hegemony.

    Reframing Beauty II: Blackness, Sexuality, and an Aesthetic Scene

    While “Beauty’s Nest” works through the problems of characterizing and perceiving the beautiful, the collection’s opening poem, “Plantation,” announces these problems as already inherent in the perceiving subject and the scene of aesthetic encounter, especially when that subject is identified as a black woman. As a response to its title, the poem’s opening stanzas introduce a scene between two lovers framed by images of incarceration and a dialogue on enslavement:

    And then one morning we woke upembracing on the bare floor of a large cage.

    To keep you happy, I decorated the bars.
    Because you had never been hungry, I knew
    I could tell you the black side
    of my family owned slaves.

    (3)

    Unlike “Beauty’s Nest,” “Plantation” indexes no historically specifiable moment. While the title and dialogue on slavery refer to a past, the poem’s scene between lovers and its carceral logic refer to the present. As Joy James argues, “Prison is the modern-day manifestation of the plantation” (121). The poem’s conjunction of past and present speaks to the way in which “[t]he means and modes of Black subjection may have changed, but the fact and structure of that subjection remain” (Sharpe 12).13 In other words, the poem’s indistinction of past and present figures the persistence of antiblackness and subjection following “the nonevent of emancipation” (Hartman, Scenes 116).

    In its conjunction of incarceration and enslavement, the poem also insists on the indistinction between literal and figural—that is, between living in subjection and living as if in subjection. Because the poem opens with the lovers waking up “embracing on the bare floor of a large cage,” the reader cannot with certainty take this as literal or figural (3). Such an indistinction announces, at the outset of this collection, the reconfiguration of slavery in our modern carceral state in which the technologies of the prison, including surveillance, containment, policing, and discipline, become generalized technologies of society. Like “Beauty’s Nest,” “Plantation” also disturbs the relationship between inside and outside. Though the lovers may not literally encounter each other in a cage, they are nonetheless imprisoned by social and historical forces that restrict and confine their identities. The speaker’s confession that “the black side / of my family owned slaves” further confuses easy divisions the reader might desire, which produces a paralyzing sensation in the reading experience. This scene of subjection is decidedly, and self-consciously, an aesthetic scene in which a community (in this case, a community of two) appears sensible and thinkable specifically in the terms of horrible beauty’s attraction and repulsion.

    The indistinction between literal and figural that takes place in the poem’s aesthetic scene persists in the nature of the relationship to suggest a sense of confinement that complicates any potential experience of liberation, as the speaker describes both a fondness for her partner and a recognition of violence:

      Then your tongue
    was inside my mouth, and I wanted to say

    Please ask me first, but it was your
    tongue, so who cared suddenly

    about your poor manners?

    (4)

    The “poor manners” seem to normalize and regulate what appears to be sexual assault, an assault that escalates in its violence at the end of the poem:

      You pulled

    my pubic bone toward you. I didn’t
    say, It’s still broken; I didn’t tell

    you, There’s still this crack. It was sore,
    but I stayed silent because you were smiling.

    You said, The bars look pretty, Baby,
    then rubbed your hind legs up against me.

    (4–5)

    On one reading, the poem rehearses a sexual scene in which the woman suppresses her own pain for the sake of the lover’s pleasure. The poem thus describes what Dionne Brand refers to as “[t]he burden of the body” at the same time it reiterates the trope of a cage with which it began (39). Here, the woman remains silent, which speaks to the way in which “[t]he female is made for a man” in the cis-heteropatriarchal order (Brand 35). An internal fracture persists in the woman’s body, a fracture exacerbated by her sexual encounter. The speaker’s broken bone is presumably “still broken” because her lover insists on gratification in the sexual act, a desired gratification that the speaker seems to have internalized by remaining silent despite her body’s pain. In this reading, the woman and lover appear as effects of a power dynamic in which the woman’s agency is suppressed by internal and external forces in order to accede to the desires of the lover.

    Yet, who is the subject of this violence and pain? For the speaker complicates this reading by saying “who cared” earlier in the poem (4). With this suggestion, the speaker resists the binary logic of consent and its violation that a reading of individuality necessitates. Instead, the poem challenges any reading that depends on a stable sense of identity or individual agency. The violence of the scene, therefore, is not unambiguously the sexual violence that my first reading suggests. Rather, it might be understood as the violence of living in a subjectivity in which individuality and anti-individual referentiality—to the world, through language—remain impossible to escape. Hartman has argued that liberal narratives, such as those focused on the political agent or subject capable of consent, tend toward the “obliteration” of the black subject supposedly represented, which is especially true of the slave narrative (“Position” 184). And in Scenes of Subjection, Hartman asks: “Does the extension of humanity to the enslaved ironically reinscribe their subjugated status?” (22). To resist this obliteration and reinscription, Lewis both dramatizes and undermines liberal expectations. The violence of the poem therefore appears as the violence of the psychic and emotional structures the narrator at once presents and subverts by resisting the imposition of psychology or individuality.

    Such dynamics of power and violence continue in the closing description of the lover’s “hind legs,” which engages in the violence of animalizing the human figure that is at once part of that figure’s racialization. Zakiyyah Iman Jackson might read this as an instance of “bestialized humanization” in which “the African’s humanity is not denied but appropriated, inverted, and ultimately plasticized in the methodology of abjecting animality” (Becoming 23). Jackson complicates the human-animal binary by showing how “[d]iscourses on nonhuman animals and animalized humans are forged through each other; they reflect and refract each other for the purposes of producing an idealized and teleological conception of ‘the human’” (23). The humanity of black people is not simply denied or excluded; instead, “this humanity is burdened with the specter of abject animality” (27). Following Jackson, Lewis’s poem might be said to thwart liberal expectations by redeploying these very terms of “abject animality.” Earlier in the poem, the lover moves through a metonymic series of metamorphoses, “from a prancing black buck / into a small high yellow girl” (3). The end of the poem in a sense realizes the refracted and metaphoric configuration of the lover as a gendered, racialized, and inhuman figure. Yet the poem refuses to allow any stability in these identity positions. As soon as the lover becomes the “high yellow girl,” they transform into “the girl’s mother, pulling // yourself away from yourself” (3–4). The lover undergoes a series of divisions here, such that in the end they are both being pulled apart and pulling themself apart. This double gesture speaks to the violence enacted on subjects by the orders of domination and by any universalizing effort that demands the divestiture of particularity and individuality, as well as the violence inherent in the subject. The violence enacted on others then mirrors these violent formations. Again, the poem stages an experience of horrible beauty to arrest its readers, such that they engage with the attractive and repulsive logic of a beauty that fragments and fractures what appears in its frame.

    “Plantation” dramatizes the ways in which identity formations are always effects of the enactment of power, which itself depends on aesthetic modes of sensation and cognitive modes of intelligibility. As Madhavi Menon suggests, “Identity is the demand made by power—tell us who you are so we can tell you what you can do. And by complying with that demand, by parsing endlessly the particulars that make our identity different from one another’s, we are slotting into a power structure, not dismantling it” (2). Rather than complying with this demand, however, the speaker’s ambiguous position in “Plantation” suggests a negotiation with, as well as a struggle against, controlling and violent identity relations. The sensible fabric that constitutes the subject is being torn apart and rewoven throughout “Plantation,” and the poem’s focus on a sexual encounter is by no means arbitrary, for the sexual register emphasizes an embodied or affective dimension of desire that cannot be policed or even cognized. The libidinal subject in the poem exceeds the identity constructions imposed upon her; the woman in “Plantation” moves through different identity formations, suggesting that she cannot be reduced to any single position. The subject emerges through these actions rather than being the volitional origin or agent of them. For Lewis, in “Plantation” “people are reincarnating in their own body many, many, many times within one lifetime” (“Robin Coste Lewis”). Here “identities can move even if the body stays static (which is to say repressed).” Blackness becomes a name for what exceeds restrictive identity categories. On the one hand, “Plantation” expresses an encounter in which the black woman’s body “exists as a captive body, marked and branded as such from one generation to the next” (Saucier and Woods 13–14). On the other hand, it foregrounds “the multiple enactments of hypervisibility black women cannot escape,” not to insist on social death but to insist on the production of a subject of and as torsion (Brown 7). Such a torsion figures the undecidability that inheres in formations of identity and subjectivity. Lewis delights in showing how the aesthetic scene persistently short-circuits any effort either to manage the vastness of embodied and affective experiences or to render them wholly intelligible. In her interview with Leah Mirakhor, Lewis states, “Blackness for me is incredibly vast. It’s not domestic, nor is it domesticated” (“Door”).

    By conceptualizing the subject as both mobile and at the intersection of different regimes of violent racial, gender, and sexual categorizations, Lewis challenges the restrictions assumed by a stable identitarian subject position. Any supposed identity position constitutes the subject as autonomous only by excluding heteronomous contradictions. In “Plantation,” Lewis dramatizes “blackness’s signifying surplus: the ways that meaning slides, signification slips, when words like child, girl, mother, and boy abut blackness” (Sharpe 80). The black subject positions in Lewis’s poem must be read as catachrestic placeholders for a surplus or excess that refuses positionality. Yet this refusal is not willed by the catachrestic subject but enacted by the force of blackness’s signifying surplus, of which the subject only appears as a provisional effect.14 Given such a surplus, Lewis asks us to reconfigure the subject who performs the aesthetic judgment— not simply as a subject of subjection, but also as a subject against subjection—as a subject constituted by an arrest of the dialectical torsion that constitutes subjectivization. “Plantation” develops, in other words, a poetic grammar of and for the black subject in its insistence on the arresting force of horrible beauty, whose antagonistic effects both fracture and constitute subjective positions and relations. Unlike the spectacularized violence often depicted by the black Gothic, “Plantation” emphasizes the everyday nature of racist and sexist subjection. The horrible beauty of “Plantation” asks readers to linger on the contradictions within the poetic space that correspond to the existence of black joy within the enclosures of antiblackness. Furthermore, any pleasurable attraction experienced in the beautiful cannot guarantee its separation from any corresponding or co-constitutive repulsion. Lewis’s redeployment of beauty in relation to race, gender, and sexuality emphasizes the fugitive quality of that which escapes and disturbs the frame of the poem’s aesthetic scene. “Plantation” therefore figures black subjects as catachrestic because their ungrounded force cannot be adequately represented.

    Rereading the Longue Durée of the Black Female Figure in Art

    The collection’s lengthy title poem, “Voyage of the Sable Venus,” is structured by this problem of the racialized, gendered, and sexed subject in relation to the aesthetic. It begins with a prologue that explains Lewis’s poetic practice in the poem sequence. To write “Voyage,” Lewis selected and assembled “titles, catalog entries, or exhibit descriptions of Western art objects in which a black female figure is present, dating from 38,000 BCE to the present” (Voyage 35). Lewis then constructs her “narrative poem” (35) by arranging these materials according to seven “formal rules” she set for herself (35–6). As she states in the first “rule,” Lewis’s main intervention, apart from the selection and arrangement of materials, is to modify the grammar completely (35). The content remains otherwise unchanged. Lewis thus articulates her poetics as a project of archaeology and genealogy. She places past and present artworks in a new configuration or historical narrative. In addition to unmasking what Michel Foucault calls “subjugated knowledges,” Lewis’s method suggests that such subjugation exists on the surface.15 Its visibility is a given, and Lewis attempts to make this visibility appear anew and differently.16

    Despite the visibility of racial depictions of black women, Lewis’s poem stresses the failure to recognize the racism of such depictions. For Lewis, “the title poem is not about my imagination; it’s about the failure of white imagination. It’s about the pathology of whiteness” (“Door”). Lewis continues: “I hope my title poem lifts the veil on how very, very dark whiteness actually is. Whiteness is the darkest ideology around. Whiteness is at the heart of darkness.” More explicitly than “Beauty’s Nest,” these comments and their Conradian allusion expose the pathological element of a notion like common sense and of any experience of the beautiful that fails to account for the horror in its production of consensus. The construction of whiteness is always already a pathological construction. In an interview with Stephen Best, Arthur Jafa argues that “whiteness as a self-conception is based on purity,” and this purity, this need to exclude contaminating threats in the name of self-protection, means that whiteness is a “fragile self-conception” (00:45:19-36). As is already clear from “Beauty’s Nest” and “Plantation,” Lewis’s poetry both abandons and immanently critiques such restrictions in favor of the expansiveness of blackness, an expansiveness that exceeds the antiblack world’s production of normative regimes of identification and of social death. In other words, and in accordance with Jared Sexton’s position, Lewis’s notion of an expansive blackness insists on social life within a space of social death, and this form of life in Lewis’s poetry punctures or arrests the seeming totality of antiblackness and white pathology.17 Lewis’s poetics affirms that black life exists within and despite the antiblack world’s insistence on death.

    Part of this expansiveness appears literally in Lewis’s encyclopedic selection of materials for “Voyage” and in the poem’s form. Lewis’s fourth rule, which acknowledges that she included “titles of art by black women curators and artists” (35), in part results from the claim that the “work by black queer artists, regardless of gender . . . has made consistently some of the richest, most elegant, least pretentious contributions to Western art interrogations of gender and race” (35). This expands the scope of materials and resources on which Lewis draws. In total, eight catalogs compose the poem sequence and move chronologically from “Catalog 1: Ancient Greece & Ancient Rome” to “Catalog 8: The Present/Our Town.” They announce a grand historical arc, and by leaving the art and removing the titles to construct her poem, Lewis claims she “stole back all the black bodies from each and every century” (“Boarding” 00:31:27-36). Lewis prefaces these catalogs with two epigraphs and two framing poems, “The Ship’s Inventory” and “Invocation: Blessing the Boat,” whose titles stress that the slave trade has been one of the violent, structuring forces against black women. In her discussion of the writing of “Voyage,” Lewis deploys a series of extended metaphors of traveling with the Sable Venus by ship across space and time to collect these titles. As the fourth rule and the catalogs’ chronology suggest, the sequence moves from violence against black women to expressions by black women against this violence. As such, “Voyage” resembles a (liberal) narrative in its structural progression along a metonymic series of poems from subjection to emancipation, and the governing metonymy works to connect the non-narrative ekphrastic moments constitutive of each individual poem.

    Yet the extensive prefatory material and the poem’s multiple organizing logics speak to an excess of the poem’s subject that cannot be reduced to a liberal, “integrationist” narrative (Hartman, “Position” 185). Lewis draws our attention to this excessive subject in her third rule:

    I realized that museums and libraries . . . had removed many nineteenth-century historically specific markers—such as slave, colored, and Negro—from their titles or archives, and replaced these words instead with the sanitized, but perhaps equally vapid, African-American. (35)

    Lewis then corrects “this historical erasure of slavery” by returning the titles to their original form (35); in other words, she “re-corrected the corrected horror in order to allow that original horror to stand” (35). Here, the erasure of an erasure reveals Lewis’s project to be at once political, ethical, and aesthetic (Lewis, “Race” 00:33:44-56). The substituted term, “African-American,” represents a curatorial effort to normalize and regulate a variety of different identity designations such that the violence of those designations becomes suppressed. With its normative function, “African-American” offers a “comfortable” and “easy” term for something uncomfortable and difficult (“Door”). This is yet another version of what Hartman characterizes as the erasure committed by liberal projects in the name of restrictive and seductive ideals. Horrible beauty instead insists on difficulty and on an expanded horizon of experience. In the interview with Mirakhor, Lewis notes her preference for the term “black,” “which . . . encourages a certain international glance, a vast unity.”18 While discussing Omise’eke Tinsley’s claim that “the Black Atlantic has always been the queer Atlantic” (191), Christina Sharpe adds “that the Black and queer Atlantic have always been the Trans*Atlantic. Black has always been that excess. Indeed, blackness throws into crisis . . . Black and (hetero)normative. That is, Black life in and out of the ‘New World’ is always queered and more” (30–32). The conjunction of the beautiful and horrible could be taken to name the aesthetic experience that emerges from an excessive subject, for the conjunction introduces a destabilizing and dissensual force into the traditional rules of aesthetic judgment.

    Beyond the extensive nature of this framing material, Lewis’s strategy of naming and numbering the main sections of the poem as catalogs has a second sequence that designates both place and time. Like “Beauty’s Nest,” “Voyage” layers aesthetics and history. For example, “Catalog 1” has the subtitle “Ancient Greece & Ancient Rome” (43), and poems within this catalog are designated by Roman numerals, I through V. This system of designation continues throughout the sequence, as “Catalog 2” begins with poem VI. Within this sequence of Roman numeral designations, however, lies another subdivision, one that appears less clear. The first poem of “Catalog 1” breaks off on its second page, and the following page begins with a colon (45). The colon designates an ambiguous relation between the two poems. Is one poem meant as an explanation or reading of the other? Are readers moving forward as suggested by the numerical sequence, or are they merely shifting from one scene to another? Such ambiguities intensify the narrative and non-narrative logics in “Voyage.” Another colon appears with the following break, and what seems to be a title follows this colon: “Element of Furniture Decoration” (47). Lewis’s materials for the poem come from museums, spaces designed to order and categorize possessions in catalogs. Yet, she disorders the expected workings of grammar, punctuation, and syntax. Her own catalogs suggest that the act of categorization proliferates, rather than limits, what it categorizes.19

    Lewis also stresses that the material and contextual placement of art objects matters, and in “Catalog 2: Ancient Egypt” she describes the way in which cultural appropriation depends on the relocation and positioning of objects. Aesthetic encounters do not occur on an “empty stage” (Felski 15), which is evident in the framing of artworks in poem IX:

    “King Amenhotep III commissioned hundreds
    of statues of the Goddess for his mortuary temple in western Thebes.”
    “…brought to England in early 1800s…”
    “…these statues were exhibited in the recesses of Waterloo Bridge…”

    “…and later by Lord Amherst on the terrace
    of his country house.”(62)

    The poet who records these descriptions encounters them in largely Western spaces, and the ellipses appear to stand in for gaps inherent in the archive.20 The statues here register a history of appropriation and violence. Lewis’s poem stresses the imbrication of horror and beauty as the result of judging a work of art beautiful while confronting the domination that frames the viewing experience. Lewis’s attention to Egyptian statues emphasizes both the multiplicity implied by blackness, and the uniformity and extractive logics of Western colonialism and imperialism. The “statues of the Goddess” commissioned by King Amenhotep III become displaced when “exhibited in the recesses of Waterloo Bridge” and then privatized when exhibited “by Lord Amherst on the terrace / of his country house.” Against these colonial movements, Lewis’s poetic sequence articulates a trans-historical community of women and of blackness in which black women have persisted despite the injunctions of antiblackness and the erasures of white constructions. Yet, as this section’s attention to displaced statues of an Egyptian Goddess suggests, this community cannot be separated from the aesthetic enactments of power, which depend on specific configurations of sensible experience. “Voyage” engages with art’s history of representation and relocation of black women “in order to make visible social lives which are often displaced, rendered ungeographic” (McKittrick x). “Voyage” aims, in other words, to reshare or redivide in a dissensual act that constructs and organizes a new “geography” of the black female figure in art. Lewis wants to erase the erasure of black women (Lewis, “Race” 00:33:44-50), but in her poem blackness is both dissensual and beyond the sensible, insofar as something of blackness always escapes aesthetic “capture.” Fugitivity, “as a kind of ongoing antisystemic break or breaking” (Moten, Stolen Life 7), therefore disrupts even dissensus by refusing the language of abstraction and emphasizing the anarchic force of blackness against regulative positions. Blackness and black women appear everywhere in “Voyage,” throughout space and time, despite their occlusion by normative histories and aesthetic practices.

    Against the occlusions of representation, Lewis repeatedly turns to the materiality and concrete production of antiblack regimes of representation. The poem’s very dependence on materials encountered in art museums stresses the importance of spatial organizations and how such organizations work to stage our aesthetic encounters. The appropriation of the Egyptian statues described in “Catalog 2” (62) operates as part of the poem but also mirrors the appropriation that has allowed Lewis to encounter the works of art she cites. As Claire Schwartz notes in her review of the collection, “the museum catalog grants access” even as it “limit[s] meaning—guiding the viewer in a single direction” (232). Schwartz locates a “fugitive” quality in Lewis’s catalogs, for they “re-member” the black women represented throughout art history “without making invisible the violence that wrenched their names from us in the first place” (232). “Catalog 3: The Womb of Christianity” makes this gesture most explicitly. The catalog concludes in poem XIII with a list of proper names separated from the “Our Lady” that should have preceded them. For example, the poem opens, “—of Vladimir —de Lourdes —de Guadalupe— / Nossa—Nuestra—Notre—Nera— / —di Oropa —de Atochoa —de Guingamp— ” (69). Lewis states that the Christian era offered her, finally, a place to “rest,” because here she found the black female figure “untouched” and represented as the virgin: “the cult of the black virgin is the largest active goddess cult on the planet,” though rarely is she found in a museum (“Boarding” 00:35:33-36:58). If we read this as a catalog of black women whose generic position (“Our Lady”) has been erased and figured by the repeated em dashes, then the poem’s exhaustive list makes visible the proliferation of this cult despite its erasure from the version of art history one gets in museums. The exhaustive enumerations here confront and challenge the exhausting lists of horror elsewhere in the poem. As Lewis herself remarks, “museums and art institutions are not ahistorical or apolitical. They are as much a part of this history as anything else” (“Door”).21 In this metonymic list, each woman signals and interrupts the “synecdochic system of representation that makes images of particular people bear general meaning” by returning us to the specificity of geographic locations across the globe (Grandy 520). The inventories of horror give way in this moment of rest to an experience of relief or even of joy.

    The logic of synecdoche structures much of the racial and gendered violence depicted in “Voyage.”22 In “Catalog 4: Medieval Colonial,” Lewis describes “A Negro Slave Woman / Carrying a Cornucopia / Representing Africa” (75). The violent abstraction and the synecdoche in which a black woman figures Africa become the logic of categorization and objectification more generally. In this logic the particularity of the human is disfigured to the point of erasure; in its place appears the inhuman commodity. Shortly after this moment, and in the same catalog, Lewis describes the way this violence appears in the commodification of the black woman’s body when she describes a grotesque and horrifying clock:

    When the Woman’s Left Ear
    Ring is Pulled

    Her Eyes Recede
    And a Mechanism Rises

    Into Place
    Showing the Hour

    (80)

    Perhaps nothing so succinctly articulates the pathology of whiteness as the existence of such an “unbelievable object” (Lewis, “Boarding” 00:29:21-44).23 The commodification and objectification of the image of a black woman as a clock exemplifies “how very, very dark whiteness actually is” (“Door”). As Lewis states in her interview with Schwartz, “It is difficult to explain the psychological damage of what it feels like never to see yourself reflected back in your world in any way, ever, even physically, except as caricature” (“Black Joy”). Where Cavarero offers Medusa’s severed head as the exemplary image of horrifying disfiguration (8), Lewis reveals with the ekphrasis of the clock both the racialized image of horror and that image’s horrifyingly quotidian manifestations. Violence against black women appears as the norm rather than an exception.

    In “Catalog 6: Modern, Civil, Right,” Lewis turns to a space in which black women appear in more explicitly resistant and affirmative representations, which again gives a suggestion of narrative progression to “Voyage.” One section opens: “Anonymous Do Drop Inn / Blessed Sun Bathing Negress / Rent Day Beauty in the slums—” (97). The allusion to New Orleans’s Dew Drop Inn, a site famous for its role in the history of blues, suggests the ambivalence expressed in this section. While the Dew Drop Inn functions as a black cultural space, it also bears the traces of racial oppression. As Frantz Fanon suggests, “the blues . . . was offered up for the admiration of the oppressors. This modicum of stylized oppression is the exploiter’s and the racist’s rightful due. Without oppression and without racism you have no blues” (37). Later in this section and against such oppressive displays, Lewis alludes to Now Dig This!, curated by Kellie Jones, in a series of stanzas that offer a more affirmative statement of black resistance (“Door”):

    Woman Power!
    She’s Black, She’s Beautiful
    She’s Smart, She’s Registered

    She’ll Vote.
    How about You?
    Now Dig This:

    Don’t Hate Me
    Because I’m Beautiful
    Untitled.

    Somebody Paid the Price

    for Your Right.

    Register to Vote!

    (98)

    Against the violence detailed in the Egypt catalog in which British colonizers appropriate Egyptian art objects for public display on Waterloo Bridge and then for private consumption, this section and its syncopated rhythms affirm black women and offer a call to action. Lewis’s arrangement in these stanzas, stanzas that cite the Black Arts Movement explicitly, adds a staccato cadence suggestive of a protest.

    Despite Lewis’s turn to more optimistic moments, “Voyage” closes with a profoundly ambiguous and ambivalent statement consistent with the difficult and uncomfortable conjunctions of horrible beauty throughout the collection. In “Catalog 8: The Present/Our Town” (110), the briefest section of the poem sequence, Lewis situates us in both time (the present) and space (our town). “Our town” refers at once to a particular location and a generalizable, universal space, because the poem offers no context to define the “our” or “town” of the title. “Our town” thus plays on the ambiguous movement from particular to general in representational logics and aesthetic scenes. This ambiguity mirrors the ambiguity of “the present,” for the present moment never appears as such. Given the poem’s obsession with history, this gestures toward the persistence of that history beyond the moment of writing. Already, the title of the final section frames the text of the poem itself:

    Still:

    Life

    (of Flowers)

    with Figures—

    including

    a Negro servant.

    (110)

    The poem’s interpretation hinges on how one reads “Still: / Life.” Taken negatively, this “still” announces the persistence of racism and subjection of black people: even in the present, we encounter a still life, or still (snapshot) of a life, that includes “a Negro servant.” Taken more affirmatively, however, this “still” instead refers to a persistence of “life” despite and against such racial and gendered subjection. In its persistence, black life arrests the violence of antiblackness. Brooks stresses this reading when he claims that the poem “indicates that a sort of (life) force endures in spite of the racial discourse of the archive” (251). Rather than privilege either reading, I argue the poem depends on the undecidability of this conjunction, much as horrible beauty depends on a confrontation with its paralyzing entanglements. Lewis’s poetics insists that both readings always remain operative. This undecidability fixes the reader, encouraging them to linger with the final poem of the sequence. The poem offers an allegory for the aesthetic experience of horrible beauty, in which attraction and repulsion appear commingled to fix us in their discomforting snare. In this way, the final poem articulates what Sharpe refers to as “anagrammatical blackness,” that is, “blackness anew, blackness as a/temporal, in and out of place and time putting pressure on meaning and that against which meaning is made” (76).

    More so than anywhere else in the sequence, “Catalog 8” depends on the spaces and gaps between words and lines to achieve this anagrammatical effect. While the poem can be read quickly in sequence—“Still: Life (of Flowers) with Figures—including a Negro servant”—the poem, which takes up the entirety of a page, slows our reading experience with its spacing and typographical layout. The spaces, line breaks, grammar, and parenthesis complicate the otherwise simple sequence. The disjunctive pacing of this final poem repeats the disjunctive experience Lewis describes in her encounter with Stothard’s etching. Faced with a paradoxical conjunction of the beautiful and the horrible, the time of perception and aesthetic judgment is delayed and destabilized. Lewis’s poetry forces her readers to confront this deferred and confused sensation so that they might recognize the power dynamics and violence inherent in an aesthetic encounter with an ostensibly beautiful object that includes the horrors of that which is traditionally excluded from the aesthetic: the violence of racial, gendered, and sexualized categorization and objectification, which are further intensified by the slave economy and its legacies of antiblackness. As I mentioned earlier, Lewis insists that she wants to make readers “uncomfortable,” and the undecidability of her poem produces precisely this sort of disturbance, as does the instability she reveals to be inherent in an aesthetic judgment that posits the perceiving subject as fractured, as a catachresis (“‘Black Joy’”). Rather than turn away from or disavow horrible beauty in the name of a universal subject, Lewis insists we confront horrible beauty even if such a confrontation, with its production of repugnance, undoes our desired subjectivity and its fantasmatic consistency. For only through such a confrontation, however difficult, can the subject of aesthetic judgment expand their experience of the beautiful and acknowledge its political implications. Only such a confrontation can reveal the vast range of blackness, sexuality, and an experience of the beautiful that generates both attraction and repulsion, the latter working to disrupt the pathological enjoyment characteristic of whiteness and its fantasies of purity.

    Matthew Scully is Lecturer (Maître assistant) at the University of Lausanne, where he teaches American literature and culture from the 18th century to the present. His book project, “Democratic Anarchy: Figures of Equality in United States Literature and Politics,” engages the anxious intersections of politics and aesthetics to develop a new theory of democratic equality in twentieth- and twenty-first-century American literature and culture. Work from this project and related research have appeared in the Journal of Modern Literature, Diacritics, American Literature, and African American Review.

    Notes

    I am deeply grateful to Lee Edelman and Nathan Wolff for their suggestions on my reading of “Plantation,” Nell Wasserstrom for her incisive comments on the article draft, and the readers and editors of Postmodern Culture for their careful and generous attention to my work.

    1. Stothard’s etching appears in the third edition of Bryan Edwards’s The History, Civil and Commercial, of the British Colonies in the West Indies, published in 1801.

    2. I have chosen to leave “black,” as well as “blackness,” “antiblack,” and “antiblackness,” uncapitalized, unless they appear capitalized in a citation. In doing so, I follow Robin Coste Lewis’s conventions throughout her poetry and published interviews. Because my argument challenges the stability and self-identity of various subject positions, I also follow Biko Mandela Gray’s preference for the uncapitalized forms:

    For me—and I do mean for me—capitalizing blackness traps it within the realm of the ‘proper,’ locking it down to fit a particular epistemic and grammatical formulation that would turn blackness into a substance. Others can, will, and should disagree. In fact, that disagreement speaks precisely to the unruliness of blackness—the unruliness that is blackness.

    3. Lewis continues to suggest, “Perhaps our real neurosis is our desire for monuments of any kind” (“Boarding” 00:19:27-33).

    4. This scene of interpellation takes on a different resonance as Lewis continues in her interview with Sharpe: “I thought this is exactly what it feels like to be an American, for anyone, but more specifically for African Americans. On the one hand you have this myth of democracy and it’s all beautiful, so you’re compelled by the propaganda of nation—but at the same time you’re repelled, because you know the history, you know the country is blood-soaked in every way.”

    5. For representative approaches to Lewis, see Brooks, Grandy, and Thomas.

    6. Lewis recognizes that she continues a critique started “over a century ago” by “Douglass, et al.,” which enables her to realize that so much of what “is actually beautiful . . . within blackness” is missed “by engaging in arguments around the right to exist, or useless rather obvious observations about the pervasiveness of whiteness” (“‘Black Joy’”).

    7. Dawn Keetley suggests that political horror often focuses on repression and oppression (13). Jordan Peele’s Get Out, for instance, exposes “what is disavowed and denied (white racism)” (13). With a slightly different emphasis, Lewis’s focus on “contradiction” stresses that such horrors exist on the surface of texts and images.

    8. In this way, Lewis’s poetics could be read according to what Paul C. Taylor names “sarkaesthetics”: “the practices of representational somatic aesthetics—which is to say, those practices relating to the body, as it were, as flesh, regarded solely ‘from the outside’” (108).

    9. Lewis could be added to Evie Shockley’s list of “renegade” poets, where “renegade” signifies “the rebellious, nonconformist approaches” taken by poets in their aesthetic practices (15). Such poetic work “might be said to have run away from (or with) the confining expectations many nonblack and black audiences hold for the styles and subjects of poetry by African Americans” (15).

    10. Another helpful framework for Lewis’s poetics would be Paul Gilroy’s notion of “counterculture” in The Black Atlantic as that which “defiantly reconstructs its own critical, intellectual, and moral genealogy in a partially hidden public sphere of its own” (37–38).

    11. All quotations from these poems are from Voyage of the Sable Venus, © 2015 by Robin Coste Lewis, and are used by permission of Alfred A. Knopf, a division of Penguin Random House, LLC.

    12. For discussions of the black Gothic and contemporary appearances of the uncanny, see Harrison, Keetley, and Serpell.

    13. For Christina Sharpe, “to be in the wake is to occupy and to be occupied by the continuous and changing present of slavery’s as yet unresolved unfolding” (13–14). Sharpe’s text aims to “investigate the ongoing problem of Black exclusion from social, political, and cultural belonging; our abjection from the realm of the human.” This investigation “ask[s] what, if anything, survives this insistent Black exclusion, this ontological negation” (14). Thomas reads Lewis’s Voyage of the Sable Venus as a kind of “wake work.”

    14. In “‘Theorizing the Void,’” Zakiyyah Iman Jackson offers a counter reading of the excess of blackness when she develops the concept of “superposition” to describe the “virtuality and indeterminacy” produced by antiblackness (635). According to Jackson, “antiblackness presupposes and, indeed, demands that blackness signify neither an interstitial (in-between) nor a liminal (teleology) ontology but a virtual ontology” (637). Jackson and Lewis could be read, then, as producing a parallax view of blackness as excess.

    15. Foucault’s “subjugated knowledges” name both “historical contents that have been buried or masked in functional coherences or formal systematizations” and “a whole series of knowledges that have been disqualified as nonconceptual knowledges, as insufficiently elaborated knowledges” (“Society” 7).

    16. Columbia University and the Musée d’Orsay partnered to present two exhibitions— Posing Modernity: The Black Model from Manet and Matisse to Today (New York) and Le Modèle noir, de Géricault à Matisse (Paris)—on the black model in art (2018–2019), which attempted to perform a rereading of the artistic tradition analogous to Lewis’s project.

    17. I have in mind Jared Sexton’s “The Social Life of Social Death” as well as Kevin Quashie’s project to imagine a world of black aliveness “so as to surpass the everywhere and everyway of black death, of blackness that is understood only through such a vocabulary” (1). Quashie critiques forms of black pessimism that produce totalizing conceptions of antiblackness and declares that “Antiblackness is total in the world, but it is not total in the black world” (5).

    18. My ellipsis excises Lewis’s comment that “black,” for her, “includes everyone who is non-white.” This extremely capacious definition of blackness differs both from my use of the term throughout this article and from its use by many of the scholars cited.

    19. Foucault discusses this phenomenon in The History of Sexuality when he describes “the endlessly proliferating economy of the discourse on sex” (35).

    20. The list of museums and archives at the end of the poem sequence reveals predominantly Western locations (111–14). This list speaks to both the contingency of locations Lewis visited and the Western theft of art objects from across the globe.

    21. Lewis follows this comment by referring to the epigraph of “Voyage,” which cites the invitation to the Metropolitan Museum of Art’s minstrel show, “a recurring event” that was taking place, with “predictable irony,” for the Women’s Association (“Door”).

    22. Lee Edelman argues that “Synecdoche . . . can be read as the master trope of racism that gets deployed in a variety of different ways to reinforce the totalizing logic of identity” (44).

    23. Brooks argues that such objects “function as political machinery that systematically dehumanizes black subjects while predetermining their representational possibilities in the historical record” (249). In “Catalog 5: Emancipation & Independence,” Lewis extends her analysis of the reach of white pathology by engaging with the Wounded Knee massacre and Native American women (85–88).

    Works Cited

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    • Hartman, Saidiya V. “The Position of the Unthought: An Interview by Frank Wilderson, III.” Qui Parle, vol. 13, no. 2, spring/summer 2003, pp. 183–201.
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    • ———. “‘Theorizing in a Void’: Sublimity, Matter, and Physics in Black Feminist Poetics.” South Atlantic Quarterly, vol. 117, no. 3, Jul. 2018, pp. 617–48.
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  • The Decline of Phatic Efficiency

    Matthew J. Rigilano (bio)

    Abstract

    This article assesses phatic communication now, when symbolic efficiency is in decline. As a result of neoliberal capitalism and industrialized social media, small talk is both obligatory and suffused with anxiety. Under disciplinary society, chitchat has been a threat to biopolitical control. Today, small talk is a form of surplus value that enters directly into the market. No longer a ritual of social facilitation, phatic communication takes on a pathological character. This article relies on psychoanalytic theory to complicate Paolo Virno’s take on the contemporary position of phatic language. In so doing, it asks: what does small talk become once the symbolic pact that ensured its efficacy has been broken?

    Over the last few years, a steady stream of articles has appeared arguing that, contrary to what you might think, small talk is an important mode of social interaction.1 The motives for such arguments are not wholly uniform, but many seek to encourage stronger social bonds in the workplace, which is virtually everywhere in our techno-neoliberal era. These articles are minor indications of a major shift in discursive norms. Whereas the factories of the industrial revolution discouraged small talk—“you don’t get paid to talk”—the offices and social media platforms of postindustrial capitalism actively solicit it, and not necessarily because managers or admins prefer a friendly or more mindful work/user environment. The compulsion to communicate is directly related to contemporary ways of generating profit (Berardi 78). For instance, as many office workers have remained remote since the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic, the use of “team chat apps” like Microsoft Teams and Slack has grown massively. These platforms enable “team members” to stay in contact through messaging applications, video conferences, and so on. Donut, a popular app that integrates with Slack, promises to help workers “connect around the (virtual) watercooler” by staging introductions and conversations throughout the day (fig. 1).2

    Fig. 1. Typical “watercooler” chitchat taken from a promotional video on Donut’s website.

    In this example, the Donut chatbot initiates a conversation and those workers who have opted in can reply. The content of the discussion, of course, is not particularly important. What matters is the social connection that such small talk might build, which, in turn, can translate into greater efficiency and greater profits: chitchatting about hotdogs is not a way to avoid work, it is work. The data generated on the platform is also a vital source of profit. As Paolo Virno has been claiming for decades, it is not that worker-consumers must learn to play specific language games; rather, they must develop the capacity to communicate in general. Phatic communication, as a performative, low-content linguistic exchange, is no longer a phenomenon on the margins that happens in between more significant units of discourse, but an “immediate and quite considerable content of ordinary experience” (Virno, When 90).

    The expansion of phatic communication is not just a byproduct of the turn to cognitive labor; the dominance of social media is a crucial factor. Small talk is thriving online.3 Roberto Simanowski claims that “communication on Facebook operates in the phatic mode; it flows past as the kind of pleasant, information-free white noise” (xiv–xv). Vincent Miller draws on “risk society” theories of modernity to explain the rise of phatic communication online (“New Media”): reliance on “phatic technologies,” he argues, is rooted in the social conditions of late modernity, where traditional forms of meaning, authority, and kinship have broken down, leading to an unprecedented growth in what Ulrich Beck and Elisabeth Beck-Gernsheim call “individualization.” Modern individuals are “disembedded” from traditional and immediate contexts—put at risk, that is—and thus seek to be socially “reembedded,” however superficially, through the phatic resources of virtual communication. In short, people use small talk online to create and maintain relationships in a world beset by contingency and instability. But if it is true that the demands of cognitive labor and the pressures of late modernity have produced a “hypertrophic development of the non-referential aspects of language” (Virno, Grammar 97), then why do those articles on the affordances of small talk continue to surface? Do they not presuppose a reluctance to communicate in this way? After all, while chitchat might constitute a large part of online interaction, face-to-face conversation—including small talk—is rapidly disappearing, as Sherry Turkle has argued. But how does this view account for the argument that we live in an increasingly data-driven society, one that has no use for social pleasantries, especially those defined by the absence of informational value (Han, Disappearance 60)?

    The state of phatic communication in the twenty-first century is not at all clear, in part because the phatic, as a concept, ranges over several disciplines, from linguistics to sociology to philosophy. The purpose of this essay is to examine the role of small talk in postindustrial society from a primarily psychoanalytic viewpoint. Psychoanalytic theory often privileges the category of the speaking subject, and the social, political, and technological valances of contemporary phatic discourse could be best observed through the prism of the subject. My primary claim is that under neoliberal capitalism, phatic discourse is not just ubiquitous but obligatory, and this obligation puts an enormous psychic pressure on the subject, which in turn produces a range of symptomatic responses. Under disciplinary society, chitchat was seen as a threat, something that had to be submitted to biopolitical control. Today, small talk is understood as a form of surplus value that can be directly entered into the market. No longer marginal or exceptional, small talk has lost its apotropaic or therapeutic character, leaving the contemporary subject with fewer resources to navigate its increasingly turbulent social milieu and to ward off the threat of psychic destitution. Virno’s “hypertrophic development of the non-referential aspects of language” is not just a new social phenomenon but a new social pathology.

    I

    In 1924, Bronisław Malinowski coined the term “Phatic Communion” to describe behavior he observed amongst Trobriander islanders, namely the inclination to satisfy the “mere need of companionship” through low-information conversation:

    Are words in Phatic Communion used primarily to convey meaning, the meaning which is Symbolically theirs? Certainly not! They fulfil a social function and that is their principal aim, but they are neither the result of intellectual reflection, nor do they necessary arouse reflection in the listener. Once again we may say that language does not function here as a means of transmission of thought. (315)

    Malinowski recognizes immediately that this sort of activity is not unique to the peoples of Papua New Guinea but is a standard feature of linguistic activity. For Malinowski, “Phatic Communion” exemplifies a basic proposition: that all language is rooted in the “active modes of human behavior” (317). In this respect, it is on a continuum with ritual language and magical formulae, both instances where words are profoundly connected to the context of their use as opposed to supposedly reflecting matters of fact. Roman Jakobson understands the phatic as an essential linguistic function, that of “channel clearing” or verifying the communicative circuit, but he also recognized its ritual aspect (152–53).4 The phatic function can consist of monosyllabic greetings, and it can also “be displayed by a profuse exchange of ritualized formulas” (Jakobson 152).

    Following Malinowski and Jakobson, Virno categorizes small talk as a species of performative language alongside ritual incantation, prayer, and other types of religious speech like glossolalia, and the external monologues of children (When 19–107). Performative language uses words to do things, not so much to mean things. In some traditional societies, for Virno, performative or ritual speech was invoked at times of crisis when cultural norms had broken down (When 60, 200–09). Performative speech like ritual incantation allows the subject to repeat the process of ontogenesis: the meaninglessness of the language first renders the individual indistinct, but foregrounding the function of the voice allows the self to renew the process of individuation, to reassert its visibility in the world, and thereby to re-establish the cultural grounds of existence. Virno does not dwell on the specificity of the phatic, but we can safely extrapolate to some degree. For one, chitchat has never had quite the apotropaic or therapeutic power of the language of sacred rites, but it is a form of ontological support. “Phatic Communion,” like other performatives, tends to manifest in two opposing but essentially linked valences. On the one hand, chitchat is often put to the service of social cohesion. In those situations, the cultural environment is uncertain or indeterminate, thereby requiring a repetition of anthropogenesis: the interlocutors reassert themselves as a community of speaking beings. On the other hand, we can understand chitchat as a type of inane chatter or even dissociative babbling. In those situations, the phatic provides relief from a symbolic universe that has become oppressive or rigidified. The first form of the phatic emphasizes cultural renewal, while the second emphasizes the pre-individual hiatus from discursive community. Both valences are only visible to the extent that they occur intermittently. Virno’s central insight is that the industrialization of communication media and the communicative imperative of global industry actively elicit the speech of the modern subject:

    A certain number of standard utterances is not what is required of the worker; rather, an informal act of communication is required, one which is flexible. Capable of confronting the most diverse possibilities (along with a good dose of opportunism, however). Using terms from the philosophy of language, I would say it is not the parole but the langue which is mobilized, the very faculty of language, not any of its specific applications. (Grammar 91)

    This demand for informal communication is not just a work requirement, of course, but a generalized demand in contemporary culture, especially given that consumption and labor are often integrated through online self-branding. If the performance of language is indeed ubiquitous, “we should recognize that the repetition of anthropogenesis is no longer an apotropaic resource to be used in times of crisis, but,” again, “an immediate and quite considerable content of ordinary experience” (Virno, When 90).

    Small talk in the TV series Black Mirror compellingly captures the current situation. In the episode “Nosedive” (2016), everyday life is dominated by the logic of social media, such that one’s social rating goes up or down with every social interaction. The main character, Lacie (a 4.2 rating), enters the office elevator with a former work acquaintance, Bets (4.6). Using her ocular implant to surreptitiously scan Bets’s recent social media activity, which features a cat named Pancakes, Lacie brightens her smile and strikes up a conversation: “How’s Pancakes?” To which Bets replies, “He’s hilarious. Such a funny cat. Just the best” (00:05:30-37). Firstly, this bit of chitchat does not revolve around shared cultural experience such as the weather or a popular sporting event; it concerns a specific social media post, which already indicates something about the contemporary field of available symbolic references (about which I will say more). Secondly, while the setting (an elevator) might suggest that this conversation is just a way of passing the time, something liminal or exceptional, the rating system that serves as the transcendental horizon for all social interaction necessitates that this speech, like all speech, is directly linked to individual social capital, which, in the universe of the episode, can have immediate financial consequences. While Virno is perhaps the first to register this sort of phenomenon philosophically, he does not elaborate fully on its consequences, especially for those subjects experiencing these novel pressures. My premise is that this transformation corresponds to a major shift that defines the contemporary moment: the decline of Symbolic efficiency under what Jodi Dean calls communicative capitalism.

    Communicative capitalism, according to Dean, “designates that form of late capitalism in which values heralded as central to democracy take material form in networked communications technologies” (“Circulation” 104). The mediation of democracy through industrialized communication has radically diminished the political agency of the networked subject. Fundamental to Dean’s theory is Slavoj Žižek’s argument concerning the “decline of Symbolic efficiency.”5 This decline refers to “the loss of shared symbols, of general ideas and norms, of a sense that we know what another means when they appeal to home, the common good, citizenship, the university, etc.” (Dean, “Revolutionary” 332). This condition, which some have designated postmodern, is much like that described by the theorists of the “risk society” with whom we began. But Žižek argues that these thinkers “underestimate the impact of the emerging new societal logic on the very fundamental status of subjectivity” (341). They correctly describe the disruptive features of our unstable, risky world, but they do not, for the most part, recognize how the subject experiencing these disruptions has also changed in fundamental ways. The postmodern subject that emerges as traditional figures of the big Other disappear—those figures that seem to give authority and consistency to a particular social structure: God, patriarchy, nationalism, etc.—is not simply free to experiment with multiple modes of reflexive self-fashioning and new techniques of re-embedding. Rather, the very force responsible for this loss of reference and disorientation of meaning—communicative capitalism—provides its own solutions in the form of incessant circulation or investment in the emergent figure of the social media Other. The algorithm and the platform have replaced the narratives and institutions that have become obsolete.

    Digital circulation (of affects, memes, headlines, “content”) has the effect of diminishing the capacity of language to mediate and therefore sustain the desire necessary for the constitution of the subject. Endless engagement robs us of the time and attention to creatively singularize our experience. As Dean aptly puts it, “I enter; I click; I link; I poke. Drive circulates, round and round, producing satisfaction even as it misses its aim, even as it emerges in the plastic network of the decline of Symbolic efficiency” (“Real” 15). Without a stable Symbolic field capable of providing the foothold of selfhood, we are left oscillating between the Real (inattentive enjoyment of the drive) and the imaginary (a paranoid and profoundly fragile sense of self reflected in the “likes”). The other possibility for the subject, described powerfully by Matthew Flisfeder, concerns how social media users will the big Other into existence through their engagement. He argues that “it is the agency of the Other for whom we perform our Symbolic identities in social media, which is increasingly connected to the world offline. I tweet, therefore I exist; and the compulsion to (re)tweet is the symptom of our need to feel affective recognition from the Other” (86). In contrast to the canalizing and circulation of the drive observed by Dean, Flisfeder argues that desire can only be sustained by a validating agency—and we will perversely produce that agency if it is found lacking.

    II

    Before we return to the phatic to determine its function in relation to the decline or transformation of the big Other, we need to clarify the theoretical stakes of the problem. To begin, it is necessary to introduce an important psychoanalytic distinction between empty speech and full speech. Jacques Lacan employs these terms to designate different forms of speech encountered in the clinic (“Function”). Empty speech is language that sustains the narrative of the ego. Most of what the subject says aims to protect or bolster the ego and keep the unconscious at bay. The content of empty speech is secondary to the effect the speech has on the speaker. As Derek Hook puts it, summarizing Lacan’s position: “in sending a message the subject is typically more concerned with affirming an ideal image of its ego, with winning the gratifications of the recognition of others, than with what is being communicated per se” (54). Full speech, on the other hand, concerns language that has transformational Symbolic value, signifiers that produce a change in the subject by engaging the Symbolic fabric of language. While the two kinds of speech seem opposed, they are in fact intimately related. Empty speech, because it seems to wander aimlessly, is often the starting point for speech that has consequences for the unconscious. For the early Lacan, the “talking cure” involves the ambiguous movement from one mode of speech to the other. Hook makes the point nicely: “Just as the truth-potential of full speech is always at risk from the disruption of empty speech, so it is that in the midst of the babbling of empty speech a moment of full speech may erupt, a pulse from the Other might break through” (71).

    At first blush, empty speech appears to be nothing other than phatic discourse. As a form of ego-led babbling, empty speech is very much like Kierkegaardian chatter or Heideggerian “idle talk”: talking for the sake of talking.6 Phatic discourse, like empty speech, seems to take place at the level of the Imaginary, where the ritual exchange of non-referential language is fundamentally about being seen by the other, seducing the other, performing for the other. The problem is that phatic communication also has much in common with full speech. Lacan insists that full speech often lacks in content or semiotic significance because it necessarily invokes the fact of Symbolic exchange, the pact that makes any particular meaning possible. As he puts it, “objects of Symbolic exchange . . . are destined to be useless” (“Function” 225). Speech, to the extent that it is transformative or full, operates (or acts) at the level of the Symbolic as a pact, as that shared but obscure backdrop of communication. When strangers engage in small talk, they leverage the pact: “we are speaking the same language.” Chitchat points to itself as language and thus announces the presence of a meta-social contract. In this scenario, the “I” is not primary. Rather, there is a focus on the potential for a “we,” those who share in the Symbolic universe. Phatic speech shares aspects of both empty and full speech, but it is not identical with either. It is not full because it rarely produces lasting social or subjective transformations. As a social ritual, it operates on the terrain of the Other, but, like empty speech, it frequently goes in circles. This is one way of understanding what Malinowski means when he connects phatic speech to ritual and magic speech on the basis of their shared connection to scenes of human action. We might think of small talk as a discourse that invokes ritual-as-pact but is only loosely tethered to any specific formulae. Phatic speech has been seen as a general linguistic phenomenon to which psychoanalytic discourses might be compared in various ways, but small talk today has a peculiarly pathological character, or is at least correlated to new forms of psychic suffering that emerge out of our hypermediated social world.

    To identify the problem of pathological phaticity more precisely, it is necessary to interrogate Virno’s conceptual framework in relation to psychoanalytic theory. For Virno, everything hinges on the idea of the pre-individual, a concept he borrows from Gilbert Simondon. The pre-individual names those conditions that precede, enable, and limit the process of individuation. Natural-historical languages are pre-individual because they provide the conditions for linguistic significance that pre-exist the emergence of the speaker. When an individual declares “I speak,” they renew the process of ontogenesis by repeating the passage whereby the speaking self (engaging in generic, pure parole) emerges from the pre-individual language (or langue). The purpose of this renewal is to provide relief for the subject at a time of cultural or psychic instability. From a Lacanian perspective, the ability to appeal to the voice as a therapeutic or apotropaic instrument is complicated in several ways. To begin, the pre-individual natural-historical language is nothing other than the Symbolic, and the very fact of the psychoanalytic clinic attests to its intransigence. To accede to the Symbolic, the individual must give up certain desirous relations to the body and its capacities—thus the production of repressed part-objects, such as the gaze and voice. The voice is not something one can regain in a process of ontogenesis, because the bare voice (vocalization without meaning) is never really one’s own. Returning to the pre-individual voice would necessitate a passage through the unconscious.

    We can also illustrate the rift between Virno’s philosophical anthropology and the Lacanian perspective by problematizing a particular metaphor Virno uses to describe pre-individual language: “amniotic fluid.” The process of individuation requires that the subject (the child) recognizes that the capacity to speak is independent of the natural-historical language, the “amniotic fluid,” in which they are immersed (Grammar 77). From a Lacanian perspective, things are quite the opposite: the child is first immersed in “lalangue maternelle,” that is, the sonic and bodily environment of the mother’s voice (Soler 110). The subject painfully emerges from this “amniotic fluid” through the process of castration, that is, the process of being alienated in the world of the signifier. As a result, the “pre-discursive voice” is saturated with jouissance and appears in the unmeaning signifiers of the body, or symptoms. Mladen Dolar refers to the idea that we can have access to the pre-individuated voice-as-such as a “structural illusion: the voice appears to be the locus of true expression, the place where what cannot be said can nevertheless be conveyed” (31). This distinction in conceptualizing the subject’s pre-individual or Symbolic conditions is crucial for our inquiry. According to Virno, the communicative function has been hijacked by the culture industry. We are no longer compelled to rehearse particular scripts, where our capacity to speak is silently assumed. Instead, that capacity is explicitly harnessed by the dictates of capital. This power over the potential of the body is biopolitical, though the object of the control is more the potential than the body itself (which is precisely the difference between disciplinary and neoliberal society). In psychoanalytic terms, we might say that the decline of the efficacy of the Symbolic corresponds to the direct capitalization of potential (Kordela 106). For Virno, this potential is a generic and shared human capacity, a form of “general intellect” that in the absence of biopolitical control could lead to the flourishing of communism. For Lacanians, this potential might be understood as objet a, the remainder of jouissance organized by fantasy. But as Heiko Feldner and Fabio Vighi make clear in their description of Lacan’s discourse of the capitalist, “the capitalist revolution proposes to valorise, produce and exchange this meaningless remainder, turning it into a universally achievable entity” (112). Even lalangue—the Real of speech subtracted from signification—is subject to this incessant process of seizure and exchange.7

    The ability of the subject to recapture its potential is not just a political difficulty, however, but a psychic one: the speaking subject’s access to its own potential is already barred by the signifying chain that produces the split in the subject to begin with. Virno’s description of the subject’s return to the pre-individual in the course of executing various performative socio-linguistic operations is useful, but the dynamics of the Symbolic limit any direct return to the jouissance-laden “amniotic fluid” of one’s mother tongue. The decline or transformation of the big Other does not mean that the role of the signifier in the production of subjectivity is somehow diminished, but that the structural agency that organizes those signifiers is no longer hegemonic. The consequences of this condition are observable in contemporary phatic communication. In traditional communicative contexts, small talk functions at the intersection of the Symbolic and Imaginary, leveraging the power of the Other—the pact—to forge relations to others. Today, small talk functions at the intersection or conflation of the Imaginary and the Real, where the jouissance of de-ritualized speech takes shape as anxiety, shame, and despondency.

    III

    As both Malinowski and Virno suggest, small talk is linked to ritual. In the past, the “ritualized formulas” of small talk worked to ease social interactions, but what becomes of the phatic when the Other begins to fade? As Byung-Chul Han has argued, ritual activity is markedly diminished in our postdisciplinary society: “The culture of information has lost the magic that comes from the empty signifier” (Disappearance 62). To a large extent, this is because ritual appeals to nonegoic aspects of cultural life, the shared experience of the Other. Today, permissive, achievement-oriented society cannot tolerate ritual precisely because it conflicts with our narcissistic demand for transparency. Without the agency of the traditional Other, small talk falls into disrepute. The rituals for chitchatting with a stranger now seem antiquated and pointless. Instead of assuming that “we are speaking the same language, we share a pact,” today we acknowledge that “we are speaking the same language, but we don’t believe anything binds us together.” Without the big Other to censure or acknowledge the collectivity of individual others, cynicism prevails. People don’t want to chitchat. Instead, they want to know what you want from them. The discomfort with small talk is often a cynical response of the narcissist who knows that the pact of language does not match the transactional value associated with the maintenance of the ego.

    Surveys have consistently suggested that young people today dread speaking on the phone (Meek), in part because of the prospect of making small talk. Some of this anxiety is undoubtedly linked to the narcissistic tendencies noted above, but I would argue that there is also another dimension of angoisse at work here. To speak on the phone is to encounter the voice in concentrated form. The mediated speaking voice can be tolerated if one can presuppose the existence of a stable Symbolic field into which it can be integrated. But without the authority of the Other, voices appear to be, on the one hand, omnipresent to the point of dullness (the white noise of our phatic technologies), and on the other, all too Real, too close for comfort. This includes the voice of the Other just as much one’s “own” voice, to which the uncanny experience of hearing one’s recorded voice attests. Indeed, for some, small talk is not just uncomfortable but the cause of extreme embarrassment or even shame. As Joan Copjec writes,

    Shame is awakened . . . when one suddenly perceives a lack in the Other. At this moment the subject no longer experiences herself as a fulfillment of the Other’s desire, as the center of the world, which now shifts away from her slightly, causing a distance to open within the subject herself. (127)

    As the agency of the Other declines, the rituals that once depended on its efficacy become the means of a painful exposure. The problem with small talk today is not that it lacks content— which has always been the case—but that it announces a compact that is no longer assured, thus exposing the subject as unstitched from the Symbolic fabric in which it is nevertheless enveloped.

    We are often able to avoid the Real of the voice online, but social media small talk is fraught in its own way. The increase of phatic exchanges online corresponds to Dean’s concept of communicative capitalism, wherein the repetition of the drive is directly routinized by the algorithm. Here, chitchat is nothing other than the acephalous twittering of the machine. Without an Other to recognize one’s phatic announcement to another (“can you hear me?”) we speak simply because Jack from Twitter has asked us “What’s Happening?” It goes without saying that this sort of small talk does not have the performative value it might have in an earlier historical moment. The phatic no longer provides the basis for discursive or cultural binding, nor does it provide an outlet for those seeking community outside such binding. Put differently: we can neither heal minor rifts in the Other through gregarious small talk, nor can we subvert the authority of the Other through impudent chattering. Instead, the now-empty ritual of small talk becomes the means for even more effective—because meaningless—forms of repetition. To chatter is to simply circle the void.

    And yet, returning to Flisfeder’s argument, perhaps our social media communication habits are, in fact, formed by the desire for an Other. Perhaps our only mode of sustaining desire is to post the Other into existence. Indeed, the decline of Symbolic efficiency does not always result in the subjective disposition illustrated above as social media users seem to succumb to the short-circuit of endless enjoyment. For some, social media has itself come to occupy the Symbolic space vacated by traditional incarnations of the Other. Where this mode of virtual experience prevails, it seems as if the consequences for the phatic would be minimal. After all, the Other has been made to return. Small talk, we can imagine, resumes its traditional role of facilitating social collaboration and so on. Yet social media as Other, while effective at producing new and rapidly transforming patterns of desire, nevertheless directly objectifies people by rendering every utterance into extractable value, as Flisfeder points out: “the subject of neoliberalism produces, but does not produce the subject as subject; instead, users further objectify the entirety of life as a condition of aggregate exploitation in neoliberal capitalism” (160). This is precisely what is at stake in “Nosedive” for Lacie, who, in aspiring to accrue subjective value through better ratings, ends up having her identity hollowed out as her ratings drop.8

    The result of this situation is that small talk can never yield anything but a transient moment of sociality that is always suspect and suffused with anxiety. While the Other exists insofar as it is perversely propped up, it is only weakly attended by ritual, and so the laws that it sanctions are subject to instant modification. In postindustrial capitalism, norms don’t simply disappear, but as Virno puts it, we see “the inflation of fleeting but ironclad rules,” rules that multiply to account for the infinite indeterminacy of our labor (When 207). A coherent and robust cultural system would provide ritualized norms to which subjects may or may not adhere, but a worldless existence is rigidly determined by ever-shifting and single-use rules, often produced, according to Han, by moral zealots, as narcissistic moralism proliferates in the vacuum left by the disappearance of ritual (Disappearance 68). As a result, contemporary small talk, particularly online, sometimes appears rigid and stereotyped, sometimes incoherent and profligate. We chatter anxiously, and rarely move on from small talk to something more substantial, because the norms or “forms of closure” that would provide subjective consistency have been largely evacuated, and because we can no longer recognize what “substantial” communication might look like (Han, Burnout 40).

    We can see a more concrete example of this sort of interaction through the lens of a contemporary novel about how the internet captures our attention, Patricia Lockwood’s No One is Talking About This (2021). In describing the general effects of being extremely online, Lockwood writes,

    It was in this place where we were on the verge of losing our bodies that bodies became the most important, it was in this place of the great melting that it became important whether you called it pop or soda growing up, or whether your mother cooks with garlic salt or the real chopped cloves, or whether you had actual art on your walls or posed pictures of your family sitting on logs in front of fake backdrops, or whether you had that one Tupperware stained completely orange. You zoomed in on the grain, you were out in space, in was the brotherhood of man, and in some ways you had never been flung further from each other. (12–13)

    Lockwood has a knack for identifying those ephemeral conversations that transpire mostly online, those taking up minor differences in regional dialect or the discovery of some new “relatable” phenomenon. These modes of chitchat burst into existence, promising a moment of recognition by the Other, the possibility of a social bond: “the brotherhood of man.” But of course the responses immediately become redundant and stale, and so the discourse marches swiftly on, and a new thing that previously no one was talking about will rise to the surface. In between, there is the brief sensation of a radical dislocation, the feeling that we have “never been flung further from each other” (Lockwood 13).

    Finally, to engage in phatic communication online is simultaneously to promote one’s brand and to be the plug that will make whole the social media Other. These are not contradictory positions. As Feldner and Vighi argue, “The various displays of hyper-narcissistic exhibitionism flooding our everyday life are intrinsically perverse insofar as they betray the unconscious desire to surrender oneself to the gaze of the Other . . . (they look at me, therefore I exist)” (110). Is this relentless self-exposure not phatic in essence? That is, does it not have the structure of the “I am speaking, therefore I am recognized by the pact of the Other”? Moreover, the desire to satisfy the Other in the hope gaining a foothold for one’s own desire is extremely precarious. Where anxiety doesn’t prevail, depression often does. For example, there are 391 million Twitter users with no followers (Aslam). In registering an account, these users bring the social media Other into being, but their every tweet (“Can you hear me?”) remains without engagement. When one’s narcissistic phatic announcements fail to be recognized by the Other, the only alternative is to repeat the gesture desperately. According to Han, depression occurs not due to an excess of the negative, as in melancholia, but through the excess of positivity and the compulsion to achieve. The social media Other never prohibits or censures—no “we don’t pay you to talk!” Indeed, we pay, with our personal data, for the privilege to talk. And when we fail to be heard, it is no one’s fault but our own.

    Consider, as a final example, the spectacle that transpired on October 4, 2021, when several major social media platforms, including Facebook, went dark for a few hours (Jiménez and Patel). Twitter, which was unaffected by the glitch, saw a massive uptick in activity. In response, the Twitter account posted this message: “hello literally everyone.” The post went viral immediately, with hundreds of major accounts, from Facebook to McDonald’s to Adele, taking the opportunity to reply or retweet in recognition of the joke (fig. 2). With this post, Twitter acknowledged the new traffic generated by users hungry for social media interaction in the absence of their preferred platforms. At 10/4/21, the post was the eighth most liked tweet ever, with 3.2 million likes and more than half a million retweets (“List”).

    Fig. 2. Twitter’s initial post, followed by various replies, including Adele’s.

    What is interesting, or perhaps typical, about this tweet is the fact that no information was transmitted, no meaningful dialogue initiated. Instead, we have a cheeky salutation delivered by a tech corporation, followed by further ironic banter from other corporate or celebrity brands. Of course, most of the likes and retweets were provided by regular users, whose accounts are followed by none or very few, who perhaps sought some recognition from the act, some sense of belonging to a community through the exchange of low-info language (fig. 3). Predictably, the whole affair simply revealed how easily these gestures ensnare users’ attention and turn it towards advertising in the guise of chitchat, demonstrating again how our quest for subjectivity is converted into further objectification.

    Fig. 3. A selection of replies to Adele’s tweet, some registering their fandom by echoing Adele’s popular hit 2016 hit, “Hello.”

    IV

    This essay began by noting the high number of news stories dedicated to praising the value of small talk in workplace environments. As the COVID-19 pandemic started to wane in the US during the spring and summer of 2021, the cycle began again with renewed energy. Articles circulated that purported to help an isolated and quarantined population reengage socially with small talk.9 I suspect that readers are drawn to these pieces not because they want more chitchat, but because they want what the pact of small talk used to make visible: Symbolic efficiency. Be that as it may, in a world of declining rates of profit, of proliferating bullshit jobs, of stagnant wages, of mass depoliticization, of algorithmic dominance, and above all of compulsive communication, any call for more phatic exchange can only be understood as a desperate attempt to wring the last drop of jouissance from a depleted and depressed population. Today, small talk either works—weakly and fleetingly—to prop up the social media Other, or it doesn’t work, which is still a win, as the chatter feeds the algorithm regardless of what it means or fails to mean. Worse yet, it is unlikely that this chatter will open up the space for full speech. Like the analyst, the algorithm insists: “Away you go, say whatever, it will be marvelous” (Seminar 52). But where the analyst cuts short the analysand’s speech to make the signifier resonate, the algorithm, which knows everything and nothing, always asks for more.

    Matthew J. Rigilano is an Assistant Teaching Professor at Penn State Abington, where he teaches writing and English. His research ranges across 18th century British literature and culture, the theory of the novel, psychoanalysis, and philosophies of the subject.

    Footnotes

    1. For a representative selection, see Wuench; Morris; and Mannering.

    2. “Watercooler,” https://www.donut.com/watercooler. The example is taken from a promotional video on the Donut website, https://www.donut.com.

    3. See Miller, “New Media,” and “Phatic”; Wang, et al.; and Kulkarni.

    4. For an overview of the concept in the linguistic literature, see Coupland, et al.

    5. Žižek works on this issue in many of his texts. For what might be his most extensive treatment, see The Ticklish Subject.

    6. For a penetrating analysis of the links between Kierkegaard, Heidegger, and Lacan on the question of everyday speech, see McCormick.

    7. See Lewis for a consideration of lalangue as the late Lacan’s revision of full speech.

    8. It is worth noting that when Lacie is arrested for dropping below a 1, she has a conversation with another prisoner that consists entirely of profane insults. Interestingly, both participants clearly enjoy the freedom of this exchange. It is as if small talk has been so degraded by the rating system that the only authentic form of social intercourse that remains is one marked by a kind of joyful hostility. The suggestion is that this shared sense of counting as nothing might be the foundation of renewed social life.

    9. See Thorpe; Abad-Santos; and Sale.

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    • ———. When the Word Becomes Flesh: Language and Human Nature. Translated by Giuseppina Mecchia, Semiotext(e), 2015.
    • Wang, Victoria, et al. “On Phatic Technologies for Creating and Maintaining Human Relationships.” Technology in Society, vol. 33, nos. 1–2, Feb.-May 2011, pp. 44–51. Science Direct.
    • “Watercooler.” Donut, https://www.donut.com/watercooler. Accessed 26 Jul. 2022.
    • Wuench, Julia. “Why Small Talk Is Anything But Small.” Forbes, 21 Jun. 2021, https://www.forbes.com/sites/juliawuench/2021/06/21/why-small-talk-is-anything-but-small/?sh=130855c578b0.
    • Žižek, Slavoj. The Ticklish Subject: The Absent Center of Political Ontology, Verso, 1999.

  • Against Digital Worldlessness: Arendt, Narrative, and the Onto-Politics of Big Data/AI Technologies

    Ewa Płonowska Ziarek (bio)

    “The best way to humanize AI is to tell our stories.”

    — Elizabeth Adams

    I. A New Referendum on Reality

    In a February 2020 article in The Atlantic entitled “The Billion Dollar Disinformation Campaign to Reelect the President,” McKay Coppins offers disturbing insights into the digital extraction of big data used to target political advertising and to modify voter behavior. Developed by Cambridge Analytica in 2016, the temporal and geopolitical implications of these techniques extend well beyond the 2020 US campaign and its aftermath.1 Alarmed by the staggering amount of data collected on voters, Coppins argues that the damage that results from these massive and highly personalized political disinformation techniques includes not only a widely discussed political crisis of democracy in the digital age,2 but also and primarily the loss of a shared reality. As he puts it, “Should it prevail in 2020, the election’s legacy will be clear – not a choice between parities or candidates or policy platforms, but a referendum on reality itself.” More and more frequently discussed by computer scientists, political theorists, and the wider public alike, the loss of reality has not only prevailed but intensified: As data and computer scientist Sinan Aral puts it briefly, we are approaching “the end of reality” (24–55).3

    With the waning of techno-optimism and the ascendancy of techno-dystopianism, numerous diagnoses have been offered for this state of affairs, ranging from the widely discussed “post truth societies” and the blurring of reality and hyperreality (Floridi)4 to critiques of digital capitalism and the ideology of “computationalism.”5 However, as the formulation of a “referendum on reality” suggests, this political concern about the loss of the real also foregrounds the negative ontological effects of the digital regime of power – what I call digital worldlessness. With its global reach, the hegemony of the digital regime and artificial intelligence constitutes a new horizon not only for the economy, but also for politics and culture. Therefore, any analysis of this hegemonic framework calls for broad interdisciplinary thinking, in which humanists (and particularly political, cultural, and literary theorists) need to be centrally involved, in addition to scholars and philosophers working in technology studies.

    To analyze the problem of the digital worldlessness of big data and its use in AI from the perspective of political theory, I draw on Hannah Arendt’s central claim that any loss of reality is the effect of historically specific assaults on human plurality. I develop the implications of this claim beyond the limitations of Arendt’s own work6 by engaging the growing interdisciplinary critiques of the harms of datafication and of the algorithmic mediation of social relations. Although best known for her work on totalitarianism, Arendt interrogates the destruction of human plurality through high and low technologies of domination, from imperialism, anti-Semitism, and racism to nuclear warfare, biopolitics, and even the influence of religious “otherworldly” communities.7 For a number of scholars, Arendt’s enduring legacy lies in contesting the resurgence of racism, right wing populism, and fascism in the twenty-first century;8 others, such as Zuboff and Weizenbaum, enlist her work to understand the unprecedented character of computational technologies of power.9 I propose that the ontological and political stakes of the current referendum on reality require a genealogical account of the ways in which historically specific threats to human plurality are automated and encoded anew in digital technologies of power. Writing before the digital age, Arendt offers such a genealogical account of the destruction of human plurality by anti-Semitism, imperialism, racism, and refugee crises, culminating in the emergence of the horrific novum of totalitarianism. Among interdisciplinary thinkers who directly confront the damages of digital technologies of power, contemporary critical race theorists (in particular Ruha Benjamin and Simone Browne) argue that the long history of anti-black racism both precedes and is encoded anew in the global regimes of big data and AI. Building on this interdisciplinary framework, I argue that the contemporary ontological loss of reality is augmented by the political harms of digital technologies of power to human plurality.

    According to Arendt, the sense of the real emerges from three types of intertwined relations that can be separated only for heuristic purposes: the appearances of natural phenomena to human senses, the construction of the world through work and technology, and the web of interpersonal relations effected by acting and speaking together. This view helps to define digital worldlessness: subordinated to the aims of digital capital, digital technologies not only intensify economic exploitation,10 but also undermine phenomenological appearances of the world and human plurality. This is the case because relations with the world are mediated by economy, science, and technologies and are interlaced with “the web” of political interactions (Human 183–84). This web of human affairs holds human plurality together and sustains a sense of the common world (204). Arendt’s web metaphor is not accidental. Plurality for her is not a numerical multitude of isolated individuals, but rather a relational form of sociality characterized by the enabling tensions between equality and distinction, between being in common and the unrepeatable singularity of each person. Even if domination or violence restrict being in common to counter-communities of resistance, such commonness is intertwined with sharing “deeds and words,” which enables political actors to disclose their uniqueness to each other and to enact together a new beginning in political life. Whenever this worldly appearance of the equality, distinction, and uniqueness of people is under assault by political technologies of power or economic exploitation, the sense of reality is eroded as well. As Arendt puts it, without human plurality, the world itself becomes “as a heap of unrelated things” – no longer a common world fit for acting, understanding, or communicating (204).

    Because realness is intertwined with human plurality, it cannot be guaranteed by factual knowledge or objectivity abstracted from human affairs: “Factual truth . . . is always related to other people: it concerns events and circumstances in which many are involved; it is established by witnesses and depends upon testimony; it exists only to the extent that it is spoken about . . . It is political by nature” (“Truth” 553).11 Put differently, reality presupposes public trust in the common world. As is now more obvious than ever, even the authority of science and technology – not to mention politics – rests on public trust, or on what Arendt rehabilitates in her political writings as common sense. In her reinterpretation of Kant, Arendt argues that insofar as common sense reflects human plurality and trust in the world, it is one of the highest political virtues, which should not be automatically discarded as the unreflective public opinion of the ideologically manipulated masses. On the contrary, common sense, human plurality, and realness are inseparable because all of them depend on the interpersonal capacity to perceive one another as equal and distinct and to relate with others to the same objects in the world, or to the same matters of concern, despite our irreducible differences, political conflicts, and diverse cultural locations.12 In other words, both the political and the ontological sense of the real emerge from sharing, acting, and arguing with others who are mutually regarded as equal and distinct: “common sense presupposes a common world into which we all fit” and vice versa (“Understanding” 318).

    Another insight of Arendt’s that is relevant for the contemporary “referendum on reality” is that a Western political and scientific “solution” to the loss of reality has been the replacement of common sense by calculation. Arendt calls this politically-motivated substitution of calculation for common sense “logicality” in order to distinguish it from the uses of statistics and computation in other domains. As she argues in her reflection on the rise of statistics, calculation becomes both a symptom of and substitute for the lost reality because of its paradoxical double quality: on the one hand, the capacity for logic, like sensus communis, is common to all; on the other hand, its validity is utterly abstracted from the historical world, sensible phenomena, sociability, and ordinary language: “all self-evidence from which logical reasoning proceeds can claim a reliability altogether independent of the world and the existence of other people.” “Only under conditions where the common realm between men is destroyed and the only reliability left consists in the meaningless tautologies [of logic]” can people accept logicality – or in our historical moment, data – as the substitute for common understanding (“Understanding” 318).

    Although a comprehensive understanding of digital harms to human plurality requires multiple methodological and disciplinary perspectives, I want to confront this threat by analyzing contradictions between two different social practices: the uses of big data in Artificial intelligence (AI) and its subset Machine learning (ML),13 and the role of narratives in political acts. I do so, first, to foreground the contradiction between the mathematical models of data abstracted from the phenomenal world and the ethical and political difficulties of understanding that emerge from human plurality. Second, I want to highlight the conflict between the relational agency enacted in narrative and political acts and the increasing automation of high-stakes decisions in public life, ranging from economy and management to education, criminal justice, healthcare, and immigration. This conflict is at stake in the resurgence of interdisciplinary interests in narrative in both critical data/algorithmic studies and in the new political movements that contest the hegemony of AI and big data. In literary studies, the primary investigations of data and computer programming are associated with the institutionalization of Digital Humanities and the changing cultures of reading,14 yet scholars in science and technology studies, critical data studies, and computer sciences15 deploy narrative to explain socio-historical mechanisms of power encoded in data-driven technologies. Researchers as diverse as Fiore-Garland and Neff, Schrock and Shaffer, and Andrejevic return to narrative to contest the separation of mathematical models of data from socio-historical practices. As Dourish and Gómez Cruz persuasively argue, unacknowledged “narrative practices in data science” (6) make data-driven technologies applicable to social contexts, even though this narrative dependence is disavowed in the process of legitimating big data.

    Finally and most importantly, the contrast between the uses of data in AI and the uses of narratives in political struggles clarifies the antagonistic ontologies of these practices. For Arendt, the conjunction of narrative/political acts presupposes and reenacts the “web” of human plurality on which the ontology of the common world depends. By contrast, insofar as the use of big data in AI and ML is subordinated to the economic aims of digital capitalism and the automation of decision-making, its ontology corresponds to digital worldlessness. Such digital worldlessness reframes the harms of algorithmic governmentality, a term proposed by Rouvroy and Berns and which Rouvroy defines as a “regime of neutralisation” (100) that aims to disarm subjective capacities for action, for speech, and “for decision (of deciding on grounds of undecidability rather than obeying the results of calculation),” as well as for collective imaginations of political projects (101). The contrast between these ontologies could not be starker, and it reflects the “hybrid” and antagonistic character of the current referendum on reality.

    Thinking through this onto-political antagonism16 as reflective of larger technologies of power, we can avoid what Ruha Benjamin calls reductive oppositions between techno-determinism and techno-utopianism, which promises to solve social inequalities (44–46). Although historical genealogies of these contradictions between data, AI, and narrative might evoke a familiar conflict in modernity between storytelling and information—addressed, for example, in Walter Benjamin’s famous essay “The Storyteller”—contemporary onto-political threats to human plurality are posed by a different type of information associated with the mathematical formalization of data, and purged from any reliance on the appearances of natural, social, and political phenomena.17 Lyotard’s The Postmodern Condition can be reclaimed for its prescient critique of such formalization at stake in digital power. Already in 1979, he could foresee that incommensurable differences in the debates on justice, politics, and truth are subordinate to the computational optimization of efficiency, which “entails a certain level of terror, whether soft or hard: be operational (that is, commeasurable) or disappear” (xxiv). Although Lev Manovich proposes a diametrically opposed evaluation of the relation between narrative and big data in his influential 1999 essay “Database as Symbolic Form,” he too suggests that this antagonistic relation reflects a larger onto-political conflict. According to the ontology of computer programming, “the world appears to us as an endless and unstructured collection” of data points to be processed algorithmically (81).18 By contrast, narrative not only presupposes at its bare minimum actors, events, and narrators but also attempts to make sense of the world in terms of causality – a term that for me also includes causality of freedom and therefore cannot be reduced to mechanical causality – rather than algorithmically detected correlations in huge data sets. That is why, for Manovich, “database and narrative are natural ‘enemies’. Competing for the same territory of human culture, each claims an exclusive right to make meaning out of the world” (85).

    Although I emphatically reject Manovich’s claim that “databases” are more open than narratives,19 his insight into the conflicting ontologies presupposed by data and narrative remains more relevant than ever. The contemporary antagonism between big data, narrative, and AI shapes new forms of political action, initiated by new political movements such as the Algorithmic Justice League or Data 4 Black Lives. For example, a new project launched by the AI Now Institute, entitled “AI Lexicon,” calls “for contributions to generate alternate narratives, positionalities, and understandings to the better known and widely circulated ways of talking about AI.”20 This call for alternative narratives is all the more significant because it is an integral part of the mission of the Institute, which is dedicated to interdisciplinary research on the socio-political repercussions of artificial intelligence in order “to ensure a more equitable future” (AI Now Institute). As this example suggests, at stake in the competing political ontologies is not a resolution or a possible choice between big data and narrative. Rather the question is whether this conflict can be mobilized to reimagine different possibilities of acting and speaking in support of freedom and equity, or whether the big data revolution—often described metaphorically as a tsunami, explosion, or flood—will further exacerbate the sense of digital worldlessness.

    II. Arendt’s Political Ontology of Narrative and Action

    What is distinctive in Arendt’s highly idiosyncratic approach to narrative is her argument about the inextricable relation between narrative and political acts. As a number of feminist theorists such as Cavarero, Kristeva, Stone-Mediatore, and Diprose and Ziarek argue,21 Arendt’s onto-politics of narrative practice emerges from her political theories of action, political agency, and judgment. The key point of her approach is not formal analysis but rather a much-needed reflection on the connections between stories, understanding, and political action defined in the broadest sense as the struggle for freedom. For Arendt, this relation between stories and political acts, or words and deeds, provides a larger framework for the analysis and critique of more specific narrative forms in culture, literature, history, ethnography, and so forth. Let me stress from the outset that the relation between narrative and politics underscores the ambivalent and often conflicting role of narrative, which can range from hegemonic legitimations of colonial, racist, and economic domination to support for and commemorations of struggles for independence. Narrative is therefore both the object and the means of political contestation. At the same time, Arendt provides a criterion for parsing these contradictory functions, which boils down to the question whether specific narratives enable or suppress political activism and human plurality.

    Because of her emphasis on relational political agency in struggles for freedom, Arendt herself focuses more on narrative modes of resistance and their ontological presuppositions. As she famously claims in The Human Condition, action “‘produces’ stories” in the way that other activities, such as work, produce objects (184). Yet what is at stake in this strange reversal of narrative agency from authorship to political acts? What does it mean to say that action produces stories rather than that stories represent real or fictional events? In the context of the predictive analytics driving digital capital, one of the most important implications of this idea is that stories produced by action retrospectively reveal the action’s meaning, which in turn depends on the contestable role of remembrance and interpretation. For feminist critics of Arendt, another crucial political implication of this claim is that narrative itself is a mode of acting in the world that presupposes human plurality.22 Deeply conditioned and yet not determined by cultural, political, and economic norms, actions, narratives, and their interpretations can safeguard the possibility of a new, unforeseeable beginning in history for Arendt. The event of a new beginning foregrounds the possibility of acting in unexpected ways and offers a new interpretation of historical events, as well as the very capacity to imagine and enact new possibilities of being in common. Because political action is impossible in isolation, another common feature of narrative and political acts is a disclosure of human plurality, which is antithetical to the increasingly automated quantification and classification of persons.

    Arendt’s insistence on the interconnection between political acts and storytelling implies that both action and narrative share the same ontological conditions. As numerous interpreters argue, one of Arendt’s main contributions to political theory is her famous claim that action both depends on and discloses the ontological condition of natality. As she writes in The Human Condition, all human activities and initiatives, including labor, art, and work, are

    rooted in natality . . . However, of the three, action has the closest connection with the human condition of natality; the new beginning inherent in birth can make itself felt in the world only because the newcomer possesses the capacity of beginning something anew, that is, of acting. . . . Moreover, since action is the political activity par excellence, natality, and not mortality, may be the central category of political . . . thought. (9)

    For Arendt, the condition of natality carries three interrelated meanings. First, as a crucial but overlooked modality of finitude, natality emphasizes a relational inter-dependent notion of personhood: from birth, we appear first to others and then to ourselves, such that uniqueness and plurality are inseparable from each other. Second, because uniqueness and plurality can be brutally destroyed by political violence, natality refers to a political ontology. Third, natality stresses the fact that the appearance of newcomers and strangers in the historically-constituted world is the event of a new beginning. Already at work in the “first” order of birth, the possibility of such a new beginning occurs again whenever political agents act in concert with each other. To sum up, the ontology of natality is characterized by an inter-relational political agency, a new beginning in politics through acting with others, and the disclosure of agents’ uniqueness through words and deeds.

    Although a full analysis of the ontological presuppositions of narrative modes of resistance is beyond the scope of this article, I want to focus on the three interrelated tasks that both narrative and action perform: the disclosure of uniqueness, the enactment of human plurality, and the communication of judgments. These aspects of sociality ensure a common sense of the world and at the same time are most endangered by the algorithmic processing of big data. As many of Arendt’s interpreters point out, unrepeatable singularity is not the same as having an individual identity in isolation from other people. On the contrary, it is a mode of appearance to and with others. Because uniqueness exceeds any general attributes of identity, it cannot be defined conceptually but merely implied in the form of an address to another: “who are you?” The irreducible paradox of uniqueness lies in the fact that, despite its opacity and resistance to general meaning, it is nonetheless communicated to others: “The manifestation of who the speaker and doer unexchangeably is . . . retains a curious intangibility that confounds all efforts toward unequivocal verbal expression” (181). Consequently, the politico-aesthetic mode of disclosure of uniqueness in action and narrative is characterized by an irreducible tension between exposure to others and opacity to ourselves, between singularity and the generality of norms. As Cavarero and Diprose and Ziarek argue, this irreducible intangibility and publicity of uniqueness presents not an obstacle to but the very possibility of narrative, which has to shelter this enigma.23

    Although narrative perspectives are partial and contingent, they constitute the “web” of human plurality because they are addressed to the multiple, equally partial, and often conflicting viewpoints of others. We could say of Arendt’s idea of narrative that, as Ruha Benjamin says of architecture, it “reminds us that public space is a permanent battleground for those who wish to reinforce or challenge hierarchies” (91). The disclosure of singularity through action and narrative foregrounds (whether implicitly or explicitly) the appeal to the judgment of others, and therefore enacts human plurality.24 In her idiosyncratic reading of Kant, Arendt proposes an analogy between aesthetic, political, and historical judgments (Lectures 62–65). At stake in this analogy is the most tenuous type of public communication of unrepeatable particulars – this event, this person, this work of art – without treating them as illustrations of a general concept, empirical data, or mathematical abstraction. Consequently, in her reinterpretation of reflective judgment, Arendt finds a public mode of sharing with others what is in fact incommunicable: uniqueness refractory to general norms or expectation of transparency.

    Arendt’s recovery of the communicability of uniqueness is even more urgent for contemporary debates regarding algorithmic secrecy and its opposite: reductive calls for technological transparency. Reflecting the convergence of digital capitalism and the automation of political decisions, the algorithmic processing of big data bypasses the communicability of judgments – conceptual and reflective – that holds human plurality together. All too often, even those technical and non-technical decisions encoded in data mining and the machine learning pipeline that could be communicated conceptually remain withdrawn from public judgment and contestation: for instance, the choice of the problem to be solved, its mathematical formalization, the type of algorithms used, the source and type of the available training data, and so on. As Andrejevic argues, these semi-“oracular” automated outcomes withdrawn from public opinion aim to replace even conceptual judgments, contestations, and political imagination of alternative possibilities (2). Consequently, the implementation of algorithmic decisions not only shifts the burden of explanation and argument to those who are injured by “automated inequality” (Eubanks), but also contributes to digital worldlessness and the pervasive loss of a common sense.

    By contrast, for Arendt, the communication of uniqueness depends neither on transparent discourse nor on the optimization of algorithmic outcomes. Rather, it is based on the appeal to the judgment of others without any assurance that they will actually agree with us. As she argues, the communication of reflective judgments requires a so-called enlarged mentality, that is, the ability to take other points of view into account both when we proclaim our judgments to others and in the very process of judging itself. Considering other points of view in the process of judging amounts neither to an objective standpoint nor to the appropriation of those viewpoints, but instead to a critical reflection on our own judgments (Lectures 70–72). By reflecting critically on one’s own judgment from the actual and the potential perspectives of others, one might distance oneself from one’s own dogmatism, narcissism, cultural norms, and habitual, unreflective opinions, thus achieving some relative impartiality, or what Kant calls “disinterestedness” (73). In other words, as Rodolphe Gasché suggests, for Arendt (unlike for Kant), reflective judgment consists in taking into consideration others with whom we share the world and whose potential or real viewpoints are represented by imagination (112–14). That is why judging from others’ points of view presupposes and enacts human plurality. According to Cecilia Sjöholm, communication of judgments sustains both sensus communis and realness (82–85).

    Expanding Stone-Mediatore’s interpretation of Arendt’s storytelling as “a feminist practice and a knowledge of resistance” (1–3, 125–60), I argue that relational agency performed by activism and counter-narratives contests racist, gendered domination and reenacts human plurality. As we have seen, Arendt’s web of political interactions, performed through words and deeds, is a precondition of the appearance of the world. Although mediated by economy, science, and technology, the sense of the world and its realness also depends on sociality characterized by equality and distinction. The question remains whether such realness, dependent as it is on human plurality, can be performed anew by narratives and actions against automated inequality. Although narratives cannot oppose these technologies directly, they can challenge their tacit narrative legitimations and mobilize new political actions oriented towards justice and human plurality. As Ruha Benjamin powerfully argues, narratives enable

    a justice-oriented, emancipatory approach to data protection, analysis, and public engagement. . . . It is vital that people engaged in tech development partner with those who do important sociocultural work honing narrative tools through the arts, humanities, and social justice organizing. (192–93).

    By underscoring interactions with others based on justice rather than on efficiency, such emancipatory narratives can mobilize new political struggles against the most destructive harms of these technologies, which range from “engineered inequality” (188) to digital worldlessness.

    III. Datafication, AI, and the Political Ontology of Digital Worldlessness

    In the previous section I argue that for Arendt, “stories produced” by emancipatory actions are one of the key cultural/political practices that can enact human plurality, expand resistance, and shelter the onto-political sense of realness. Following Arendt, I claim that realness consists in the intertwining of appearances of natural phenomena to human senses and the “web” of inter-personal relations enacted by acting and speaking together. Now I want to examine the political and ontological consequences of the mathematical models of big data used in AI and ML that work in tandem with capital. The digital worldlessness of this hegemonic formation of power/knowledge emerges first of all from the abstraction of mathematical models of data from natural and human phenomena as well as from ordinary language. Second, the loss of realness is a consequence of the new threats to human plurality posed by ubiquitous surveillance, algorithmic secrecy (so-called black boxing), and the replacement of judgments by automated algorithmic decisions. By automating historical genealogies of domination, the algorithmic processing of mathematical models of big data (working in tandem with capital on a global scale) represents an unprecedented phenomenon, which proponents of AI do not hesitate to call a new techno-political and social “revolution.”25 Yet, as scholars working in science and technology studies, black studies, legal studies, and economics argue, the significance of this “revolution” is contestable when we examine the imbrication of the old and new technologies of power/knowledge in oppression, racialization, coloniality, and capital. In particular, Ruha Benjamin’s notion of “double coding” offers a key methodological perspective for analyzing the dependence of high-tech operations of power on the long histories of oppression. As the growing vocabulary of new critical terms such as “new Jim Code,” “surveillance capitalism,” “algorithmic governmentality,” “societies of control,” “algorithmic redlining,” “surrogate humanity,” and “digital poorhouse” suggests, these new technologies both encode structures of domination and facilitate the emergence of unprecedented forms of power/knowledge. What are the main features of this formation of power and knowledge in the computational age, and how do they contribute to digital worldlessness?

    Perhaps ironically, the most insightful responses to these questions emerge from techno-revolutionary narrative legitimations of big data, offered for example by Mayer-Schönberger and Cukier’s 2014 New York Times bestseller, Big Data: A Revolution That Will Transform How We Live, Work, and Think. This familiar grand narrative of technological progress and scientific objectivity justifies the deployment of data-driven AI in almost every domain of our lives, from governance, policing, management, and economy to healthcare, education, and culture. At the same time, it both reveals and depoliticizes the most contested elements of the digital regime of power. Recently supplemented by moral narratives of “AI for public good” or of “trustworthy AI” in response to growing public concern about the social harm of digital technologies, the techno-revolutionary legitimation of big data technologies remains one of the most ideologically charged “data fictions,” to use Dourish and Gómez Cruz’s apt formulation.26 Expanding on feminist and critical data studies, I argue that digital worldlessness corresponds to the well-known “4 Vs” characteristic of big data: volume, variety, velocity (the dynamism of data, continuously updated and tracked in real time), and veracity. While acknowledging the darker side of data, Mayer-Schönberger and Cukier stress the quasi-sublime volume of big data – or what Gaymon Bennet calls, in a different context, “the digital sublime” – and its epistemic aspiration to include the totality of empirical knowledge: because the plethora of data approaches n=all, traditional statistical sampling might no longer be required (6–31). However, the exponential volume and velocity of data are facilitated not only by the advancement of computational technologies but also by ubiquitous digital surveillance and data extraction, as feminist data scholars including D’Ignazio and Klein point out (21–47).27 Since the scale of big data extracted through surveillance exceeds human comprehension and communication, this overload of information has to be processed by algorithms that are often proprietary, which in turn introduce a new form of techno-political secrecy. In addition to scale and speed, the most contestable ideological assertion of big data lies in the claim of its veracity: big data appears to “speak for itself” and to reveal a new form of objectivity, which, as Berns and Rouvroy point out, seems to emerge immanently from life itself. This “veracity” depends first on the shift of scientific perspective away from explanations (historical genealogies, and all forms of causality, including the causality of power and freedom) to the discovery of “what is the case” that is based on correlations in mathematical models found by machine learning algorithms. Because the algorithmic discovery of correlations, patterns, or anomalies in huge data sets requires neither explanation nor prior scientific hypothesis testing, big data infamously announces the “end of theory” in the sciences (and not merely in the humanities) (Anderson).28 For D’Ignazio and Klein, such an epistemology once again replicates the “mythical, imaginary, impossible standpoint” so frequently criticized by feminist epistemologies (73–96). Furthermore, this departure from explanation, reasons, and interpretations of social relations abdicates any accountability for the history of oppression and inequality.

    Numerous interdisciplinary scholars – including computer and feminist data scientists (Abebe, et al. 256), the majority of whom are women and women of color, such as Safiya Umoja Noble, Cathy O’Neil, Simone Browne, Virginia Eubanks, Shoshana Zuboff, as well as Catherine D’Ignazio and Lauren Klein29 – have considered the dependence of mathematical veracity on historical domination. The initial justification that the mathematical neutrality of big data and ML could counter socio-political prejudices and inequalities, even if it were possible, is problematic because it repeats the hyper-rationalist dream of transcending human conflicts, desires, limitations, and embeddedness in the world. Yet, as the ground-breaking work of O’Neil, Noble, Ruha Benjamin, Eubanks, Pasquale, and Rouvroy and Berns demonstrates all too well, big data and AI reproduce harms and discriminations and make it more difficult to contest them. Numerous causes have been identified for this state of affairs: a) technologies are never neutral tools but economic and sociopolitical operations of power; b) social data used for machine training is shaped by the long-standing history of systemic racial, economic, and gender injustices (what Ruha Benjamin calls “double encoding”); and c) the emergence of new hierarchies of power/knowledge between those who have the economic, political, and intellectual capital to extract data and design models, and communities subjected to unregulated algorithmic decisions.

    Quantification of the heterogeneity of the world further contributes to digital worldlessness. “Speaking” in abstraction from the phenomenal and historical world, the velocity (speed) and efficiency of digital technologies depend on the rejection of facticity and the ambiguity of both ordinary and scientific languages for the sake of the mathematical formalization of empirical facts and their translation into machine computability. As Mayer-Schönberger and Cukier admit, the revolution of big data is ultimately not about size but about making quantification synonymous with understanding (79–97). That is why they propose to replace the word “data” with the more precise and now widely-used neologism “datafication.” By purging the term “data” from its lingering etymological reference to Latin datum, datafication conveys the agency of computerized data mining, which converts the irreducible heterogeneity of natural, political, and historical phenomena into quantifiable “variety” that can be measured, stored, and retrieved (using digital processors and storage) (78). Evocative of colonial and racist conquests, the violent rhetoric of the “datafication” of the whole world emphasizes the technological ability and the political desire to “capture quantifiable information” (78).

    The ontopolitics of digital worldlessness is most explicit in the shift from a notion of the world regarded “as a string of happenings that we explain as natural social or phenomena” to “a universe comprised essentially of information” (96). Mayer-Schönberger and Cukier refer to a mathematical theory of information, defined in the Oxford English Dictionary in terms of “the statistical probabilities of occurrence of the symbol or the elements of the message.” Introduced in 1948 by Shannon (among others), this mathematical statistical approach to information “must not be confused with its ordinary usage . . . In fact, two messages, one of which is heavily loaded with meaning and the other of which is pure nonsense, can be exactly equivalent, from the present viewpoint, as regards information” (Shannon and Weaver 99). Only in a universe consisting of information can we have endless debates about whether the brain is an information-processing computer or vice versa. Abstracted from irreducible heterogeneity, a universe reduced to mathematical information processed by computers is one of the best definitions of “digital worldlessness.” Often conveyed by metaphors of natural disasters like floods or tsunamis, the destructive character of such ontopolitics is perhaps most dramatically (if inadvertently) conveyed by the words of computer scientist Chris Re, who underscores the voracious character of data mining and machine learning: “Software has been ‘eating the world’ for the last 10 years. In the last few years, a new phenomenon has started to emerge: machine learning is eating software.”

    If the abstraction of data from both natural/historical phenomena and ordinary language constitutes one side of digital worldlessness, the qualification of human plurality by the rapidly increasing datafication of social relations constitutes the other. As Mayer-Schönberger and Cukier candidly admit, big data analytics transforms all human interactions and activities – values, moods, friendships, actions, stories, and interpretations – into calculable quantities (91–94).30 Once datified, social media platforms “don’t simply offer us a way to find and stay in touch with friends and colleagues,” but transform everyday interactions into the lucrative currency of data, which can be sold, treated as signals for investments, used for profiling, and turned into predictions about our future (91). Such voracious, profit-driven datafication is indeed what renders the meaning of the common world semantically “poor” and by extension constitutes the “poverty” of data science, to paraphrase Marx’s famous indictment of “the poverty of philosophy.”

    The two most prevalent mechanisms of datafication that undermine human plurality are digital surveillance and algorithmic secrecy. Big data and machine learning technologies cannot function without pervasive digital surveillance, which enables the continuous extraction of data from human and nonhuman occurrences and phenomena. The scale of data extraction automates racist, disciplinary, or authoritarian apparatuses of surveillance, which have been disproportionately targeting racialized minorities, political dissidents, immigrants, refugees, and whole populations subjected to biopolitical normalization. To draw upon Frank Pasquale’s influential formulation, digital surveillance deployed by international corporations and governmental institutions alike fractures human plurality into multiple “black box societies.” One of the most familiar metaphors in discussions of big data and machine learning algorithms, “the black box” is usually shorthand for a lack of algorithmic transparency. Pasquale instead uses the term “black boxing” to describe a digital tool for social, political, and economic power. The term refers first to recording devices such as GPS, biometric sensors, software, and cameras used in cars, phones, the Internet of Things, border crossings, policing, workplaces, homes, and ubiquitous “smart” technologies that harvest data usually without users’ awareness or consent.31 Enabling the continuous tracking of things, people, and activities in real time, such pervasive extraction of data and monitoring constitute a dispersed network of power relations, which Kevin Haggerty and Richard Ericson call “surveillant assemblages” to distinguish them from top-down models like Orwell’s Big Brother or Foucault’s Panopticon.

    The second aspect of black boxing that supports digital worldlessness is algorithmic secrecy, often misnamed as lack of transparency in machine learning algorithms.32 It undermines the relational character of human plurality and a shared sense of the world. By destabilizing public/private, political/economic distinctions, algorithmic secrecy prohibits access to the proprietary software mega-corporations use to analyze billions of socioeconomic data points. This proprietary aspect of secrecy is political in nature and can be challenged by legislation and political activism. Yet digital secrecy also refers not only to the wider public’s lack of technical expertise but also to the complexity/opacity of machine learning algorithms that exceed human understanding altogether, including that of experts themselves, as is the case with the neural networks used in controversial facial recognition technologies. Algorithmic secrecy is different therefore from familiar political technologies of secrecy associated with authoritarianism, secret societies, or the secret apparatus of the state. Based on algorithmic secrecy, technological opacity, and digital surveillance, the power of “black boxing” is “opaque, unverifiable, and unchallengeable” (Brevini and Pasquale 2),33 especially by those who are discriminated against based on its results. Revising this analysis in the context of algorithmic encoding of racial inequalities, Ruha Benjamin renames black boxing as an “anti-Black box” (34–36) and points out that the power structure that relies on black boxing constitutes a new digital “Jim Code” regime of racialization (1–48).

    Algorithmic secrecy and digital surveillance drive digital profiling, or the algorithmic classification and ranking of users, on a global scale. As Browne, Ruha Benjamin, D’Ignazio, and Klein demonstrate in different ways, the digital capture of human and nonhuman interactions automates the long history of the quantification of human beings in regimes of racialization and colonialism. What is new in this threat to human plurality is not only its scale, technological opacity, and proprietary secrecy, but also the predictive character of digital profiling generated by “a-signifying machines,” to use Berns and Rouvroy’s formulation (11). Capturing even the most fleeting interactions, algorithmically generated digital group profiles disregard sociality, whereas automated personalizations destroy unrepeatable uniqueness. As Rouvroy and Berns point out, algorithmic profiling and personalizations are indifferent to the singularity of persons and their substantive political engagements.34 Although some profiles are based on professional, religious, and political affiliations, most digital profiling bypasses collective affiliations and constructs arbitrary assemblages based on correlations and patterns discovered in huge data sets by data mining algorithms. After the extraction of data (which reproduces historical inequalities) and its conversion into machine-friendly mathematical models, algorithms find correlations among multitudes of information, depending on the type and purpose of the profile (Otterlo 40–64). The subsequent algorithmic attribution of group profiles to individual users, regardless of whether or not their data was used to construct these profiles, constitutes so-called personalization. Digital personalization is most apparent in all kinds of automated recommendations of what one should watch, buy, “follow,” “like,” and least discernible in automated exclusions from social goods and life chances.

    The extraction of billions of data points without users’ consent or awareness for the purposes of profiling creates multiple endlessly decomposable and recomposable “data doubles” (Haggerty and Ericson 613–614). Consequently, users are targeted by power as “dividuals,” in Deleuze’s phrase – that is, as decomposable aggregates of numerical footprints (3–7).35 Its indifference to human uniqueness, plurality, and activism renders this new technology of domination efficient at generating profits, managing risk, and distributing benefits and punishments inequitably. Depending on the type or purpose of the profile, users are sorted, classified, and ranked according to consumer or political behavior, productivity rates, healthcare needs, financial, medical, or criminal risks, and perhaps most pernicious of all, psychometric traits inferred from online behavior. Ranging from academic analytics and citation indexing to credit and recidivism scores, this ubiquitous discrimination based on digital scoring processes digital traces of activities as “‘signals’ for rewards or penalties, benefits or burdens” (Pasquale 21). Furthermore, because of its predictive function, individual profile rankings refer not only to past performances but also to their probable future.36

    Another paradox of algorithmic power is that despite its indifference to human plurality, profiling nonetheless converts “data doubles” into “digital characters,” to use sociologist Tamara K. Nopper’s suggestive term,37 at the very moment it targets individual users. As Rouvroy and Berns similarly point out, infra-subjective data is converted into “supra-individual” models attributed to individual users without asking them to identify themselves or others to describe them (10). We are encountering here another vicious circle of datafication: abstracted from all social relations and indifferent to human uniqueness, predictive profiling is translated back into digital characters who are evaluated according to psychological, emotional, and moral characteristics such as “credibility, reliability, industriousness, responsibility, morality, and relationship choices” (Nopper 176). According to Ruha Benjamin, the conversion of user profiling into digital characterization automates familiar technologies of racialization: “this is a key feature of racialization: we take arbitrary qualities (say, social score, or skin color), imbue them with cultural importance and then act as if they reflected natural qualities in people” (75). This is precisely what is at stake in the recent attempts to determine criminality using facial recognition technologies.

    Digital threats to human plurality culminate in automating intersubjective political as well as economic decisions. The punitive and distributive power of the “datified” state increasingly depends on algorithmic outcomes that allocate socio-economic opportunities, access to jobs, social benefits (Eubanks 3), and public goods (including PhD fellowships). Perhaps most alarmingly, these algorithms also regulate predictive policing and the application of law by assisting judges in sentencing convicted defendants. Outsourcing these decisions to AI ushers in an entirely new mode of sharing social goods, merits, needs, or risks.38 As Rouvroy powerfully argues, algorithmic governmentality transforms the idea of justice, which is no longer guided by “norms resulting from prior deliberative processes” (99) and their contestation, but are managed instead by automatic algorithmic procedures. By destroying what Arendt calls an enlarged mentality, outsourcing judgments to automated algorithmic outcomes further suppresses political agency and the possibility of a new beginning. The inequalities inscribed in the law, economic systems, hegemonic narratives, and in statistical normalizations, at least in principle, could be exposed and challenged by political protests. But, as Stiegler argues in reference to Rouvroy and Berns’s work, algorithmic governmentality “ultimately destroys social relations at lightning speed,” and so “becomes the global cause of a colossal social disintegration” (7).39 Because such disintegration damages human plurality at scale, digital worldlessness makes struggles for emancipation much more difficult to conceive.

    Although I agree with Zuboff’s, Stiegler’s, and Rouvroy and Berns’s different assertions about the unprecedented character of the power of big data technologies, I think their accounts are limited by the lack of a robust genealogical analysis of its emergence. In particular, I contest Stiegler’s argument that the advent of an automated society ushers in “absolute novelty” (7). Such an argument risks inverting a techno-revolutionary narrative into a dystopian narrative of the absolute break produced by techno-determinism. Both of these narratives are powerfully challenged by critical race and decolonial critics like Ruha Benjamin or Simone Browne, who argue that digital technologies of power are conditioned by long histories of racial profiling, discrimination, colonialism, eugenics, and economic exploitation. This raises far more difficult questions for political theory and political critique: How does algorithmic governmentality automate existing inequalities on the “enterprise scale” and expand them to groups so far protected by forms of privilege such as Whiteness, wealth, heteronormativity, and able-bodiedness? And in what sense does it produce new forms of power, no longer operating based on statistical normalizations or ideological justifications? Ruha Benjamin’s methodological perspective of “double coding” shows how historical genealogies of racialization assume unforeseen forms, which call for new modes of resistance. Similarly, my argument that the destruction of human plurality is tantamount to digital worldlessness emphasizes the task of reconstructing historical genealogies of the unprecedented, which can be accomplished only retrospectively.

    By stressing the genealogical continuities and the unprecedented character of digital worldlessness, this double perspective avoids legitimate criticisms that blame discrimination on AI and big data yet ignores low-tech but equally pervasive social inequalities. Furthermore, it facilitates a more meaningful analysis of the shortcomings of a new narrative justification of these technologies, that is, AI for social good or trustworthy AI. Formulated in response to the widespread public demands for political regulation and oversight, these narratives frequently proclaim the principles of fairness, accountability, and transparency. These principles are important but insufficient to counter digital worldlessness because they are not part of a political contestation of the meaning and the use of these terms in the context of AI and ML. Furthermore, such agonistic politics is on a collision course with the outsourcing of judgments to automated algorithmic decisions. The same goes for transparency: even if in principle every citizen could acquire coding literacy, technical expertise is insufficient to challenge the algorithmic replacement of political judgments, which require justification, accountability, and dissent by the public affected by them. As we have seen, the principle of human plurality is irreducible to transparency because it consists in acting with others and taking their judgments into account in the process of deliberation or contestation of power. Consequently, the only way digital worldlessness can be challenged is by reimagining the deployment of big data and machine learning in support of action, equity, and freedom. Here too genealogical research is indispensable. As Ruha Benjamin demonstrates in the context of Black struggles against racism, “there is a long tradition of employing and challenging data for Black lives. But before the data there were, for Du Bois, Wells-Barnett, and many others, the political questions and commitments to Black freedom” (192). Drawing on such traditions would entail reasserting the priority of action, justice, and a possibility of a new beginning created by narrative and political acts.

    IV. Conclusion

    In this essay, I have interpreted digital harms to human plurality by focusing on the contradictions between two different social practices: the conjunction between big data and AI, and the interdependence of narratives and political acts. Characterizing our “hybrid” configuration of democracy, digital capital, and algorithmic governmentality, these contradictions have both political and ontological dimensions. On the basis of Arendt’s work, I have argued that the ontology of natality corresponds to the intersection between narrative and political activism. Natality stresses the fact that human beings are capable of disclosing their uniqueness, sharing the world, and acting in concert with others against discrimination and for freedom. Although the politics of big data and machine learning attracts more scrutiny from journalists and scholars, its ontological effects are also a matter of public concern, as evidenced by worries about the loss of a shared reality. I have called this onto-political crisis “digital worldlessness.” This sense of worldlessness is often tacitly or explicitly acknowledged, most notably in Rouvroy’s argument that the algorithmic processing of big data “presents itself as an immune system of numerical reality against any incalculable heterogeneity, against all thought of the unassimilable outside, irreducible, non-marketable, non-finalized. . . . that is to say, also, against the world” (100). As this insight suggests, digital technologies are not only antithetical to the ontology of human plurality, but in fact put it at risk.

    However, rather than representing a possible choice, the antagonistic relations between narrative, action, and big data fracture these social practices from within and disclose their ambiguously hybrid character. On the one hand, the exponentially increasing datafication of the common world tacitly relies on numerous narratives of legitimation – such as the resurgence of grand narratives that equate technological progress with political freedom and public good – or their opposites, the dystopian visions of AI’s conquest over their creators. Less sensationally, the referentiality of data and the justification of its “outcomes” are likewise mediated by numerous “data fictions.” On the other hand, new forms of political activism, such as the Algorithmic Justice League or Data 4 Black Lives, appeal to emancipatory narratives as key elements in the political struggle over collective governance and the community-based use of data. As the manifesto for Data 4 Black Lives proclaims, the politics of data can be imagined and mobilized otherwise: “Data protest. Data as accountability. Data as collective action.” Similarly, the Algorithmic Justice League relies on “the intersection of art, ML research and storytelling” in its resistance to the harms of datafication. Often started by computer scientists and statisticians, and with an overwhelming majority by women and people of color,40 such organizing reclaims collective action, judgments, and artistic practices in their struggles against digital harms. I would argue that these narrative and political acts also reenact human plurality in Arendt’s sense and in so doing provide an alternative to digital worldlessness.

    Ewa Płonowska Ziarek is Julian Park Professor of Comparative Literature at University at Buffalo and a Visiting Faculty in the Institute for Doctoral Studies in the Visual Arts, Maine. Most recently she co-authored with Rosalyn Diprose Arendt, Natality and Biopolitics: Towards Democratic Plurality and Reproductive Justice (2019), awarded a Book Prize by Symposium: Canadian Journal for Continental Philosophy. Her other books include Feminist Aesthetics and the Politics of Modernism (2012); An Ethics of Dissensus: Feminism, Postmodernity, and the Politics of Radical Democracy (2001); The Rhetoric of Failure: Deconstruction of Skepticism, Reinvention of Modernism (1995); and co-edited volumes, such as, Intermedialities: Philosophy, Art, Politics (2010), Time for the Humanities (2008), and Revolt, Affect, Collectivity: The Unstable Boundaries of Kristeva’s Polis (2005). Her interdisciplinary research interests include feminist political theory, modernism, critical race theory, and algorithmic culture.

    Footnotes

    I would like to thank Cheryl Emerson for her comments and invaluable help in editing and compiling the Works Cited. Zuboff, Shoshana. The Age of Surveillance Capitalism: The Fight for a Human Future at the New Frontier of Power. Public Affairs, 2019.

    1. Working from an international perspective, Kuehn and Salter identify four main threats to democracy, which in my view also contribute to the crisis of reality. These are: “fake news, filter bubbles/echo chambers, online hate speech, and surveillance” (“Assessing Digital Threats to Democracy” 2589).

    2. For a comprehensive overview of the scholarly debates, see, for example, Kuehn and Salter (2020). See also Bernholz et al. (2021).

    3. In this context, Albert Borgmann’s Holding On to Reality sounds more like a desperate philosophical plea than a “constructive approach” to the integration of new digital technologies of information to enhance our culture and sense of reality. What interests me is his conclusion that reclaiming a sense of the world in the context of information technologies requires “considered judgment” in the public sphere and telling stories: “books have a permanence that inspires conversation and recollection” (231).

    4. Certainly, for literary theorists of postmodernism, “the end of reality” in the age of big data and AI evokes the protracted discussions of Jean Baudrillard’s 1981 Simulacra and Simulation. There are, however, two crucial differences worth noting if we want to consider Baudrillard’s relevance in the 2020s: first, the crisis of reality is now a public and not only a theoretical concern; and second, the technological “affordances” that created this crisis far exceed what Baudrillard still considers as “the metaphysics of the code” (103, 152).

    5. For an excellent analysis of the politics and the cultural genealogy of computationalism, see David Golumbia, The Cultural Logic of Computation, 7–27.

    6. There is an ongoing debate in Arendt studies regarding the failure of her own historical analysis of anti-black racism as well as economic and gender oppression. The main question is whether this failure reveals the limitations of Arendt’s theoretical account of human plurality, freedom and action – such as her commitment to the private/public distinction, the limited account of embodiment – or whether it shows that Arendt does not follow the keenest insights of her own thinking. My own position is that a feminist antiracist engagement with both types of limitations in Arendt’s work opens up new possibilities for rethinking human plurality and political action. For the most important critique of the shortcomings of Arendt with respect to anti-black racism, see Kathryn Gines, Arendt and the Negro Question. For feminist critical revisions of Arendt’s philosophy, see, among others, Honig’s classical anthology, Feminist Interpretations of Hannah Arendt, as well as Cavarero, Diprose and Ziarek, Stone-Mediatore, and Zerilli.

    7. In The Human Condition, for example, Arendt considers Christian charity a communal principle of worldlessness (54–55).

    8. For a powerful argument about the relevance of Arendt’s work on totalitarianism in the era of Trump, see Roger Berkowitz, “Why Arendt Matters: Revisiting ‘The Origins of Totalitarianism.”

    9. See for example Weizenbaum (11–13) and Zuboff (22, 139, 358–360).

    10. In the context of AI, the relation between labor, work, and technology has to be analyzed in terms of global digital capitalism, but this topic is beyond the scope of this essay.

    11. This political nature of truth and reality does not erode the difference between opinions and facts.

    12. For an excellent discussion of the relation between Arendt’s interpretation of Kant’s sensus communis and her notion of realness, see Cecilia Sjöholm, Doing Aesthetics with Arendt, 82–85. For a phenomenological account of common sense in relation to worldliness, see, among others, Marieke Borren, “‘A Sense of the World’: Hannah Arendt’s Hermeneutic Phenomenology of Common Sense,” 225–55.

    13. For a useful definition of machine learning and its difference from AI see https://azure.microsoft.com/en-us/overview/artificial-intelligence-ai-vs-machine-learning/#introduction: “Artificial intelligence is the capability of a computer system to mimic human cognitive functions” by using math and logic “to learn from new information and make decisions.” Machine learning is an application of AI based on the use of “mathematical models of data to help a computer learn without direct instruction.”

    14. For an overview of the emergence of Digital Humanities and its institutional support, see Manovich, “Trending: The Promises and the Challenges of Big Social Data.” For a more recent reevaluation of the impact of data science on Digital Humanities in the context of the more pronounced political concerns of gender and race, see the special issue of PMLA, Varieties of Digital Humanities, and in particular Booth and Posner, “Introduction: The Materials at Hand.”

    15. This is especially the case in the context of the normative turn in computer sciences. See for example Abebe et al., “Roles for Computing in Social Change.”

    16. In the context of data politics, my use of political ontology resonates with but is broader than the “logic of preemption” of “ontopower” of the surveillant assemblage analyzed by Peter Mantello in “The Machine That Ate Bad People: The Ontopolitics of the Precrime Assemblage” (2). My discussion of the political ontology of natality in Arendt builds upon Diprose and Ziarek (19) and Colin Hay, “Political Ontology.”

    17. As prominent computer scientist Joseph Weizenbaum argues, reality in the computational regime becomes synonymous with reduction of difference to quantification (25).

    18. In a stronger formulation, computer scientists define ontology as “the impact” of computational methods “on society and individuals” (Ophir, et al. 449).

    19. Manovich’s work reflects the optimistic promises of the user-driven Internet in the 1990s, which has been replaced by the corporate- and commercially-driven Internet since 2003 (Davies). Addressing the challenges of big social data more directly, Manovich is still optimistic, though aware of the unequal powers of the new “‘data classes’ in our ‘big data society’” (“Trending” 470). For a more sober reassessment of the political implications of data see, for example, Pasquinelli (254).

    20. As an example of this new lexicon, see this Medium.com essay on AI nationalism: https://medium.com/a-new-ai-lexicon/a-new-ai-lexicon-ai-nationalism-417a26d212f8.

    21. Cavarero focuses primarily on the relation between a desire for narrative and a desire for uniqueness; Kristeva argues for “life as narrative” – narrative bios – and the possibility of rebirth through storytelling (3–99); Stone-Mediatore articulates the political, emancipatory possibilities of Arendt’s notion of storytelling; Diprose and Ziarek focus on narrative’s relation to the aesthetics and politics of natality (289–352).

    22. See Diprose and Ziarek, and Stone-Mediatore, among others.

    23. This question about the narrative disclosure of uniqueness is debated among feminist theorists responding directly or indirectly to Arendt; see Cavarero; Diprose and Ziarek (295–306); and Kristeva (73–86). For example, in her response to Cavarero, Butler argues that the narrative disclosure of singularity is interrupted by the indifference and generality of discursive norms, which make us not only recognizable to others but also “substitutable” (36–39).

    24. To develop this role of judgment in narrative and political acts, Stone-Mediatore (68–81) as well as Diprose and Ziarek (299–305) turn to Arendt’s political reinterpretation of Kant’s Critique of Judgment, whereas Zerilli develops its importance for feminist and democratic political theory. See in particular Zerilli’s analysis of Arendt’s engagement with Kant in the context of her feminist theory of judgment in Feminism and the Abyss of Freedom 125–163, and in her A Democratic Theory of Judgment, especially chapters 4, 7, and 9.

    25. For a more philosophical account of such a revolutionary narrative, see Floridi.

    26. The suppressed narrative, interpretive, and contextual dependence of big data is necessary for the ideological positioning of data in society as “self-legitimating and self-fulfilling” (Thornham and Cruz 8); also quoted in Dourish and Cruz (4).

    27. For a trenchant analysis of how power works in data science, perpetuated by gendered, economic, and racialized mechanisms of surveillance and domination, see D’Ignazio and Klein.

    28. For a detailed critical discussion of this epistemic paradigm shift, see Kitchin.

    29. For a discussion of the relationship between data, power, and the automation of racism, see, among others, Safiya Umoja Noble, Ruha Benjamin, and Simone Browne. For an in-depth analysis of the automation of inequality and poverty, see Virginia Eubanks and Cathy O’Neil. For the relation between digital technology and capital, see Zuboff. As she powerfully argues, surveillance capitalism appropriates and ruins the early promises of digital technologies to increase access to knowledge and participatory democracy (20, 67). For a trenchant analysis of the exclusion of domination, such as “missing data about femicides” and the “excessive surveillance of minoritized groups” in data sets, see D’Ignazio and Klein (38–72).

    30. As Daniela Agostinho succinctly puts it, “[d]atafication has been broadly defined as the process through which human activities are converted to data which can then be mobilised for different purposes” (2).

    31. These two meanings of the black box underscore for Pasquale the “colonization” of the public sphere and democracy “by the logic of secrecy” and surveillance. By contrast, Malte Ziewitz argues that this image of inscrutable and powerful algorithms is one of modern myths surrounding algorithms (3–16). For a useful methodological approach to formulating data politics, see Ruppert et al. (1–7).

    32. As Brevini and Pasquale point out, black boxing undermines “the many layers of our common lives” on the global scale (4). For a similar argument that the algorithmic processing of big data operates primarily on the level of social relations, see also Rouvroy and Berns.

    33. See the rest of this special issue of Big Data & Society (Jan.–Jun. 2020) for an updated discussion of the developments of black box societies and the political economy of big data.

    34. For the analysis of the three stages in the construction of digital profiling, see Rouvroy and Rouvroy and Berns For an excellent explication of the technology of digital profiling, see Otterlo. However, these analyses miss the reproduction of social inequalities in the data sets.

    35. Although all users are targeted as “dividuals,” the political and economic consequences of this regime of power nevertheless vary greatly along race, ethnicity, poverty, and gender lines. These lines of power determine whether or not profiled, ranked, or labelled subjectivities are ultimately classified either as what Pasquale calls “targets” or as “waste” (33).

    36. As O’Neil points out, a low or bad score indicates the probability that someone will be a bad hire, an unreliable worker or student, or a risky investment (15–31).

    37. For further discussion of digital character, see Benjamin (73).

    38. As Pasquale argues already in 2015, “Decisions that used to be based on human reflection are now made automatically” (8).

    39. See also Prinsloo.40. For example, Joy Buolamwini, computer scientist, “poet of code,” and founder of Algorithmic Justice League.

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  • Artifact Functionality and the Logic of Trash in Videogames

    Erick Verran (bio)

    Abstract

    This article works out a logic for trash in videogames through its consideration of the ludic artifact. Defining videogame trash as that which graphically outlives the execution of its ludic function, the essay distinguishes trash from objects that signify as real-world refuse, like Mario Kart’s banana peels, and the merely decorative. It also addresses the correlation between technical capability and a graphic verisimilitude that generates trashscapes. Examining videogames from Super Mario Bros. to The Elder Scrolls V: Skyrim, this article’s philosophical, technical, and art-historical approach departs from narratology and garbage studies to offer a prolegomenon for further inquiry.

    Introduction

    Historically, the lack of trash in videogames has been a symptom of limited graphical horsepower, since it becomes computationally costly to render dropped weaponry, discarded refuse, or the corpses of defeated enemies indefinitely. Andrew Reinhard says as much in a discussion of World of Warcraft (Blizzard North, 2004), noting that the servers which host its many game-world instances “would be overwhelmed with data, remembering where to place every discarded item from every player within the world” (156). But design considerations dictate that an environment, however lugubrious or hostile in its outward affect, ought to be mechanically devoted to the player; that is, relatively tolerant of exploration and the confrontation of threats. If not merely constitutive of local color and atmosphere, the artifactual—that which is ontologically as well as strategically apart in a videogame and can be recognized as such—tends to take the form of obtainables or obstacles, monsters of course being a kind of hurdle varying in their degree of mobility.

    Because my interest is videogames, I gladly leave to new-media scholars the discussion of excess within hypertext, file-management systems, and the emergent cross-pollination of digital culture with archeology and discard studies. Reinhard considers Garbology, inaugurated by William Rathje and Cullen Murphy’s Rubbish!: The Archaeology of Garbage, for its applicability to game studies in his seminal Archaeogaming: An Introduction to Archaeology in and of Video Games, while Daniel Vella’s Kant-centered approach in “No Mastery Without Mystery: Dark Souls and the Ludic Sublime” takes umbrage with any methodology that devotes itself exclusively to the presentational, or seemingly noumenal, aspect of videogames. Against the possibility of encountering digital things-in-themselves, Vella asks us to set aside critical space for an aesthetics-forward inquiry keyed to feelings, writing that other methodologies “obscure the phenomenological and hermeneutical processes by which the game becomes available to the player as an object of thought.” Despite having no knowledge of in-game trash from the Kantian point of view—some inaccessible Dinglichkeit of trash—I am fascinated by just what two- and three-dimensional videogame objects afford, as well as by the ontic facts of their immediate use and longer-term disuse, depending on the underlying mechanics.

    Going ahead, I’d like to lash Reinhard and Vella’s insights, respectively the basic objectness of videogames and contextualization of those objects, or artifacts, within a virtual environment, to this discourse as scholarly ballast. In order to better understand objects that exist as discrete facts of a game’s programming—as opposed to those induced through extra-ludic shenanigans, for which category Pokémon’s (Game Freak, 1996) legendary MissingNo. might qualify—I also tease out the apparent relationship between the phenomenal and what might be thought of as merely constitutive of trash per se. Reinhard uses the portmanteau “gamifact” (150) to describe an instantly occurring glitch (or bug, its subset), frequently born of a non-player character’s faulty coding in conflict with the programmed demands of its environment, while the practice of abusing a videogame’s implicit and explicit rules in order to generate interesting errors “gamejacking” (154) in Reinhard’s somewhat eccentric jargon.1 Controllers have their own uselessness, insofar as shoddy coupling between input and output can result in undesirable feedback. For most gamers this is temporary, a matter of the proverbial learning curve (Schmalzer). Gamepads invariably assume that the player is able-bodied in the normative sense; Madison Schmalzer, however, identifies a gray area between the human operator’s button mashes and their avatar’s response, referred to as “jank.” Schmalzer’s “Janky Controls and Embodied Play: Disrupting the Cybernetic Gameplay Circuit” dismantles the ideological belief that this interfacial equation stands for a perfectly noiseless affair. What follows, at least in terms of the hand-on-joystick aspect of manipulating images fixed in liquid crystal, is the unsettling fact that some irreducible haptic extra, “a glitch in the flow of information” (ibid.) has plagued videogames since their experimental birth. Is the lesson then to embrace what is insoluble about trash, to drag it into the open?

    Toward an Ontology of Artifactual Trash

    In “What Digital Trash Dumped in Games Tells Us about the Players,” Douglas Heaven quotes Franziska Lamprecht and Hajoe Moderegger, New York-based artists who bought a vacant lot in Second Life (Linden Lab, 2003) and asked their fellow lifers to jettison whatever they felt comfortable parting with:

    Suddenly the dump took on a new light. “It was hard to see things disappear; it was like living with daily loss,” says Lamprecht. Some objects were intricate, things people had put care into making. Many were no more than a few months old. “When is a digital object ready to die?” she asks.

    Heaven likewise notes that ARK: Survival Evolved (Studio Wildcard, 2017), “an online game in which players form tribes, build forts and ride dinosaurs” has struggled with garbage: “the clutter had become unbearable. The game’s world was filling up with structures that players had made and then abandoned. It took up territory that the remaining players wanted to use, and was also an eyesore.” Gone Home (The Fullbright Company, 2013), an early success for the story-based exploration subgenre of adventure games whose star rose sharply over the 2010s, is also discussed alongside Everybody’s Gone to the Rapture (The Chinese Room, 2015), which focuses Christian eschatology on the last human being in Oregon. In the latter, one is tasked with investigating the lives of community members by way of the personal effects they left behind en route to the hereafter. “But,” Heaven qualifies, “Lamprecht and Moderegger were interested in what players leave behind – not objects that have been planted by game developers.” I, too, am interested in what is lost to player activity, just not to the exclusion of design quirks and other aberrant miscellany. Reinhard latches onto the glitch as a videogame’s chief artifact, an often temporary anomaly that should be documented with care when found:

    Everything else within the game is a deliberate creation of one or more game developers, which taken as a whole could be considered landscape archaeology as described above. But glitches are true intrusions into game-space, and as such they can be classed as “significant finds.”(152)

    Reinhard’s identification of important artifacts with that which slips through developers’ fingers necessarily forecloses on player subjectivity, finely discriminant and primed as it is on a reflexive level to engage what seems useful and dismiss everything else; the idea of programmers as demiurgic teams patching holes in complicated ships is another matter. But this is merely a disciplinary shift, from a scientist’s archaeo-historic praxis to the domain of ontological aesthetics. In my attempt to work out a theory specific to videogame-situated trash, I would cast a wider net for those graphical dregs non-player characters couldn’t take with them, or what remains when the fun has gone out of a thing.

    Jared Hansen’s “An Abundance of Fruit Trees: A Garbology of the Artifacts in Animal Crossing: New Leaf” (included in the Animal Crossing-themed special issue brought out by Loading in 2020) presents the first study analyzing a videogame through the garbological lens while carrying over archeology’s survey method for contextualizing a site. Hansen visited ten randomly selected towns in the (then) latest Animal Crossing (Nintendo, 2012) using the game’s transporting Dream Suite feature.2 Sizing up players’ discardments, Hansen ultimately lumps these in-game objects into five categories: Fruit, Gyroid (vaguely humanoid figurines based on historic Japanese grave markers), Furniture, Clothing & Accessories, and Other, which includes six beehives and a ruby (28). Moreover, the author notes at the outset that said artifacts were “coded based upon their iconography (what their visual signifiers were) as well as their semiotic connotations (what they symbolized or represented)” (27), while for instance a fruit basket’s eligibility as trash is judged only according to location. While guessing at its history and microeconomic implications follows, shouldn’t every place be equally storage-appropriate if a player thought of themself as the omnipotent manager of their town? Leaving a veritable orchard of pears outside the train station (29) might represent some organizing function for the player, to the effect that they keep better track of items outdoors than shut in a house. Reinhard is doing the diligent anthropologist thing for ageless relics left in timeless spaces, as a paleoanthropologist might get forensic on bones unearthed in a mountain grotto, while by the conclusion of his oneiric tour Hansen has a number of inferences to share regarding three of the towns’ goings-on but less in the way of a philosophy.

    My ambition, by contrast, is to sketch a prolegomenon of sorts by sampling a myriad of games anecdotally rather than cataloging a lot of garbage qua text. Intuitively, trash would seem exclusive to three-dimensional role-playing games; for example, in the Elder Scrolls franchise and massively multiplayer online games, where flora and free-roaming fauna have run riot in the last decade. At least initially, we’d be hard pressed to identify any play-based residua in a nineties platformer title like Sonic the Hedgehog (Sega, 1991), for that scattering of golden rings, released upon Sonic colliding against the steel spikes, ultimately proves ephemeral. But then ignoring the various upgrade monitors—sped past for a faster completion time, as a self-imposed handicap, or out of sheer neglect—might just count. A perhaps classic, early form of artifactual trash is found, if imperfectly so, in Super Mario World (Nintendo, 1990). Jumped-on Koopa Troopas leave behind their shells, which indeed perseverate in the world but then offer a certain amount of interactivity. The invalidating drawback here is that the Koopa shell is fully intended within the loop of Super Mario World’s gameplay to remain player-adjacent, being now available as a graspable projectile, however much an empty turtle’s shell signifies as sloughed off, like the chuckable banana peels of Mario Kart or Counter-Strike’s sprays, the (often irreverent) symbols and custom images with which players tag a map’s walls. Going forward, my attempt will be to reinforce this distinction between the readily useful and the uselessly present,3 to the extent that what a game’s developer intends to be investigated and put to some environment-directed use by player (recycled, almost) can foreground undesigned offshoots that result from this loop.

    A Phenomenal State of Visual Excess

    Here it is convenient, if no longer all that fashionable, to apply the concept of “hauntology”— developed by Jacques Derrida in Specters of Marx (1993) and later popularized by Mark Fisher—to any burgeoning theory that would have for its cynosure the ontology of trash in videogames. To adapt Colin Davis’s gloss, that which simultaneously adheres to the confines of a (digital) space and balks at its material laws “[replaces] the priority of being and presence with the figure of the ghost as that which is neither present nor absent, neither dead nor alive” (373). Once a treasure chest’s single ludic gimmick is triggered, a permanent rigor mortis sets in. From precisely that moment, the start of a familiar animation that tells us a plundered chest shall no longer engage with us, is it become trash, just as a raiding party holds out for the merest indication of a dungeon boss’s defeat before congratulating themselves rather than waiting around to see if the boss really has died. Like the difference in first-person shooters between a terrorist’s three-dimensional body and the invisible hit boxes, the “ludic capacity” of any monster or clickable object never matches its accompanying presentation exactly. A non-player character’s melodramatic collapse thus stands for the technical fact of its cessation in advance of the story.

    Once collected and exhibited by the Smithsonian, a videogame per se—the physical cartridge containing its source code, gameplay rendered through sound and graphics, or combinations thereof—goes on to be understood in Raiford Guins’s terms as an object’s “afterlife” and is in turn recontextualized (A. R. Bailey, 11). Whether anticipated by the game’s programmers or not, artifactual trash is by contrast that which eventually becomes estranged to itself within the diegesis of the gameworld, either through its spatio-temporal perdurance or queasy abundance, the slain mob duplicated beyond some subjective threshold for graphical saturation. Indeed, much that may be thought of as categorically diffuse in a videogame is often only ever apparently so, the result of whipping in-game artifacts into a visual frenzy. A videogame may be unstable by design, with the line between gameplay and chaos paradoxically blurred. A bit of postgame content in Diablo II (Blizzard North, 2000), known colloquially as the “Secret Cow Level,” wherein hordes of upright cows descend upon the player with murderous fury, is a relatively famous example of a storyworld overawing itself; as the duplicate cows mass together, the discrete logic of that artifact is all but lost in a super-animation of mooing skirmish, despite retaining its interactivity. Conversely, “trashy” styles of play could describe a mode of enjoying a videogame against the grain of its coding, perhaps by attempting to hijack a scripted procedure (e.g., infinite duplication of a unique, single-use item), as in the viral case of dynamite exploding in Minecraft (Mojang, 2011) where the blast’s simulation crashes players’ computers.4

    A game’s operator plays a crucial role in the propagation of trash-esque contingencies. In Rollercoaster Tycoon (Chris Sawyer Productions, 1999), for instance, incoming fairgoers might be funneled toward an unexitable square pit on purpose. Unable to die, this growing multitude of theme park visitors gradually solidifies into a buzzing black hole of redundant, overlapping activity. The purest trash, to risk an oxymoron, is that which resists absorption back into RAM’s ether. Released from whatever ludic function it had, trash lives on in a manner akin to undeath after having been iterated into meaningful, operant being. These neutralized artifacts, if we pause to notice them, hang around in the form of virtual blight jettisoned from a mimetic ecosystem. Abundant loose newspaper and inner-city tumbleweeds certainly give Grand Theft Auto V (Rockstar North, 2013) its true-to-California granularity. But I focus on polygonal garbage bearing the paradoxical quality of a specter, “an aberration in which at least two states of being can be observed simultaneously: what is, and what is supposed to be” (Reinhard, 153). With respect to an environment already unreal, these “ghosts” are inside-out, for the quaintly skeptical reason that it is other than natural in a videogame—supernatural, as it were—for the decommissioned to remain among the actively living, as though the Magic Kingdom’s engineers might leave a slumped-down animatronic alongside functioning ones. The useless is typically swept from view, nearly as often in life as in digital spaces.

    Doubling back to Super Mario World, think how a player, while sending Koopa shells speeding away, sometimes traps one between a couple of green pipes or opposed blocks where the shell is then fated to ricochet endlessly. This is one possibility for trash: the in-game artifact—“that is, the game object as it is given in the player’s experience” (Vella, 2015)— propelled toward a phenomenal state of visual excess if not outright meaninglessness. What had been offered to the player as a tool, whether as a means of gaining experience points or beating the game, now appears unstuck from play, its ludic capacity exhausted. A booby trap in Thief that has discharged its sole spring-loaded shot and desublimated categorically back into its surroundings remains to be looked at, but it ceases to be associable with that higher class of the affective, having become a bit of operational decor going through its programmed motions.

    New Durability and the Circulation of Loot

    Consider the simplified thermodynamics behind the crafting of items that Bethesda introduced with The Elder Scrolls V: Skyrim (2011) and of cooking outdoors in The Legend of Zelda: Breath of the Wild (Nintendo, 2017), processes through which the necessary components are permanently consumed without ever leaving a fractional remainder. Thus a crafter’s recipe in World of Warcraft is absorbed via instantaneous learning as the catalyzing ingredient, much as The Matrix’s Neo downloads kung fu. Especially in online RPGs, quantification by an auction house, say the one located in Orgrimmar, the capital city of Warcraft’s orcs, often bears no more relation to its user-deposited holdings than informational strings coded by color. Bags of holding, too, despite their magically nonsensical internal volume, are usually each restricted to a slotted grid. At the other end of the spectrum, a druid’s sought-after leather goods might be lodged with their guild’s bank, just as a letter, flagged by an exclamation point as unread, might be ignored in one’s mailbox. The systole and diastole of fragile treasure coursing through a kingdom—it all belongs somewhere, from the far-flung corners of a recovery quest to Blathers’s filled museum. A modality of videogame trash yet to be considered is the readable in-game book, a feature associated with the Elder Scrolls universe, findable in dusty crypts or a wizard’s private library. Away from the dichotomy of unaffectable stationary artifacts and repetitious spectral phenomena, the artifact qua literature, however responsive to clicking and even directly impactful on one’s experience in Tamriel, is nonetheless ludically inexhaustible.

    In The Legend of Zelda: Ocarina of Time (Nintendo, 1998), where a tumultuous fight could make the hardware sweat, Link’s slingshot as much as the fabled Master Sword are incapable of deterioration. Although Deku sticks and shields are highly flammable, and the Giant’s Knife breaks after eight uses or if the player strikes a wall, thereafter becoming the Broken Giant’s Knife, the former may be said to do so as a mechanical novelty (Deku sticks are used to burn away obstructive cobwebs inside the first dungeon), the latter as a comment on the inferior quality of Goron smithing. It might then strike us as either counterintuitive or entirely foreseeable that with The Legend of Zelda: Breath of the Wild (2017) Nintendo chose to introduce durability alongside its new ubiquity of farmable kit. Maybe the Switch console’s increased technological brawn is felt to justify both material abundance and a significant degree of on-the-ground persistence, unless perishability is seen as a necessary check on this Cambrian explosion of stuff. Couldn’t a single Thunderspear if not Boko Club stay for the length of Link’s quest as a de facto reward keyed to the plot? Prior to this latest adventure, The Legend of Zelda tied locales to the player obtaining the Megaton Hammer or Fairy Bow, and this saw Link’s collection organized across a handful of dedicated menu pages. Although gear hardiness overall scales with one’s progression in Breath of the Wild, cheap disposability obviates the once-a-chapter upgrade of past Zelda titles and, with the further addition of a nonlinear plot, brings the franchise dangerously close to Elder Scrolls territory. Let us agree, provisionally, that the beginning of virtual garbage more or less correlates with the drive, spurred by consumers, for ever greater verisimilitude in games, even if the rates of everything are exaggerated, as if to match the shorter day/night cycle. From dimensional objects fully there in the game world to their smaller, inventoriable copies, like an icon tucked away inside Link’s knapsack becomes an apple cooked on a campfire.

    Per the familiar storybook trope, with the royal family’s deposal, one vile of heart brings about literal Weltschmerz, which is meant to explain the stultifying darkness and proliferation of monsters unleashed upon the land of Hyrule. Outfitted in his signature tunic with sword and shield, Link encounters them deficient, present-at-hand: jowled hobgoblins and death’s-head arachnids, hooded wraiths toting lanterns, and skeletons decked in grass skirts. With the irritant’s removal, green life once again rushes over a benighted land, the suggestion being that tranquility is nature’s lowest energy state. If one could change how The Legend of Zelda handles its dead, such that these ghouls of Nintendo’s go from obtusely threatening to something less than zero, defeated but then not vanquished aesthetically, the moral character of Link should alter, too, from effectively a cutter of Gordian knots, as enemies come apart suddenly and are no more, to something decidedly macabre: a plundering marauder who leaves a trail of carnage. This does, however, resemble the hindsighted impression one can have of a temple’s many completed puzzles, when the whole is appreciated as something very much done, every gate lifted and the shoved-into-place cubes remaining on their pressure plates. Avatars gunned down in a battle royale (if their camouflaged bodies last the length of the match) and a lot of mottled boars5 in scattered heaps amount to visual records of the player-conqueror’s bloody score.6

    Meanwhile, it is common for games to visualize an enemy’s demise in such a way as to appear diegetically legitimate, as when the titular Prince of Persia slashes through djinns and they collapse into sand. In “Screw the Grue: Mediality, Metalepsis, Recapture,” Terry Harpold delineates just this phenomenon, how developers struggle artistically as well as logically to fictively embrace—or “recapture”—the harsh outer limits of what they’ve wrought. Earlier top-down iterations of The Legend of Zelda segregated Hyrule into equally-sized parcels of land. A house surrounded by shrubs fits within a tile of navigable space, while a spooky forest might load across multiple discrete tiles, such that brushing against one drags the player there with a wipe. For Harpold, these laminations of narrative architecture with technical necessity represent “the moment where entanglement threatens to bring forward the game’s determinism by its definite technical situation[;] that determinism,” he writes, “is turned back into the gameworld, so as to seem to be another of its (arbitrary but consistent) rules” (93). Thus in The Legend of Zelda: Link’s Awakening (Nintendo, 1993) the geography’s evenly subdivided layout displays an almost folk understanding of place, with the loading threshold disguised inside a hollow log or draped over a garden wall, an agreeably convenient method for allocating the Super Nintendo Entertainment System’s 128 kilobytes of memory.7 But in nailing down an equivalence for trash in videogames, we must also acknowledge what has been one of the medium’s greatest charms: its juggling of abundance and the strictly ludic. If not exactly trash for yet having a purpose, the former can still offer a clue as to the relationship game-players develop with a presentational form of entertainment based on taking advantage of that which is given.

    Between artifacts constantly disappearing and others cropping up out of nowhere, we might imagine virtual entropy as well as something like its opposite, except that neither of these metaphorical ebbs and flows actually replenishes or draws from some finite numerical integrity making up the game world. The goblin’s worthless body doesn’t break down into virtual fertilizer but, like a hologram, is “unplugged” by the GPU. Diablo II’s mechanics dictate that loot dropped by killed mobs, including equipment and gold, despawns after a set number of minutes which varies according to the item’s rarity, while in Dragon Age: Inquisition (BioWare, 2014) obsolete iron greaves or an unwanted broadsword is consigned to binary oblivion if dropped from the player’s inventory (Reinhard 156); instantiated out of its data file, an apparently (to the player) unique graphical object is then flushed from the memory.8 The extent to which built-in deletion is to be thought computationally healthy, or the management of a roster of competing presences a sort of ecology, deserves elaboration. Videogames thoroughly dramatize the Enlightenment principle of instrumental reason with its twin emphases on counting and representation, such that a monster’s dwindling hit points are readable in the health bar above its head.

    The Real World Must Be Edited

    If our definition of artifactual trash is that which graphically outlives the execution of its ludic function, edificial trash might consequently be limited to a handful of unique scenarios, including hanging around after Bowser’s defeat to explore his lair, denuded now as a flown bird’s nest,9 and the habitation of out-of-bounds zones, a recreational (or extra-ludic) activity common in massively multiplayer online games that could remind one of alpine climbing. Wm. Ruffin Bailey offers us the important terminology of “fossilized content” for a nearly identical issue: unused code embedded within a game’s programming, say in the form of a map the developer ultimately decided against publishing or a character model that never made it into the story (82). These are not Easter eggs, which are intended to be found by clever scavengers if not stumbled upon. Content traditionally inaccessible to the player quite nicely forms the inverse to Guins’s object afterlife (A. R. Bailey), what we might deem the “beforelife” of a designed space. Like the obviated artifact that refuses to disappear, a space’s beforelife would refer to a limbo state of narrative sterility, both traversably present-at-hand and barred from that meaningful condition of interactive relevance. What’s provided is a clearing for goal-based gameplay, as opposed to exploration for exploration’s sake.10

    The aesthetic rehabilitation of that which is consigned to societal degradation naturally includes ruined architecture, though its inclusion in a videogame can readily be thought of as more than a source of moody ambience. Popularly backdated to European romanticism and its feverish love of vine-covered abbeys with collapsed roofs, ruins were seized upon not only by the Lake Poets in the early nineteenth century but also by Dutch artists like Jacob van Ruisdael, who captured the rural industry and dilapidation of the Netherlands using earthy hues. In an essay discussing the tropes of game-world design, Mark J. P. Wolf notes that “ruins give a location a ‘before and after’ dual timeframe [cf. Reinhard’s ‘two states of being’]; a sad melancholy present, and a supposedly better past when everything was new and functional” (“Experience” 226). While a bucolic hut may be understood as an (immovable) object laid down by the developer and a mountain in the far distance just an unvisitable bit of scenery, game companies have not shied away from residuality as the setting itself, from Ico (Japan Studio and Team Ico, 2001), set in an abandoned castle, to Fallout, Bethesda’s post-apocalyptic moneymaker.

    Aside from a sunny patch of grass here and there, Ico’s backdrop is altogether Spartan for want of affectable stuff, though ludic artifacts, such as the ladders and lengths of chain one can climb, are grafted onto it. Walt Disney’s pioneering animators made the same compromise. Compare the meticulous, static backgrounds of Eyvind Earle, drawn only once, with the less-detailed cels that dance across their surfaces. With the Pixar era’s dimensional jump to CGI the charming flatness of Sleeping Beauty was both hollowed out and inflated, like in a fun-house mirror, with the newly gained space populated by talking toys and zoo animals. On the gaming front, modular artifacts continue to press beyond the Heideggerian edges of Lichtungen, those bright clearings in which players fight and die. One provisional solution has been to constrain the area through which we (slowly) move, a hallmark of the Resident Evil and Dark Souls franchises, such that these stygian ordeals appear to be chock-full of undead enemies as well as semi-detached passive elements. Think how Metal Gear Solid began with the navigation of tight corridors before Hideo Kojima set the series in a relatively capacious forest and, finally, a sprawling desert canyon.

    To give a very different example, reissues of Frogger (Konami, 1981) increasingly distend each of the game’s obstacles and platforms—the tractor trailers, floating logs, and red-shelled turtles—before finally pitching the axis of play backward. So Cimabue put a little meat on the Virgin Mary’s bones and later schools revamped her holy apartments, expanding the floor and maybe putting in a real window. The biologies of oil painting and videogames are curiously resemblant; time and again they’ve converged on homologous answers to the problems encountered in depicting a lushly figured-out world. The technique known as cangiante, for instance, which helped Michelangelo separate the interlaid fabrics of his great ceiling, stratifies Frogger into a busy freeway jutting between the safe harbors of land below and above.11 Tripartite cutscenes in Tecmo’s original Ninja Gaiden, debuted on the Nintendo Entertainment System in 1988, use three shades of blue to indicate the atmosphere hanging between Ryu and the demon’s temple (fig. 1). Giotto’s fog becomes the turquoise gradations of Bruegel, and the eerie chartreuse mist of Titus Interactive’s critically loathed Superman: The New Superman Adventures, (Titus Interactive, 1999) at least set players outside in advance of Skyrim’s convincingly perspectival highlands.

    Fig. 1. Ninja Gaiden. Nintendo Entertainment System version, Tecmo, 1988.

    The Elder Scrolls Online. Windows PC version, ZeniMax Online Studios, 2014.

    In an essay on Louise Glück, William Logan observes that art of modest scope finds reality too large a pill: “For a poetic world to be this narrow, the poet’s desires must be powerfully austere. The real world, in other words, is so overwhelming it must be edited” (205). While in Glück’s case holding back was a deliberate choice, offering less than everything is inherent to art. Harvest Moon, of the farm-simulation subgenre, and Euro Truck Simulator, a driving simulator, appeal to consumers by presenting ludic versions of fatiguing human chores such as spraying herbicide, adjusting bulky furniture, or hauling logs, which are likely to be avoided in life.12 Beyond what might be called the partial automation of play via technology, the videogame apparatus as a whole can therefore be understood as the virtual distillation of play out of the living context in which we find it. Almost directly an effect of technological shortcomings, shearing a natural object to its iconographical core for the end of gameplay, a utopic process of semiotic clarification, results in lettuce heads at a sprinkle, a sofa light enough to lift, and automotive engines without all the grease. Martin Heidegger made a similar argument for the medium of painting:

    As long as we only imagine a pair of shoes in general, or simply look at the empty, unused shoes as they merely stand there in the picture, we shall never discover what the equipmental being of the equipment in truth is. From Van Gogh’s painting we cannot even tell where these shoes stand. There is nothing surrounding this pair of peasant shoes in or to which they might belong—only an undefined space. There are not even clods of soil from the field or the field-path sticking to them, which would at least hint at their use. (159)

    This process of hermeneutic as well as aesthetic depuration has been observed by sociologists like Erving Goffman as the fundamental urban desire for a clean manageability in daily life. He writes: “We tend to conceal from our audience all evidence of ‘dirty work,’ whether we do this work in private or allocate to a servant, to the impersonal market, to a legitimate specialist, or to an illegitimate one” (44). That clarification, with its distinction between figurative art and the human act of seeing and which we find so agreeable, remains evident in the most realistic of today’s games. In both cases it is inevitable as a material fact. Susan Stewart, in her wide-ranging cultural analysis On Longing: Narratives of the Miniature, the Gigantic, the Souvenir, the Collection, argues that atmospheric distortion and the artificial are often received pleasurably as enhancements, much as the moon’s rocky malformation translates across space into a flawless sphere: “Here again we see . . . that distance creates physical perfection and idealization. The fairies have the attraction of the animated doll, the cultural ideal unencumbered by the natural” (111–112). Videogames, which have no choice but to dilute the actual objects, psychology, and employments they draw upon, thus ingeniously trade on our generalized disgust for what is perceived to be visually or practically unnecessary as the excuse for limited representational and experiential capabilities. Much of the ire directed at gaming as mere escapism is flatly contradicted by big-budget endeavors to recreate the quotidian alongside epic realism and the fantastic in games like Red Dead Redemption and The Witcher. However grand the creative director’s ambitions might have been, translation of anything for the sake of a videogame inevitably leaves behind a tidy polygonal copy free of static.

    A Quasi-Panoptical Universe

    As laid out by the genre-defining Super Mario Bros. (Nintendo, 1985) on the Nintendo Entertainment System, videogames pare down ludic fulfillment to its barest semiotic necessities. Whether interactive, stationary, or decorative, the elements populating a Mario stage derive equally from natural formations and such visual-cultural receptacles as the question mark and blocks.13 Wolf explains that “another reason for making game elements representational are the default assumptions and diegetic structures that accompany them and make both the interface and gameplay more transparent and intuitive” (“Abstraction” 52). Game design can be understood to wed together the basest signifiers into robust anthropocentric objects so familiar they drop nearly beneath our apprehension, their substance forged in the very shape of players’ engagement (Harpold 91); for example, Magikoopas, basically turtles in a wizard’s robes, wield enchanted wands, or crystals fixed to the ends of gold cylinders If they’ve eschewed invisible forcefields, a level designer attempting to impede entrance into a functionally peripheral zone excluded from the story—what we might call “plot deserts”—will deposit a stationary obstacle like a boulder or rotted tree trunk. Meant only to steer the hero, these may be objects seen elsewhere and even of a height less than those granting the player passage. In this case, however, a binary switch has been flipped and the traveler’s movement is redirected. Where the player has greatest interactivity a landscape tends to be sensitive to the point of bursting, as with Super Mario’s dispersed acne of coin blocks. A crafted world is thoroughly ergonomic, anticipating the objective behind one’s every movement.

    Charting a videogame’s landscape, such as the primordial, old-growth Colorado of Horizon: Zero Dawn (Guerrilla Games, 2017), we know its navigation is secretly efficient, that forests and elongate bluffs instantly vanish when players turn away from them. Strategic obfuscation gives equal advantage to a three-dimensional battleground as to the pages of an illuminated manuscript. Medieval scribes used gold leaf and colored solitaires as a kind of decorative opacity to brick up unintended vistas running off into the distance between the columns of a portico or through a sanctuary’s fenestella, which no one then understood how to depict accurately. About a millennium later, Iguana Entertainment, in search of a convenient way to hide South Park’s (1998) lackluster draw distance on the Nintendo 64, steeped the surrounding hills in impenetrable whiteness (fig. 2).

    Fig. 2. Giotto di Bondone. St. Francis of Assisi Receiving the Stigmata. C. 1300, Upper Basilica of San Francesco d’Assisi.

    South Park. Nintendo 64 version, Iguana Entertainment, 1998.

    Another classic example of literally obscuring the Nintendo 64’s limited capacity for rendering distances are the misty junglescapes of Turok: Dinosaur Hunter (Nintendo, 1997), released the previous year. No doubt these studios grasped methodologically the illusioning of (virtual) space within a two-dimensional plane, how Masaccio went about it during the Italian quattrocento using taut string. The world was simply too much, thus one of the more practical reasons for the extremely tall horizon in Animal Crossing games has always been to show less.14

    Isn’t this the excuse afforded medieval and post-pandemic videogames, like Assassin’s Creed Valhalla (Ubisoft, 2020) and the episodic Last of Us, where respectively the country’s population either has yet to explode in numbers or was decimated by a fungal pandemic?15 Otherwise, these environments would be awkwardly barren and at pains to account for the almost complete lack of on-screen bustle, a fact attributable to insufficiently powerful hardware that also accounts for visually uncluttered gameplay, zombie shoot-’em-ups notwithstanding. In the middle of San Andreas’s loud poverty is this energetic nucleus of a man, identifiable as the avatar as much for his geometric centrality as his physical isolation. Gaming’s current phenomenological dynamic realizes for the first time George Berkeley’s philosophy of subjective idealism, of which Bertrand Russell provides the following summary in his brilliantly diplomatic English:

    To the objection that, in that case, a tree, for instance, would cease to exist if no one was looking at it, he replied that God always perceives everything; if there were no God, what we take to be material objects would have a jerky life, suddenly leaping into being when we look at them. (589)

    From the essay in which Rem Koolhaas coins the term “junkspace” comes the description of the shopping mall as “a quasi-panoptical universe in which all contents rearrange themselves in split seconds around the dizzy eye of the beholder” (177). Impossibly, every shopper is catered to as though they were the center of everything. Our customer-obsessed age has been remaking itself for nearly two centuries in accordance with Emerson’s poetic declaration that mother nature orbits the human (40). But whether videogames, with their Ptolemaic focus on the player’s every move, are themselves an overwhelming influence on the market-driven gamification of life or corollary to it is an ongoing debate.

    Postscript

    Although independent titles continue to crop up on the Steam platform like mushrooms, for now it appears we’re stuck with the model of rereleasing content already vetted by a first wave of buyers, including high-caliber reboots like the Spyro (Toys for Bob, 2018) and Crash Bandicoot (Vicarious Visions, 2017) trilogies. Nostalgia sells, yet opting for vintage color palettes and banking on technologically outmoded forms of gameplay denotes an intellectual milestone for the medium, self-imposing austerity in a time of scientific plenty, the very feat of counterbalancing responsible for Van Gogh’s stylistic pivot between his early period (e.g., the chromatically muted Potato Eaters) and his tragic fourteen months in Arles.16 The shift is a typical one, in which an art form’s smarter practitioners eventually see the necessity of billeting philosophy, of undermining the old question of beauty’s use.

    When Slavoj Žižek tells the director’s camera that “maybe the first thing to do is accept the waste, to accept that there are things out there that serve nothing. To break out of this eternal cycle of functioning” (Fiennes, 01:00:37–01:00:52), he echoes the hackneyed motto of Oscar Wilde by way of Walter Pater, in whose opinion the finest art is solely out for itself. The introspective think tank that is modern art has a great deal to teach game designers about aging gracefully, or turning the medium’s prodigious gifts toward that final frontier of artistic maturity. Rational tenderness and a brainier kind of gameplay than the industry’s supply chain has furnished thus far are needed to check raw, unfettered competence. Recall the twice-a-decade console wars flexing technical specifications like they’re biceps. Just as corporate television blunts our understanding of what should be considered avant-garde today, a larger, though not necessarily insidious, greenhouse effect may be driving videogames toward info saturation, reformulating gameplay in awfully familiar bottles. As Fisher writes, “at a certain point—a point that is usually only discernible retrospectively—cultures shunt off into the sidings, cease to renew themselves, ossify into Trad. They don’t die, they become undead, surviving on old energy, kept moving, like Baudrillard’s deceased cyclist, only by the weight of inertia” (356). With data-transfer rates guaranteed to outpace loading times, the osmotic videogame stage, once hermetically sealed off, is bounding headlong into total contiguity.17 Entertainment heat is accumulating inside our products per se, for fewer and fewer see any point in concluding. Even when the inner fruit is disposed of, we’re increasingly keeping the husks.18

    Matthew Collings observes about Ghanaian refuse artist El Anatsui that “wealth’s mystique is removed . . . but we’re still getting the pleasure” (00:13:14–00:13:21). Amassed in the thousands, this sculptor’s ore is the flicked-away crowns of top-shelf liquor and champagnes; these bottle caps occupy a muddled zone as luxurious trash. Irish poet Derek Mahon writes in “A Garage in Co. Cork” to this effect:

    The intact antiquities of the recent past,
    Dropped from the retail catalogues, return
    To the materials that gave rise to them
    And shine with a late sacramental gleam. (151)

    Most compelling about El Anatsui’s work is his investiture of detritus with a contemplative second, almost evangelical valuation, insofar as these stitched tapestries radiate precisely that metaphysical surplus responsible for the “aura” of expensive liqueurs. Caps detach at a loss of carbonation and commercial virginity. Empties gather like a kettle of gasping fish, while the bottles’ most extraneous element, their labels, become zombified as fine-art objects: born privileged, lowered to landfill caste, then posthumously revived for judgment at a higher level. In short, this is Michael Thompson’s “rubbish theory,” which describes how frangible matter passes through a state of decrepitude in order to achieve the nirvana of durability (4), the irony being that with the apotheosis of a thing it generally quits decaying altogether. For the cynical, this amounts to nothing more than collecting and reorienting the discarded so that it might be upcycled to artistic bliss. In a blatant alchemical reversal of the hierarchy, a tapestry of garbage woven with copper thread goes on to be highly sought after and destined to last in a climate-controlled vault. One might even say it achieves a more trash-like character—uselessness in extreme proportion to endurance, at the pinnacle of which sits plastic—than the junk relegated to bins.

    The ugly first-world convenience of junkspace would seem to place it opposite Schmalzer’s jank, born of consumer frustration.19 Or there is now a certain bipolarity to industrialized culture, depending on ableness as much as disposable income and which, inundated with capital and vast electronic capability, may choose between further bombardment of our senses and meaningful engagement. If the videogame business is fast approaching a computational tipping point, the need of previous generations to constantly discard artifactual trash—not to mention trim environmental fat down to the camera’s (mercifully limited) field of view20—shall in hindsight take the shape of a cleared technological hurdle. It is the question of whether the dungeon’s goblins are kept in sight together or brought out singly for destruction.

    Erick Verran is an independent scholar and poet whose literary criticism and articles have appeared or are forthcoming in Virginia Woolf Miscellany, Contemporary Aesthetics, Georgia Review, and Journal of Sound and Music in Games. Obiter Dicta, a collection of short essays, was published by Punctum Books in 2021. His poetry last appeared in the Massachusetts Review. He lives in New York.

    Notes

    1. Rainforest Scully-Blaker helpfully identifies “two sets of rules that a player encounters in a game – implicit rules and explicit rules. Implicit rules are those which exist by virtue of Huizinga’s Magic Circle, by virtue of an assumption that the virtual world of a game is whole. Explicit rules are those which actually govern the game.”

    2. “This game mechanic,” Hansen tells us, “allows for players—such as the author—to visit a wide variety of towns beyond their local limitations or their immediate friend group. A limitation of using the Dream Suite however comes with its design—since it is framed as a dream, and the player is not allowed to return with any items, they cannot enter shops. It proved to be a useful tool in analyzing random towns without intruding upon the privacy of players” (27).

    3. I adapt these terms from Heidegger’s “ready-to-hand” (zuhanden) and “present-at-hand” (vorhanden).

    4. That sort of fun chaos, available to players who use Minecraft in the alternative “creative mode” and which strips away the survival aspect, is central to videogames as divergent as Half-Life 2 (Valve, 2014) and the Super Smash Bros. franchise. Thanks to a revolutionary physics engine, Half-Life 2’s corroded barrels, toilets, and other debris clang about realistically with the gracelessness appropriate to the unimportant, as do the ragdoll bodies of enemies, their looseness of limb informing the player that an enemy Combine unit is deceased. In Super Smash Bros. a litter of rained-down items is quickly picked up and thrown without much regard for unique properties; one just hopes the baseball bat or turnip makes contact. Although Half-Life 2 is a first-person shooter and Super Smash Bros. a multiplayer king-of-the-hill brawler, both make trashy gameplay the backbone of players’ experience. Moreover, the simultaneity of all that on-screen stuff can incur a loss of framerate, negatively impacting the very gameplay the developers sought to provide.

    5. One of many non-player characters referred to in World of Warcraft as a “trash mob” because it is easily defeated and featured monotonously in starting-zone quests.

    6. See Dynasty Warriors, the hack-and-slash series of videogames set in feudal Japan, wherein the player cuts their way through an impressively dense mass of adversaries. In this case the heads-up display keeps a running tally while the latest corpse on the ground dematerializes.

    7. Correspondingly, with the 2019 remake of Link’s Awakening for the Switch, Nintendo chose to blend the original’s screen-by-screen progression into one seamless overworld, a change that is also reflected in the now gridless in-game map.

    8. Still, there’s the steady accumulation of useless loot over the course of a dungeon run; for instance, the procedural realms of Diablo and Torchlight (one of its lookalike descendants) end with unloading everything onto a vendor back at camp, from superfluous equipment valued at a few silver pieces to common drops good for a handful of copper. By contrast, in a first-person shooter like Bioshock one is eventually forced to scroll through uselessly many unlocked guns and abilities in a way that feels materially gratuitous.

    9. As Gaston Bachelard comments, “Indeed, the nest we pluck from the hedge like a dead flower, is nothing but a ‘thing.’ I have the right to take it in my hands and pull it apart” (94). Thus, what of Captain Olimar’s multicolored army of Pikmin fetching the disjecta membra of his ship or Katamari Damacy (Namco, 2004), which stars a little prince directing a magically adhesive sphere with the goal of snowballing together everything in sight, from skyscrapers and bulbous trees to tape dispensers and people (all of which, incidentally, are roughly the same size)? Is its opposite Donut County (Ben Esposito, 2018), in which a growing player-controlled hole swallows up trucks, picnic tables, and farmers’ barns?

    10. As for artifacts, their beforelives might include looking at the embedded models of items with asset-rendering software or even junk code, but not the affixed candelabra and beer kegs in a tavern. A door that ignored one’s repeated clicking or a glitched weapon that could not be picked up, for instance, would be problematic. This ludic artifact should neither be able to execute its function (unless it lacked one entirely due to a coding hiccup) nor to disappear. Only in the sense of bifurcating potential states is a glitch trash-like; adjacently speaking, these rogue things fall squarely between trash and decoration for their abortive irrepressibility and spectral nullity, respectively.

    11. Note that, at least in regard to the original arcade format, Frogger’s color-coded mosaic extends neither behind nor ahead of Konami’s amphibious hero but beneath and above, while the connotation is exactly the opposite. In subsequent versions of the game, this semiotic mismatch is corrected with the introduction of the z-axis.

    12. Untitled Goose Game (House House, 2019) comes to mind, especially the viral chore that has players endeavoring to furtively carry off every item to the goose’s den. See Ian Bogost.

    13. While the point of Cory Arcangel’s hacked-cartridge-cum-artwork Super Mario Clouds (2002)—in which everything has been erased except Shigefumi Hino’s famous scrolling clouds—lies in drawing an interpretive circle around the decorative, I’m inclined to say that this “defacilitation” elevates it to something like trash status for the first time. Arguably this is videogaming’s Duchamp moment, the inoffensively familiar placed on an aesthetic pedestal.

    14. In their article “Explaining the Horizon (and Planet) of Animal Crossing New Horizons,” Ashley Villar and Alex McCarthy describe that adorable home world as a “cylinder-planet” with an estimated radius of just 36.6 feet.

    15. Wolf provides us with the equivalent rationale for found objects in such games when he points out that “the ruined state of a place justifies why relatively few things are usable or worth adding to a player’s inventory; the few good items are hidden amongst piles of junk and wreckage, making the things you can find and use seem even more valuable by contrast” (“Experience” 226).

    16. On the point of gameplay and technological capability, for instance, Baba Is You (the puzzle game that won accolades in 2019) weighs in at two-hundred megabytes, about one per level.

    17. I elaborate on this question of contiguity and the obsolescence of loading screens in my book, Obiter Dicta:

    Invariably with today’s open-world games, a technical sleight front-loads the player’s journey into found lands, it being desirable to render a landscape gradually, in tandem with its approach. Or one recalls the sporadic buffering that plagued software of the aughts and the recurrence of brief elevator rides, a divertissement for when the console is loading the subsequent area as well as an attempt by developers to analogize what is a necessary hardware operation into the gameplay. Conveying that a three-dimensional environment is actually undivided, persistent across space and time, therefore entails staggering the revelation of that environment. (100)

    18. Three-dimensional videogame artifacts are of course utterly hollow, even when it comes to the polygonal “membrane.”

    19. Often that frustration—“the disconnect between expectations and actuality” in Schmalzer’s usage, or for Vella the unbridgeable gap “between [the player’s] experience of the game, her understanding of the game as system, and her awareness of an underlying implied game object”—is actually what’s desired by players (Juul, 2013).

    20. Known as frustum culling and occlusion culling (Hurley).

    Works Cited

    • Bachelard, Gaston. The Poetics of Space. Translated by Maria Jolas, Beacon Press, 1994.
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    • Bogost, Ian. “Video Games Are Better Without Gameplay.” The Atlantic, 22 Oct. 2019. Accessed 15 Jul. 2022.
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    • Davis, Colin. “Hauntology, Spectres and Phantoms.” French Studies, vol. 59, no. 3, 2005, pp. 373–379. Oxford Academic.
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  • CFP: Special Issue, “Speculative Fiction and Futurism in the Middle East and North Africa” (March 31, 2024)

    Guest Editors:
    Hoda El Shakry (University of Chicago) & Oded Nir (Queens College, CUNY)

    Arabfuturism is a re-examination and interrogation of narratives that surround oceans of historical fiction. It bulldozes cultural nostalgias that prop up a dubious political paralysis and works to solidify and progress a progressive force, towards being subjects and not objects of history- (Sulaïman Majali, 2015)

    In a 2015 experimental multimedia manifesto titled “Towards Arabfuturism/s” the Jordanian artist Sulaïman Majali writes that “Arabfuturism/s, like most creative provocations, is born of counter-culture” in which “notions of belonging are constantly challenged by the strangers, the marginalised, the outsiders: workers, rebels, immigrants, artists who see from the margins– looking in – that there is no homogenous culture or identity.” For Majali, like many contemporary artists interrogating the possibilities and limits of futurity amidst ecological, territorial, existential, and ideological states of crisis, -futurism “signifies a defiant cultural break, a projection forward into what is, beyond ongoing eurocentric, hegemonic narratives” that is part of “a growing counterculture of thought and action that through time will be found and used in the construction of alternative states of becoming” (Majali, 2015).

    Arabfuturism, Gulf Futurism, and Muslim Futurism—like their sister projects of Afrofuturism, Sinofuturism, and Indigenous Futurism—speak to how speculative cultures turn to sites of historical or present rupture in order to envision alternate, possible, or impossible worlds. These speculative projects can be understood as a critical mode of reading assemblages of gender, race, class, bio-politics, colonialism, capitalism, and environmental collapse that theorize other ways of being, knowing, and imagining. These counterfuturisms, to borrow theorist Jussi Parikka’s turn of phrase, disrupt the geo-spatial logics of the past, present, and assumed future to not only “write alternative histories but also articulate counterfuturisms as imaginaries of times-to-come” (55).

    This panel explores the diverse range of speculative cultures across literature, film, art, and philosophy in the Middle East and North Africa alongside those in their diasporic communities. We invite proposals that explore literary topoi, themes, and imageries of apocalypse, eschatology, science fiction, (non)futurity, or fantasy in MENA cultures. This panel is not limited to modern writings and welcomes papers that expand the periodization and taxonomical stability of these genres from contemporary perspectives. 

    Select presenters will be invited to submit papers for an upcoming special issue of the journal Postmodern Culture.

    Suggested topics include:

    – How do MENA futurisms imagine “being subjects and not objects of history” (Majali)?

    – How do MENA futurisms build upon and dialogue with Afrofuturism and Indigenous Futurism?

    – What unique cultural histories or spatio-temporal logics are displaced, invoked, or projected through MENA speculative cultures?

    – How do MENA futurisms upend (neo)colonial narratives about the importance of scientific and techno-modernity to the capacity to imagine futures?

    – How do MENA futurisms challenge the secular investments of Euro-American speculative imaginaries?

    – How do certain genre labels, such as science fiction, flatten cosmological and spiritual lifeworlds to be legible within world literary systems?

    – The “pre-modern” forms of speculation that emerged from the MENA region

    – Eschatology and theological futurism (prophecy, mysticism, cosmogony)

    – MENA horror, abjection, and the gothic

    – MENA fantasy and science fiction

    – MENA speculative philosophy and aesthetic theory

  • CFP: Special Issue on Field Theory (January 31, 2023)

    Guest editor:
    Jeff Diamanti, University of Amsterdam

    This special issue of PMC seeks essays that develop practice-based methodologies and critical theories of fields of research. Traditionally, “the field” of research has been treated as the raw material from which objects and cases are drawn in order to advance knowledge in a given discipline. A forest, tribal territory, archive of literature, or body of water, for instance, yields data and patterns in need of an analytic. The data demands interpretation, theorization, and disciplinary vetting. In Kantian epistemology, the world is coherent and legible but not self-evident. In this orientation, the lab, library, or desk is the site where information becomes knowledge, and for this reason “the field” has remained an opaque realm for philosophical inquiry and epistemic habit (even as “the world” begins to force itself back into disciplinary reckoning). Any epistemic culture bears a determinate (and determined) relation to the field, but how exactly remains an under-examined question. Will time in the forest, the archive, or body of water modulate assumption, expectation, concept formation, or conclusion? Can the field write itself into our analytic disposition? Ought we assume a normative orientation toward what often bifurcates field frequencies, embedded relation, biosemiotic idiom (in short, the world) from the stylistics of disciplinary habit (what we make of it)? What might motivate the recent imperative in feminist science, new materialist philosophy, and ecological theory to find commensurabilities and reciprocities between the field and the interpretative apparatus, as for instance in the work of Edouard Glissant, Tim Ingold, Anna Tsing, Thomas Nail, Isabelle Stengers, and Elaine Gan?

    Prospective contributors should submit completed articles to J.Diamanti@uva.nl by January 31, 2023.

    The journal invites contributions that engage with field theory in philosophy, media studies, environmental studies, literary studies, anthropology, urban studies, and queer theory. Postmodern Culture does not have a specific word length requirement and can publish long pieces. Essays appearing in the journal tend to be between 6,000 and 9,000 words and could be non-discursive or non-traditional in format. Submission guidelines and more information can be found at https://www.press.jhu.edu/journals/postmodern-culture.

  • CFP: Special Issue, “Afterlives of the Antisocial” (January 31, 2023)

    Guest Editors:
    Austin Svedjan & John Paul Ricc

    For nearly two decades, the “antisocial thesis” has enthralled queer theoretical thought, permeating a variety of debates concerning relationality, sexuality, gender, race, psychoanalysis, and temporality. So named by Robert L. Caserio during an infamous 2005 MLA panel, the antisocial thesis, Caserio elaborates, described a “decade of explorations of queer unbelonging” positioned against anintensifying “gay rage for normalizing sociability.” As Robyn Wiegman warns, however, the antisocial thesis “is not ‘a’ thesis. It is an arena of interpretative battle.” Elaborating on the discussion generated by the 2022 MLA panel on Leo Bersani’s Homos, a text that affirmed “a potentially revolutionary inaptitude—perhaps inherent in gay desire—for sociality as it is known,” this special issue of Postmodern Culture, “Afterlives of the Antisocial,” attempts to reevaluate this “arena,” including its scope and subsequent reverberations, dissents, and adoptions of its claims. This special issue offers the opportunity to pursue resonances of the antisocial across disciplines and fields, whether they be in queer theory, feminist theory, trans studies, crip theory, queer of color critique, afro-pessimism, etc. We seek work that engages with the “antisocial” and its cognates, as well as work that takes the concept as an object of critique. What, for instance, has the “antisocial thesis” and its theoretical kin enabled us to understand, and what has it misconstrued or overlooked? Are there other, better theses of the antisocial than the ones to which we are accustomed? What forms of sociality persist in the legacy and the wake of the antisocial? Among these registers (and more), this special issue thereby aspires to engage broadly with the “antisocial” as simultaneously a genealogy of thought, a frame through which to discern contemporary antagonisms of the social, and an object of criticism and point of departure.

    Possible topics may include but are by no means limited to:

    –Leo Bersani’s theories of sociality

    –Queer theory after Bersani

    –The antisocial thesis’s textual genealogy (Homosexual Desire, Homos, No Future)

    –Resistances to the antisocial (e.g., Muñoz’s call to “bury antirelational queer theories”)

    –The antisocial thesis and afro-pessimism

    –Affect and antisociality

    –Aesthetic form, art and the anti-social

    –The antisocial thesis and blackness

    –Sociality after the antisocial (e.g., “angular sociality,” “hypersociality”)

    –The antisocial and notions of the common, community, communal, and non-belonging

    –Identity, post-identity, anonymity, impersonality

    –Queer monadology, Queer solitude

    –Antisociality, dissociation, and Neurodivergence

    –Social reproductions

    –The Antisocial Thesis in Queer Theory and Trans Studies (“Queer Theory’s Evil Twin”—Stryker)

    –Queer futurity

    –Queer negativity/queer pessimism

    Prospective contributors should submit completed articles to: Austin Svedjan (svedjan@sas.upenn.edu) and John Paul Ricco (john.ricco@utoronto.ca) with “Antisocial Submission” in the subject line by January 31, 2023.

    Postmodern Culture does not have a specific word length requirement and can publish long pieces. Essays appearing in the journal tend to be between 6,000 and 9,000 words. Submission guidelines and more information can be found at https://www.press.jhu.edu/journals/postmodern-culture.

  • Notes on Contributors

    Bret Benjamin is Associate Professor of English at the University at Albany, State University of New York (SUNY). Author of Invested Interests: Capital, Culture, and the World Bank (University of Minnesota Press, 2007), Benjamin teaches courses in Marx and Marxist theory, postcolonial studies, and globalization studies.  He is co-President (with Ericka Beckman and Neil Larsen) of the Marxist Literary Group, and sits on the editorial board of its journal Mediations.  In addition to his primary faculty appointment in upstate New York, he has held temporary teaching positions at Moscow State University in Russia and the English and Foreign Languages University in Hyderabad, India. 

    Christopher Chamberlin is a Fellow at the Institute for Cultural Inquiry (ICI) in Berlin. He holds a Ph.D. in Culture and Theory from the University of California, Irvine with emphases in Feminism and Critical Theory. From 2018 to 2020, he was the UC President’s Postdoctoral Fellow in English at the University of California, Berkeley. His research examines the history and theory of the antiracist traditions of clinical psychoanalysis.  He serves as an editor for Psychoanalysis, Culture & Society, and the European Journal of Psychoanalysis.

    Britton Edelen is a Ph.D. student in English at Duke University. Primarily focused on English and German modernism and informed by deconstruction and psychoanalysis, his research explores the wounds left in language—what Paul Celan would call enrichment—in the wake of various events of violence on multiple scales, from the individual to world historical. He reads formal experiments necessitated by trauma to show that they can provide ways of being hopefully together in a world that can so often seem without hope.

    Matthew Flisfeder is an Associate Professor of Rhetoric and Communications at the University of Winnipeg. He is the author of Algorithmic Desire: Toward a New Structuralist Theory of Social Media (2021), Postmodern Theory and Blade Runner (2017), and The Symbolic, The Sublime, and Slavoj Žižek’s Theory of Film (2012).

    A. Kiarina Kordela is Professor of German & Director of the Critical Theory Program at Macalester College. She works on philosophy, critical theory, psychoanalysis, social and political theory, and biopolitics. She is the author of Epistemontology in Spinoza-Marx-Freud-Lacan: The (Bio)Power of Structure (Routledge, 2018), Being, Time, Bios: Capitalism and Ontology (SUNY Press, 2013), and Surplus: Spinoza, Lacan (SUNY Press, 2007), andthe co-editor of Spinoza’s Authority: Volume 1: Resistance and Power in Ethics, and Volume 2: Resistance and Power in Political Treatises (both: Bloomsbury, 2018), and Freedom and Confinement in Modernity: Kafka’s Cages (Palgrave-Macmillan, 2011), as well as numerous articles in collections and journals.

    Shmuel Lederman is a Research Fellow at the Weiss-Livnat Center for Holocaust Research and Education. He teaches at the University of Haifa and at the Open University of Israel. His first book, Hannah Arendt and Participatory Democracy: A People’s Utopia, was published in 2019 by Palgrave Macmillan. 

    John Mowitt holds the Leadership Chair in the Critical Humanities at the University of Leeds. His publications range over the fields of culture, politics, and theory. In 2008 he collaborated with the composer Jarrod Fowler to transfigure his book Percussion: Drumming, Beating, Striking from print to a sonic text/performance, “Percussion” as Percussion.  His Radio: Essays in Bad Reception and Sounds: The Ambient Humanities appeared from the University of California Press, in 2011 and 2015 respectively.  His most recent book, Offering Theory: Reading in Sociography, appeared from Anthem Press earlier this year. In addition, he is a senior co-editor of the journal Cultural Critique.

  • Alone We Fall

    Shmuel Lederman (bio)

    A review of Gaffney, Jennifer. Political Loneliness: Modern Liberal Subjects in Hiding.Rowman & Littlefield, 2020.

    Donald Trump’s election to the presidency of the United States was met with consternation and often horror at home and around the world. To make sense of the nonsensical, many turned to books that seemed to offer relevant insights, including George Orwell’s 1984 and Hannah Arendt’s The Origins of Totalitarianism. That people turned to books about the rise and dynamics of totalitarian movements and regimes says much about how they understood Trump’s election. For political scientists, the appropriate term to explain his election would rather be populism, or authoritarian populism. This places Trump in a familiar lineage of political figures who manage to come to power and threaten seemingly well-entrenched democratic institutions and liberal values through their demonization of immigrants, refugees, and certain ethnic and religious groups; their exclusive claims to speak in the name of the vague entity called “the people”; and their outbursts against corrupt elites, lying media, and disloyal opposition. But for many “ordinary” citizens and quite a few political theorists, perhaps not without reason, Trump’s rise meant something more, something to be understood through the illuminating if frightening insights of intellectuals like Orwell and Arendt.

    Jennifer Gaffney’s book on political loneliness shows the insight that can be drawn from a careful and erudite reading of some of the 20th century’s most provocative thinkers, first and foremost Arendt. Gaffney begins with a simple but far-reaching observation: “Never before have we been so interconnected, so accessible to one another. . . . And yet . . . we have never before been so lonely” (1). Gaffney attempts to understand and shed light on this peculiar loneliness and its implications. Readers of Arendt will recognize the idea that modern loneliness, due in part to the loss of public spaces where individuals could converse and participate in politics, is an important precondition for the rise of totalitarian movements. These movements appeal to the atomized, alienated masses by convincing them that the complicated world around them can be explained by a single premise, be it the perennial struggle of races or the history of class warfare. In joining the totalitarian movement, these lonely individuals see themselves not only as part of something bigger but also as facilitating the progress of history itself. The lonely individual can get lost—and thereby find himself—both in the crowd and in the sweep of history. Gaffney’s major contribution is her insistence that the regime we often identify as totalitarianism’s exact opposite—liberal democracy—prepares the ground for totalitarian thought and movements by isolating people from each other (147). She argues that the stark differences between these forms of political regimes should not obscure the fact that

    the political structures that we have inherited from the liberal tradition—such as the emphasis on representation rather than deliberation, the anonymity of the vote, and the priority placed on securing and expanding the right to pursue private self-interest—have eroded the space of politics, leaving even those endowed with the full rights of liberal citizenship hidden from one another, unable to see themselves as belonging to a common world. (4)

    Gaffney notes correctly that when thinking about the challenge posed by Arendt’s analysis of the elements that “crystallized” into totalitarianism, commentators tend to stress Arendt’s “right to have rights,” namely the fundamental right to belong to a political community, which is the only guarantee for human rights in the current “age of statelessness.” Gaffney points out that, while certainly an important Arendtian insight, this focus obscures Arendt’s more radical critique of the liberal tradition and its institutions (149). From a perspective critical of liberal democracy, the experience of alienation, exile, and abandonment characteristic of statelessness is but an extreme version of the basic loneliness that characterizes also citizens in the modern world (144). If we genuinely try to think with Arendt about our contemporary world, then we must consider not only the need to guarantee citizenship but also the need to guarantee a new kind of citizenship that would “return lonely individuals to themselves, the world, and others” (149) by allowing citizens to participate in a public space of appearance in which they could “see themselves and those around them in the fullness of their humanity” (150).

    Gaffney clarifies that Arendt’s space of appearance is not about expressivity for the individual who is otherwise “hidden,” but about challenging the taken-for-granted conception of the individual as a “self-contained, self-interested subject that is endowed with pre-given, inalienable rights and liberties” (189). Indeed, Arendt sees this very conception in part as a result of the forgetfulness of “the political”— the unique experience of action and speech in the public sphere as equal decision-makers—and traces this forgetfulness to the beginning of political thought (108). For Arendt, Gaffney explains, the subject is always already constituted by others with whom they share the world, and their understanding of reality itself depends on the extent of their engagement with the unique perspectives of others about the common world (190). Gaffney convincingly shows that Arendt’s analysis is in many ways even truer today than it was when she wrote it. Citizens in liberal societies, Gaffney points out, struggle “not simply to converse, but even to see themselves as belonging to the same reality” (82). In today’s political discourse—about global warming or COVID, for example—even the most basic facts about the world (not to mention how to interpret them and what to do to address the challenges they pose) are contested by certain parties and movements, whether for political reasons or because they are true believers. Gaffney notes how our easy access to each other through social networks creates echo chambers rather than spaces for genuine conversation to the extent that we “barely recognize the humanity of those whose worldviews differ from our own” (82).

    Gaffney reads the “hidden” Trump supporter who surprised so many in the 2016 elections through Arendt’s metaphor of the light that the public sphere sheds on those who participate in it and the darkness and “hiddenness” that characterize the private sphere:

    [T]he very language of hiddenness points to a broader failure within our society to create robust political spaces for the appearance of speech and action. In the absence of such spaces, we tend to retreat into the lamplight of the private, creating echo chambers for ourselves that leave us hidden from one another. (181)

    This isolation, which is accompanied by an extremely one-sided perspective on reality and an often Schmittian “friend-enemy” dichotomy between left and right, liberals and conservatives, nationals and foreigners, creates fertile ground for far-right movements. Using Arendt’s analysis in Origins, Gaffney suggests that Trump’s ability to build on these tendencies to amplify the echo chambers of the right allowed him to mobilize previously apolitical, slumbering majorities in key states (180).

    Gaffney does not ignore other crucial factors that led to Trump’s election, including issues of race, gender, and class (160). As so much has been written about these issues, she is justified in focusing on loneliness. The question remains, however, whether the kind of loneliness she analyzes has the political significance she attributes to it. For cultural and political critics, there is a certain appeal to her interpretation because it points to a fundamental problem in the very politeia in which we live. But stressing loneliness as a significant factor behind phenomena like the rise of far-right movements or the inability to dialogue across political differences may run the risk of keeping the “hidden” Trump supporter hidden still, so it is worth raising some questions about it.

    For example, Trump enjoyed broad support among Evangelicals. Whatever we think about these supporters, is loneliness the attribute that best describes them? Deep commitment to a cultural, religious, and political cause, and a sense of being a part a broad movement behind this cause, seems more accurate. Something similar, I think, can be said about many others in the Trump camp. If in-depth accounts such as Arlie Russell Hochschild’s Strangers in their Own Land paint an accurate picture, they are motivated by a strong sense of threat to their most fundamental cultural, social, and religious beliefs, and by a sense of a broad movement of which they are a part and which Trump represented. For the most part, they are rebels with a cause, highly politicized to the extent that even the most seemingly simple and factual actions, such as wearing masks against a highly contagious, airborne disease, become political issues. Have they been lonely? It is obviously hard to tell, but it seems likely that many of them felt ignored, sidelined, or excommunicated by the liberal discourse that rules the mainstream media. They might well have felt they were being actively hidden by the “system” or the “establishment” and found in Trump (or in Fox News) an outlet that finally brought their point of view to the fore and acted on it. But were they lonely in the sense that they felt alienated from the world, atomized, and isolated? I’m not so sure. There is a strong sense of solidarity and meaning in feeling marginalized by the political and cultural establishment, evident, for example, in the way that more radical progressives morphed into an incredibly energetic movement around Bernie Sanders. To reiterate, this is just to raise questions about an argument that I find convincing overall, at least as far as many citizens in contemporary liberal democracies are concerned.     

    Whatever political significance we attach to loneliness, if liberal democracy itself lays the ground for totalitarianism by de-politicizing the polity and the citizens themselves, then the way out is to turn back to “the political” and provide citizens with what Arendt called “spaces of appearance.” While Arendt scholars often interpret the concept as allowing for various kinds of public spaces, to Gaffney’s credit, she recognizes that Arendt means this space quite literally, as one in which citizens appear to each other directly, face to face (192). This recognition adds a radical bent to Gaffney’s reconstruction of Arendt’s reflections on loneliness in relation to the loss of “the political”: in order to establish spaces of appearance where citizens can “announce themselves to the world” and see themselves as members of a common world (176), there has to be some kind of participatory democracy, radically different from the kind of depoliticized democracies we have today. Such a participatory democracy would provide spaces for joint action and deliberation, and a communal existence that is not totalizing and does not erase the plurality and individuality of modern citizens. Arendt pointed to the pre-revolution American townhalls and the tradition of council democracy that came out of the socialist movements of the 20th century as examples that could allow the experience of “the political” for all citizens if they became an institutional part of modern democracies. In advocating such a radical revolution in our democracies—so radical that commentators often ignore this aspect of Arendt’s writings or dismiss it as unimportant and unrealistic—Arendt expressed her sense of the urgent need for what Gaffney calls a “politics of appearance . . . in which we come face-to-face with one another, engaging directly in the matters that go between us” (192).

    As a form of government, this will probably remain a “people’s utopia” for the foreseeable future, as Arendt called this vision of participatory democracy. But as far as political activism is concerned, Gaffney suggests that while today’s protests and assemblies are important, they do not address the need to open spaces for speech and action that would make us visible to each other as individuals and citizens (193). She thus calls on all of us to rethink our obligation as citizens, to redefine it (also) as being responsible for making each other visible in the public sphere, and to find out what such a politics of appearance would look like in our political action. It is a worthy challenge for anyone who recognizes that today’s politics put not only justice and freedom but survival itself at stake, and who is awake to the possibilities of the new political awareness so many have experienced in the face of this unprecedented predicament.

    Works Cited

    • Hochschild, Arlie Russell. Strangers in Their Own Land: Anger and Mourning on the American Right. New Press, 2016.
  • Prowling Foucault

    Britton Edelen (bio)

    A review of Huffer, Lynne. Foucault’s Strange Eros. Columbia UP, 2020.

    Lynne Huffer’s Foucault’s Strange Eros is a translation, but not in the usual sense. This original work translates not a text from one language to another, but a person: Michel Foucault. Huffer invites us to perceive Foucault differently, with slightly squinted eyes and perked ears, so that we may see the lacunae in and hear the “strange murmuring[s]” of the archive (1). Like all good translations, Huffer’s brings to light something that went unnoticed in the original—eros. Prowling for this, Huffer uncovers the ethopoietic movements in ourselves and in the world that pulse just beneath the surface and offer strange possibilities for inhabiting the present.

    The change in our perception of Foucault issues from a change in designation: Foucault is not a philosopher, but something else. Huffer briefly characterizes the kind of philosopher that Foucault is not by referring to Simon Critchley’s 2013 New York Times essay “When Socrates Met Phaedrus,” which deals specifically with the presence of eros in philosophy. Critchley shows that the philosophical discipline’s longstanding commitment “to keeping everything but the rational mind outside its gates” is a quixotic, impossible dream (Huffer 31). Philosophy is not immaculate; the stain of irrational eros is always already there. But something is rotten in the philosophical eros that Critchley identifies. His reading of Plato’s Phaedrus “links eros to rhetoric, the art of persuasion . . . ‘the art by which the philosopher persuades the nonphilosopher to assume philosophical eros, to incline their soul toward truth.’” Philosophy’s task is to “tell people what they should do,” and eros is deployed in the service of this goal, which Huffer sees as dangerous because it “is a moralizing art bound up with the history of a rationalist violence” (31). Foucault, and Huffer with him, unequivocally rejects this moralizing. Huffer cites a 1980 interview in which Foucault exclaims, “I’m not a prophet; I’m not an organizer; I don’t tell people what they should do. I’m not going to tell them, ‘This is good for you, this is bad for you!’” (31). And if he isn’t a philosopher, someone who “tells people what they should do,” then what is he? There are numerous possible answers, but Huffer settles on one that, like eros, comes to us from ancient Greek sources. Foucault is the other of the philosopher: a poet. The poet and the philosopher stand on opposite ledges of a deep—but not uncrossable—chasm, and Huffer carries Foucault across (translatio). But is this reparative gesture necessary? Are philosophy and poetry distinct enough to require metamorphic translation? Huffer does not wade into this millennia-old debate or change its terms; she instead chooses, for better or worse, to take for granted the possibility of finding firm footing on the dichotomy’s now-shaky foundation.

    By “translating him as a poet,” Huffer asks us to see Foucault’s works as poetry, a category she avoids explaining in concrete terms (1). She presents only two definitions: Poetry is “narrative’s circuit breaker, an erotic counterviolence that dedialectizes history” (89); and, citing Foucault, a form that “opens language to ‘the void in which the contentless slimness of ‘I speak’ [and] is manifested [as] an absolute opening through which language endlessly spreads forth, while the subject—the ‘I’ who speaks—fragments, disperses, scatters, disappearing in that naked space’” (74). Huffer thus highlights the concordance between poetry, a form literally and metaphorically formed by and conducive to rupture, and Foucault’s genealogical method, which carefully attends to “breaks, gaps, and discontinuities” (36). The strongest testimonial for Huffer’s redesignation comes from the “poet” himself. Foucault calls for this reading through his career-long assertion “that truth, history, and life itself—all fundamental elements of biopower—are made, fashioned, and invented” (10). Foucault’s word for this making is “fictioning”: “fictions can ‘induce’—or ‘fiction’—’effects of truth’” (11). Huffer asks us to listen to the murmur of Greek in the word poet(ry): “poiein, to make” (10). In this sense, Foucault is unequivocally a poet. Just as the poets of antiquity formed works from myth, Foucault fictions truths from the archive not by imagining them out of nothing, but by paying attention to and keeping watch over the archive. Huffer’s translation of Foucault takes a step beyond previous critical assessments of his relationship to literature, even Foucault’s own self-reflexive ones. His works have been immensely impactful to literary studies since the 1970s, and dozens of books have been written on his relationship to literature.1 The Bibliothèque nationale de France’s 2013 opening of the Foucault collection and the subsequent release of previously unpublished transcripts of speeches and interviews have  revived the question of the literary in Foucauldian scholarship, leaving no doubt about the importance of literature to Foucault’s thinking.2 Foucault’s Strange Eros derives its critical strength not from the application of Foucauldian theory to literary studies but from reading him as a poet.

    But Foucault, Huffer asserts, cannot be compared to simply any poet. Like the distinction Huffer sets up between philosophy and poetry, there is another implicit partition made within the poetic genealogy between “traditional” poetry that aims toward smooth wholeness and more experimental poetry that rebels against this goal. Extending her stereoscopic gaze back several millennia, Huffer places Foucault in the company of a poet who, like eros,is “Greek, ancient, foreign”: Sappho (48). Huffer conjures her almost as the Platonic khora, a disintegrating void in the archive that gives form to Foucault’s poetic sensibilities, allowing us to read him against imperious philosophical moralizing. When Huffer makes this comparison, she does not suggest a similarity in content. She instead stakes the comparison on a phenomenal similarity grounded in the genealogical realities that structure Sappho’s appearance in the present. Sappho’s lyric output ostensibly existed during her lifetime as a complete set, some 10,000 lines. Two millennia later, this has been worn down to fragments, a paltry 650 lines. As such, a fissure emerges between two figurations of Sappho: the mythico-historical version and the contemporary archival one. Huffer’s description of Foucault’s methodology as Sapphic does not liken Foucault to the once-living Sappho (this would be impossible), but rather establishes a link to her (dis)figured appearance as an “infamous m[a]n” in our time (79). To bolster this claim, Huffer notes that scholars have had to contend with the much-lamented papyrological fact that the lines available to us today are themselves incomplete, worm-eaten, and hole-ridden. Those lines not lost fall prey to the erosive, corrosive workings of time. Consequently, “Sappho’s translators tend to represent that incompleteness with brackets: diacritical devices that designate absence” without proposing to fill it (36). This critico-translational move parallels the way Foucault’s method teaches us to approach his work and the archive. As Huffer notes, Foucault opens his essay “Nietzsche, Genealogy, History” with the proclamation that “[genealogy] operates on a field of entangled and confused parchments, on documents that have been scratched over and recopied many times”; as a result, the genealogist’s task is to track events “when they are absent, the moment when they remain unrealized” (Foucault 369). Huffer’s redesignation of Foucault as a poet allows us to see the likeness between his genealogical method (his veillance of poèmes vies) and the deployment of brackets in Sappho scholarship.

    Yet this comparison struggles under its own weight. Huffer “invoke[s] Sappho as a way to signal the Sapphic quality of Foucault’s famous genealogical ruptures,” but her invocation seems somewhat forced (36). Huffer conflates the fragmented appearance of Sappho’s poetry within the archive with the poetry itself, as if the ruptures were always there. This move raises two unanswered central questions: Does the destruction of Sappho’s corpus belong to the work itself, and how does the critical-translational work of Sappho’s translators figure into the Foucault-Sappho comparison? In asking these questions, we can see that the comparison breaks down precisely where Huffer sets it up: in the brackets. Though functional as opposed to ornamental, the marks are not original to the poems themselves. By not attending sufficiently to the documented differences between Sappho’s poetry in her time and how the fragments appear in ours, Huffer not only diminishes the import of the rhetorical decisions made by translators, but also erases the work of time and power on the Sapphic archive itself. The comparison to Sappho, then, can be reversed and displaced: Foucault is not a Sapphic poet, but Sappho’s appearance in our time through the work of translators can be read as akin to the uncovering of “infamous” lives in Foucault’s scholarship.

    Or maybe the identification could be done away with altogether. The choice of Sappho seems largely motivated by the overwhelming presence of ancient Greece in the text. But, as Foucault warns, “We are much less Greek than we believe” (qtd. in Huffer, Foucault’s 48). Sapphic Foucault is thus a contingent fictioning, thereby open to alteration. We could theorize Foucault in apposition to other writers whose texts are more immediately (and intentionally) genealogical. Even Huffer seems to admit this tacitly through her engagement in the final chapter with Monique Wittig’s poetic writings, which offers the most direct and extensive poetic analysis in the book. Her reading of The Lesbian Body attends to all the same formal elements that she finds in Sappho but evades the twin problems of papyrological destruction and translational decisions because the brackets, scissions, gaps, and ruptures are all original to the text. Other poets’ works can be recontextualized similarly to show an affinity to Foucault’s method. We may, for example, turn to Tadeusz Różewicz and Charles Reznikoff; both wrote “after Auschwitz,” struggling to represent an event that escapes narrative logic while still attending to the lived-but-erased existences of the victims. The texts they wrote out of this struggle consisted largely of documents—newspaper clippings, legal transcriptions, etc.— found by prowling various archives presented in unadorned language. Różewicz declared that he attempted to write poetry made of “not verses but facts.” Is this not what Huffer describes Foucault as doing? Other comparisons can be drawn as well: M. NourbeSe Philip’s Zong!, crafted out of an eighteenth-century trial transcription following the Zong massacre; or Saidiya Hartman’s method of “critical fabulation” that explicitly finds inspiration in Foucault’s “The Lives of Infamous Men”;3 or Rob Halpern’s deployment of a combination of bars and brackets ([——]) to mark how what cannot be perceived structures what is. While this incomplete list demonstrates that Foucault’s Sapphic status is open to refictioning, it also shows the veracity of one of Huffer’s central claims: that a structural isomorphy exists between the formation of an archive and the making of poetry.

    By looking to other poets, we can more fully appreciate Huffer’s excavation of a central ethopoiesis, where prowling the archive produces an erotic, startling affect. Monitoring [surveillant] the “archives of infamy,” Foucault “bear[s] witness to a jumbled mass with no story, just ‘lowly lives reduced to ashes in the few sentences that struck them down’” (75). In exposing the ruptures of history, Foucault not only reformulates a conception of the past but also re-fictions the present. To read him reading the archive is to undergo “experiences of connection and rupture that both fix and free us into a historical present that is unstable” (Huffer, “Strange” 103–4). The Foucauldian testimony constantly reminds us that we are neither exempt from the machinations of power nor safe from becoming ashes strewn to the winds of history (75). Archival rifts are not effects of historical interpretation but part of the conditions that establish the archives that interpreters prowl. These assertions lead to the central object of Huffer’s argument: strange eros.

    What is eros, and why is Foucault’s strange? Words seem to fail the term even as definitions proliferate. Huffer goes to great lengths to “address [the] perplexity” of this odd word (12). In her book there are many things that eros is not: the eros of modernity which is conflated with sexuality; the adjective “erotic” that is tacked onto nouns; an alternate to Greco-Christian forms of love like agape and philia; the opposition to Freudian thanatos. Eros is something else altogether: “Greek, ancient, foreign,” but also, in modernity, all-too-familiar. Huffer is aware that this seems vague, admitting at the outset that “[E]ros cannot appear in terms we might ‘get’” (12). For this reason, she never pins eros down, opting instead to draw a constellation of definitions that range from critical (a “deinstitutionalizing” “verb that suspends the lines of the grid” of the archive [21]; a “strange murmuring background noise out of which sexology extracts the language of sexuality and produces sexual subjects as objects of knowledge” [3]) to poetic (“eros is the Cheshire cat” [122]; it is, citing Anne Carson, “a verb” [19]). Most importantly, eros is strange. Like the eros it modifies, “strange” is never solidly defined, but is deployed consistently so that connotations begin to congeal. The constitutive component of the strangeness of eros appears to be that it revels in paradox: sweet andbitter; now and again; speaking andremaining silent. In relation to history, paradoxical eros “binds and unbinds us in relation to our time . . . [which] anchors us in the archive of our own knowledge and, at the same time, unmoors us into the fragmenting contingency of ‘temporal dispersion’” (48).

    Huffer tracks this “temporal dispersion” in the second and third chapters. In the former, she shows how the archive holds a tension “between narrative continuity and poetic scattering” (75). Living in this rift, genealogists redeploy a past alterity to tell a story about the present, though they must carefully resist the urge to swing too far in either direction of refamiliarization (It’s always been like this!) or defamiliarization (It’s never been like this!). Prowling the archive “establishes the break, cut, or limit between us and what we are not; at the same time, it makes us coextensive with that limit as other” (83). The following chapter takes up the question of eros most directly, asking by what extractive mechanics it became sexuality. Following the figure of the “evil genius” from Descartes through Hegel to Foucault, Huffer uncovers the cost of telling the truth, that is, the cost of extracting intelligible sexuality from the unintelligible murmurs of eros. In doing so, she finds in Foucault an ontology of archival time that undoes the Hegelian invention of historical time in which “successive events . . . find their completion in the present, in us” (97). The evil genius, working erotically, “scrambles” temporal frames that differentiate past from present (110). A focus on sexuality’s origin in eros reveals that we can only conceive of “our own time from the perspective of ‘the border of time that surrounds our present, which overhangs it, and which indicates it in its alterity’” (83). Huffer’s concept of erotic time exposes the cuts that the present makes to extract itself from the past, as well as the scars they leave. Seeing them, we become attuned to the strangeness of our time. Here Huffer identifies Foucault’s ethical, non-imperative “directive” to “inhabit our present as strange” (63). Foucault asserts in an interview that although “[t]he time we live in is not the unique or fundamental or irruptive point in history . . . [it] is very interesting; it needs to be analyzed and broken down” (qtd. in Huffer, Foucault’s 14). The call to view the present as such enables us to see its silenced fictionality, bringing us a new strangeness: How is this directive able to function outside of a “rhetoric of persuasion” (63)? Huffer articulates this recursively, suggesting it is something we already do and have done for us. Because the world is produced, it can be reproduced in an alternative, strange form. We do so by heeding a call, not answering a demand. There are many ways to answer this ethical call and transform our everyday “practices of living” (8). Foucault did so through his genealogical method, but also in his work as a political activist in the Groupe d’information sur les prisons, as Huffer shows in the fourth chapter. Huffer responds the call herself in the final chapter by turning her stereoscopic gaze to what may be the most important ethical challenge facing us today: the destruction of the planet. Through a dazzling reading of Wittig against the language of speculative realism, Huffer reframes “the human/not human story of the Anthropocene” as a jumble of pronomial relations between living and (not quite) dead subjects in an ethopoetic matrix (170). Certainly strange, this section does not bend towards common ecoconscious demands. But Huffer writes neither from the position of a positivistic scientist nor from the philosopher’s pedestal. She writes as a genealogist, a poet “fictioning” a new reality on a damaged planet. The impulse here is heterotopian rather than utopian, but the hope offered is more than a crumb. The “fight for eros” appears in the most urgent issues of today: from environmental catastrophe to Black Lives Matter, from #MeToo and renewed struggles for reproductive rights to activism in support of refugees and against the violence of borders. Yet we need not look onlyto large-scale catastrophes to take up Foucault’s challenge. There are smaller ways of existing with one another strangely, erotically. These quieter practices gather under the French veiller: keeping watch over the ill, holding vigil over the dead, remaining awake with the dying without knowing when death will come. Huffer’s examples of Foucault’s “ethical attitude” all involve the act of watching something in its absence, gazing long into the abyssal brackets of history without wishing in vain that they be filled (33). Responding to the ethical call involves (s)training our eyes and ears to detect barely perceptible murmurings that echo all around us. In short, it is to become a poet. Foucault’s Strange Eros masterfully and hauntingly exposes the archival conditions that form the unwritable archive of the present, thereby opening us toward new horizons of living and ushering in the possibility of translating and refictioning ourselves into strange, erotic configurations.

    Footnotes

    1. For a more extensive analysis of Foucault’s connection to literary theory, see During and Blanco.

    2. See Revel.

    3. While Hartman uses Foucault and his theory of the archive to reimagine the story of the slave girl Venus and her place in the archive of slavery, she does not designate his work aspoetry. Citing his “Lives of Infamous Men,” Hartman writes, “I could say after a famous philosopherthat what we know of Venus in her many guises amounts to ‘little more than a register of her encounter with power’ and that it provides ‘a meager sketch of her existence’” (4).

    Works Cited

    • Blanco, Azucena G. Literature and Politics in the Later Foucault. De Gruyter, 2020.
    • Critchley, Simon. “When Socrates Met Phaedrus: Eros in Philosophy.” New York Times, 3 Nov. 2013, https://opinionator.blogs.nytimes.com/2013/11/03/when-socrates-met-phaedrus-eros-in-philosophy/. The Stone, Opinionator.
    • During, Simon. “Literature and Literary Theory.” Foucault and Literature: Towards a Genealogy of Writing, Routledge, 1992, pp. 67–89.
    • Foucault, Michel. “Nietzsche, Genealogy, History.” Essential Works of Foucault, 1954–1984 Volume 2: Aesthetics, Method, and Epistemology. Edited by James D. Faubion, translated by Robert Hurley, New Press, 1998, pp. 369–91.
    • Hartman, Saidiya. “Venus in Two Acts.” Small Axe, vol. 12, no. 2, 2008, pp. 1–14.
    • Huffer, Lynne. “Strange Eros: Foucault, Ethics, and the Historical a Priori.” Continental Philosophy Review, vol. 49, no. 1, 2016, pp. 103–114.
    • Revel, Judith. “Un héritage de Foucault. Entre fidélité et libres usages.” Theory Now: Journal of Literature, Critique, and Thought, vol 2. no. 1, 2019, pp. 182–193.
  • Dispossession, Property, and the Clash of Interests: Reflections on Early Marx and Late Bensaïd

    Bret Benjamin (bio)

    A review of Bensaïd, Daniel. The Dispossessed: Karl Marx’s Debates on Wood Theft and the Right of the Poor. Translated by Robert Nichols, U of Minnesota P, 2021.

    No honest history of capitalist modernity can fail to account for the violence of dispossession. Marx famously grapples with the distinction between the ideal operations of capital through which surplus value is extracted from waged workers at the point of production, and the regular and persistent applications of “direct, extra-economic force” (Capital 900) characteristic of the period of “so-called primitive accumulation,” when capital comes into the world “dripping from head to toe, from every pore, with blood and dirt” (926). The relation between the economic and the extra-economic forms of violence, theft, enclosure, expropriation, and dispossession is ever in motion and, indeed, dialectically constituted. “Force,” Marx insists in his account of capital’s origins, “is the midwife of every old society which is pregnant with a new one. It is itself an economic power” (916). Many of the most important thinkers in the tradition that bears his name—from Rosa Luxemburg and Vladimir Lenin in the early decades of the twentieth century to David Harvey and Nancy Fraser today—have worked to define the precise theoretical and historical relationships between economic exploitation and the forms of dispossession which capital disavows.1 To what degree is the persistent use of force and theft a necessary precondition for ongoing capital accumulation? Do the dispossessions of the present issue from a different set of determinants than those that characterized the pre-history of capital in its conditions of emergence? How might this relation between exploitation and dispossession shed light on the structural unevenness of the world market, felt most acutely by those who have historically borne the most vicious forms of violence: the victims of imperialism and racialized discrimination? Robert Nichols has made noteworthy recent contributions to this always urgent debate in his writings on primitive accumulation and in his recent book, Theft is Property.2 As editor and translator of the brief but provocative The Dispossessed: Karl Marx’s Debates on Wood Theft and the Right of the Poor, Nichols makes a different sort of intervention, approaching the question of dispossession by pairing early writings by Marx with an essay by the eminent French public intellectual and activist Daniel Bensaïd.

    Originally published in 1842 in the Rheinische Zeitung, the five articles by Marx collected in this volume offer a characteristically blistering critique of positions set forth by the state and landowners during the Rhineland Assembly’s debates on legislation that criminalized the gathering of wood by peasants. Marx’s articles are preceded by the volume’s eponymous essay, Bensaïd’s “The Dispossessed,” originally published in 2007. The texts represent opposite poles of each author’s career. Marx’s Rheinische Zeitung articles, which Nichols contends “have long languished in obscurity, particularly in the English-speaking world” (xiv), were penned just prior to his profound engagement with, and critique of, political economy (only fully evident, Bensaïd rightly suggests, in the 1844 Paris Manuscripts). Bensaïd’s essay, by contrast, was written just three years before the end of his life when his long battle with AIDS appears to have prevented the completion of more sustained intellectual projects.3 Marx’s articles offer fascinating but incomplete points of intellectual departure, suggesting lines of connection between the critique in these early essays and his more fully conceived later work; Bensaïd’s essay offers an erudite account of the intellectual history of property that draws out the political implications of Marx’s wood theft articles, but struggles to articulate a structural account of dispossession and the capital relation. The pairing of early Marx and late Bensaïd is bolstered by Nichols’s helpful introduction, which provides historical context for both and brings their analyses up to the present.4 Taken as a whole, the volume makes a valuable contribution to longstanding Marxist debates about dispossession. While neither Marx nor Bensaïd manages in these essays to develop a fully realized analysis of the relation between exploitation and dispossession under capital, both offer significant insights—particularly about the state, property, and class composition or fragmentation—and their pairing should prove generative to Marxists working to understand, and of course to transform, the conditions of the ever-growing ranks of the dispossessed under contemporary capital.

    Many readers of Marx will know the wood theft essays primarily as an example of his “liberal rationalist”5 thinking from the period just prior to his break from the Berlin neo-Hegelians that corresponded with his developing critique of political economy. Indeed, Marx seems to appeal at times in these articles to the ideals of rational debate, a free press, and the principle by which the state might stand in as a universal arbiter capable of distributing justice equitably. Nevertheless, we also find in these early texts evidence of a rapidly sharpening critique of the modern representative state as an expression of bourgeois interests. For example, Marx highlights the implications of criminalizing a practice traditionally considered part of the commons. Firewood, previously understood as a free gift of nature harvested for the common good, is metamorphosed by the state into private property. Collection now becomes theft. Peasants who merely seek cooking fuel or protection from the cold are subjected not only to criminalization by the state, but also to the growing social control of the landowning class, to whom the new law requires the criminal to pay exorbitant fines and provide free labor. In language evocative of the fetishism section of Capital’s opening chapter, Marx declares that the “wood possesses the remarkable character such that as soon as it is stolen it secures for its owner state qualities it did not previously possess” (93). The state imbues the wood with properties that issue from its new legal form as property. By recharacterizing wood collection as theft, the state acts entirely on behalf of property-owners; in the process, the state is itself transformed from the universal representative of the citizenry to the mechanism through which an ownership class exerts social control:

    The wood thief has robbed the forest owner of wood, but the forest owner has used the wood thief to steal the state itself. . . .  We are only surprised that the forest owner is not allowed to heat his stove with the wood thieves. (93-4)

    These remarks may lack the analytical clarity of the 1848 Manifesto’s pronouncement that the “executive of the modern State is but a committee for managing the common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie” (Marx and Engels 486). However, the Swiftian image of landowners heating their stoves with the bodies of peasants guilty solely of collecting firewood puts us squarely on the road to a full-throated critique of the class power enmeshed within the liberal-democratic state.

    Any apparent universality of rights inhering to the abstraction of citizen is belied by the inequalities of class power mediated by the state. Marx has yet to work out the core theoretical basis of his critique of capital: the social abstraction of labor that makes it commensurate with all commodities. He certainly cannot see in these essays how a category such as citizenship might take on a form of appearance determined by the deeper abstraction of labor that structures the capital relation. Yet glimpses of this relationship are evident. Consider the following passage:

    There was no attempt to afford equal protection to the forest owner and the infringer of forest regulations, only equal protection for the small and large forest owners. In the latter, legal equality is measured down to the minutest detail while in the former inequality is an axiom. Why does the small forest owner demand the same protection as the big forest owner? Because both are forest owners. But are not both the forest owner and the infringers of forest regulations citizens of the state? If small and big forest owners have the same right to protection by the state, does this not apply even more so to small and big citizens of the state? (77)

    In due time, Marx comes to demystify the formal equality of the contract under which labor power is purchased on the open market, consensually and for its fair value; this “free” exchange conceals the fact that the laborer, dispossessed of all means of production, enters the contract “like someone who has brought his own hide to market and now has nothing to expect but—a tanning” (Capital 280). The passage above, I would suggest, can be read as an analogous critique, conceived in these early essays solely within the political sphere of state, law, and citizenship, but paving the way for his later critique of formal freedom under conditions of structural inequality that characterize the capital relation.

    Also noteworthy in the passage above is Marx’s attention to the state’s role in managing differences between and among property owners or individual capitals. While the state establishes and enforces a relation of inequality between landowners and the propertyless (big and small citizens), it meticulously insists on legal equality between big and small property owners. Why? Again, we find the seeds of the dialectical critique that Marx develops over the decades ahead. The state’s insistence on equality among landowners anticipates an argument from the “Working Day” chapter of Capital, the section of Volume I in which Marx first turns his attention to an historical account of class struggles within the state, declaring that “the most fundamental right under the law of capital is the equal exploitation of labor-power by all capitalists” (405). Paradoxically, the universal conditions under which the abstraction of labor power will ultimately assume its determinate form are pressed into being in part through competition between and among branches of capital and individual owners. In his account of the Assembly debates, Marx cites a forest owner who laments that landowning farmers can rely on laws that punish those who steal food whereas he has no such protections against the gathering of wood. Marx dons the persona of the forest owner to express faux outrage at this inequitable treatment: “Farm owners, why are you so magnanimous where my interests are concerned? Because your interests are already taken care of” (86).

    Rather than a sphere defined by the abstract universality of citizenship, then, Marx depicts the emerging bourgeois state as a formal structure of equality that masks the direct and forcible operation of powerful interests. He offers the following gem:

    Interest has no memory; it thinks only of itself. The one thing about which it is concerned, itself, it never forgets. But it is not concerned with contradictions, for it never comes into contradiction with itself. It is a constant improviser, for it has no system, only expedients. (87)

    One would be hard-pressed to find a better description of the political elite today: to denounce them as contradictory—or more typically as hypocritical—misses the more basic point that any “principles” they might espouse must be understood to be identical with their interests. No memory, no system, no principle—merely the expedient exercise of power in the self-interest of political actors. To argue, following Marx, that the state is fundamentally a site of interest rather than of universal equality is merely to recognize that it will invariably be the site of intense class struggle under capital, both between those who own property and those who labor and/or who have been dispossessed, as well as between and among sectors of the owning class. Class struggle, in political terms, is the struggle between interests. The wood theft articles illustrate the transformation of direct violence into state-mediated violence, which in turn lays the groundwork for the abstract forms of social domination that characterize the social relation.6

    For Bensaïd, such struggles become most visible through the form of property, and his essay is particularly effective in situating Marx’s articles on wood theft within an intellectual history about the origins of modern capitalist conceptions of property. His concise but illuminating survey begins in 1647 with the Levellers who locate a constitutive “property-in-the-person,” where “[t]o be free is to own oneself and, by extension, the means and products of one’s labor” (21). Their “point of departure,” according to Bensaïd, is not “a critique of property, but rather a conception of equality buttressed by a theological argument” (21). On his way to an analysis of Marx’s contributions, Bensaïd reflects on Hegel, who affirms the right of necessity; Rousseau, who “positions the inalienable right to existence (to ‘life’!) against any right to private property” (8); and Locke, Hobbes, and Proudhon, whose influence on the wood theft essays is evident.7

    In surveying this intellectual tradition, Bensaïd ably demonstrates that capital does not invent property, just as it does not invent money, markets, or the sale of labor; rather, it finds existing social forms and transforms them to such an extent that they bear only superficial resemblance to their previous instantiations. As the wood is transformed through its relation to the state, so is property transformed by its relation to capital. Having been reconstituted by the determinants of the capital relation, however, the concept of property contains within it the contradictions of a form at once of capital and antithetical to it: “The critique of property,” he writes, “is thus at the very birth and heart of all variants of socialism that arose in the nineteenth century in resistance to triumphant capitalism” (30). Bensaïd reads in Marx an attempt to draw out the “original meaning of the notion of property, as used by Locke, for whom ‘every man is the owner of his own person,’ or by the Levellers who saw in it the foundation of individual autonomy” (51). Specifically, Bensaïd excavates the original conceptions of property as a means to better understand Marx’s humanism, his utopian striving for a society capable of producing fully developed, non-alienated human beings. Drawing on (and quoting) the work of Paul Serini, Bensaïd argues: “Owing to the ‘acquisitions’ of capitalist development, the era of the private property of the individual worker is irredeemably lost, but an ‘individual form of possession in the broadest sense’ remains the condition of the ‘free development of each’” (51). Tantalizing if undeveloped, this sketch of a reanimated Marxist individualism posits an immanent critique of capital from within the essence of property, a concept central to capital’s self-image but here mobilized for quite divergent ends.

    Bensaïd’s larger purpose in revisiting Marx’s wood theft essays is to reflect upon the contradictions of property in the era of globalization. Our era, he suggests, is characterized by the commodification and privatization of all spheres of social existence. We witness an accelerated enclosure of social wealth that had previously been understood as common, creating on the one hand an ever-more powerful capitalist class and on the other an ever-growing population of those who share the condition of dispossession. Bensaïd’s examples from 2007 fall in line with much of the literature on neoliberalism and globalization (his preferred term): the privatization of state and public or common goods, including even those goods that would seem to defy commodification such as ideas, knowledge, genes, water, the atmosphere, ecosystem, etc.8 “The extension of the commodification of the world to knowledge and life itself,” he writes, “poses with new acuteness the question of the public good and the common good of humanity” (46).

    “The Dispossessed” therefore stands in conversation with that rich line of Marxist scholarship that considers the accumulation of capital in relation to both dispossession and exploitation. For instance, David Harvey, whose work Bensaïd cites approvingly, argues that contemporary class movements

    are currently bi-furcated into movements around expanded reproduction . . . and movements around accumulation by dispossession in which everything from classic forms of primitive accumulation through practices destructive of cultures, histories and environments to the depredations wrought by contemporary forms of finance capital are the focus of resistance. (65)

    Nancy Fraser, perhaps uncomfortable with Harvey’s expansive use of the term “accumulation” to describe practices that appear more akin to what Marx called the “centralization” of capital (that is, the upward redistribution of wealth rather than the expanding production of value; Capital 777), clarifies that “expropriation is accumulation by other means.” Expropriation—the term Fraser adopts rather than “dispossession”—necessarily implies that “the commandeered capacities get incorporated into the value-expanding process that defines capital. Simple theft is not enough” (166-67). Going further than Harvey, who merely suggests the need to find an “organic link” between exploitation and dispossession, Fraser offers a structural account of the relation between the expropriated and the exploited, which plays a constitutive role in the emergence and reproduction of capital and the capitalist state.9 She writes:

    the subjection of those whom capital expropriates is a hidden condition of possibility for the freedom of those whom it exploits. Absent an account of the first, we cannot fully understand the second. Nor can we fully appreciate the nonaccidental character of capitalism’s historic entanglement with racial oppression. (166)

    What, precisely, does Bensaïd add to this theoretical tradition? The answer is somewhat hazy. His analysis of specific examples of dispossession in the era of globalization is often penetrating. Consider his assessment of the conflicts that make capital incompatible with the planet’s climate and ecosystems:

    Between market logic, where abstract labor time is the standard for all things, and the reasoned relations of time and space characteristic of natural conditions for the reproduction of the human species, there is no common measure. The incommensurability between market values and ecological values marks one of the historical limits of the capitalist mode of production. (56)

    Such analysis is, sadly, as accurate and pressing today as it was in 2007. However, despite Bensaïd’s considerable expertise with both Marx and the tradition of political theory, the essay ultimately fails to develop an independent and sustained argument about the relation between dispossession and capital. It asserts that dispossession has taken on a new importance (who would doubt it?), but remains murky on the fundamental questions addressed more directly by Harvey and especially Fraser: whether dispossession is a structural feature of capital that exists alongside exploitation and accumulation, perhaps even as their condition of possibility, or whether dispossession should be understood to have superseded exploitation as the motivating force of contemporary capital.

    Consider, for example, the following passage in which Bensaïd expands on Marx’s claim in Contribution to Critique of Political Economy that all realms of science, art, politics, and social life have been “captured and put at the service of capital.” He asserts, quoting from Contribution throughout, that:

    as big industry grows, “the creation of real wealth becomes less dependent upon labour time and the quantity of labour employed than upon the power of the agents set in motion during labour time. And their power—their POWERFUL EFFECTIVENESS—in turn bears no relation to the immediate labour time which their production costs, but depends, rather, upon the general level of development of science and the progress of technology or on the application of science to production.” Thus, “the theft of alien labour time, which is the basis of present wealth, appears to be a miserable foundation.” This miserable base is the reason for the disturbances of the world. The law of value can no longer measure the excesses of the world except at the price of ever-increasing global outbursts of violence. (41-2)

    How are we to understand this argument? Is Bensaïd equating “the theft of alien labour time”—which for Marx refers to surplus value extracted by capitalists from workers in production—with the privatizations and enclosures that he has been calling dispossession? Does he suggest that contemporary capital does away with the distinction between exploitation and expropriation? Is he merely asserting that violence underpins the production of value? That has always been true. Or are the “ever-increasing global outbursts of violence” to be understood as a symptom of slackening profitability and of capital’s increasingly desperate efforts to amass wealth in the absence of real accumulation?10 Does the violence of the contemporary moment illustrate something about capital’s requirement for uneven geographical development or racialized divisions, theorized respectively by Harvey and Fraser? Such arguments would be compelling to me, but I am hard-pressed to find evidence for such claims in Bensaïd’s remarks. The confusion continues in a subsequent passage:

    These philosophico-legal puzzles are the result of contradictions between the growing socialization of intellectual labor and the private appropriation of ideas, on the one hand; between abstract labor, which underlies the market measure, and concrete work which is difficult to quantify, on the other. From these contradictions results a generalized disruption of the law of value as an increasingly wretched means by which to measure exchange and social wealth. (43)

    Bensaïd’s pairing of exchange and social wealth is puzzling. He is surely right to decry the dehumanizing barbarity of capital, which transforms human labor into the abstraction of labor power and limits the complexity and richness of life to one value-producing activity. The law of value has always been a wretched means to measure social wealth. But what does it mean to say that the law of value is also a wretched means to measure exchange? Does this imply that exchange has kicked itself loose of the determinations of the value form, as suggested by Hardt and Negri and by other strands of post-Marxist thought, with which Bensaïd is certainly in conversation? Or could it imply that the accounting function of value becomes increasingly difficult to discern as wealth is centralized through forms of dispossession, even as new value production stagnates? More fundamentally, in these repeated but opaque references to the law of value, is Bensaïd suggesting that new forms of dispossession have replaced or superseded value or accumulation for capital? Or does he understand dispossession as an expression of the underlying contradictions of value as constituted by the capital relation? Bensaïd’s position seems closer to the former; my own is most certainly the latter. But I offer this series of questions because, frustratingly, the essay never develops a sustained thesis on these crucial theoretical points. I am not criticizing Bensaïd’s position so much as his lack of a position. Armed with considerable erudition and learning, he wades into the rich Marxist debate about exploitation and expropriation only to gesture rather than argue.

    If the theoretical underpinnings of Bensaïd’s account remain hazy and underdeveloped, his call for political action is clear and compelling. Echoing both the Manifesto and Marx’s critique of interestin the wood theft articles,Bensaïd concludes on this ringing note: “Who will prevail: self-interested calculation or solidarity and common interest, property and an enforceable right to existence? Our lives are worth more than their profits: ‘Rise up, dispossessed of the world!’” (57). Bensaïd’s political challenge is blunt: the world’s crises demand swift and transformative action—which side are you on? More subtly, he evokes the intellectual tradition his essay so adroitly analyzes: individual as opposed to private property rights, in which one holds a property claim over oneself and the products of one’s labor. In this way Bensaïd situates property not on the side of capital’s self-interest but rather on the side of common interest and the right to existence; he uses the conjunction “and” rather than “or” to link property with life instead of pitting them against one another. Here we can see evidence of the sophistication and substance of Bensaïd’s essay, and indeed of the volume as a whole, mining Marx’s early writings for critical insights and positing the essential relevance of his (emerging) critique of political economy to the social conflicts of our time. Filled with perceptive analysis and provocation, alongside a few notable frustrations, the volume warrants careful study. It would be unrealistic to expect a brief volume of this sort to develop a fully conceived theory of dispossession and its relation to capital. More modestly, we can credit Nichols for his pairing of Marx and Bensaïd, which lays a few more conceptual planks into the foundation from which such a theory might arise.

    Footnotes

    1. See Luxemburg, The Accumulation of Capital, Routledge, 2003; Lenin, Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism, LeftWord Books, 2010; David Harvey, especially pp. 41-68; and Nancy Fraser. Nichols identifies specific connections between Bensaïd and E.P. Thompson, Customs In Common, Penguin, 1991; Midnight Notes Collective, Midnight Oil: Work, Energy, War, Autonomedia, 1992; Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Empire, Harvard UP, 2000; and David Harvey. Supplementing these, the following very partial list serves to indicate the diversity of Marxist approaches to the question of dispossession, especially as it relates to a critique of imperialism, racism, and neoliberalism: Cedric Robinson, Black Marxism,U of North Carolina P, 1983; Utsa Patnaik and Prabhat Patnaik, A Theory of Imperialism,Columbia UP, 2017, especially pp. 47-60; Mike Davis, Planet of Slums, Verso, 2006; Michael Denning, “Wageless Life,” New Left Review, no. 66, Nov./Dec. 2010, pp. 79-97; “Misery and Debt: On the Logic and History of Surplus Populations and Surplus Capital,” Endnotes, no. 2, April 2010, https://endnotes.org.uk/issues/2/en/endnotes-misery-and-debt.

    2. “Disaggregating Primitive Accumulation,” Radical Philosophy, vol. 194, Nov./Dec. 2015, pp. 18-28; Theft is Property, Duke UP, 2020.

    3. Nichols cites Enzo Traverso’s statement to this effect, a hypothesis that seems to be echoed indirectly in the obituaries for Besaïd written respectively by Tariq Ali in The Guardian (“Daniel Bensaïd obituary”) and Alex Callinicos (“Obituary – Daniel Bensaïd (1946 – 2010)”), originally published on the Socialist Workers Party website and now archived on the Marxists’ Internet Archive.

    4. Nichols’s updated translation of Marx’s wood theft articles does not appear to offer any major theoretical advances over that of Clemens Palme Dutt (Marx and Engels Collected Works, vol. 1, Lawrence and Wishart, 2010, pp. 224-263). However, the modernized syntax and vocabulary nicely accentuate the biting rhetorical style of Marx, whose withering critique of bourgeois logic is on masterful display in these articles.

    5. Bensaïd approvingly adopts this term from Louis Althusser, For Marx, Verso, 1965, p. xxxiii.

    6. See Moishe Postone, Time, Labor, and Social Domination: A Reinterpretation of Marx’s Critical Theory, Cambridge UP, 1993.

    7. Five years after the wood theft articles, Marx breaks fully from Proudhon in The Poverty of Philosophy. Bensaïd does an admirable job summarizing the theoretical distinctions that underpin this split, not yet worked out in the wood theft articles:

    For Marx, elementary individual work is at once social work, which presupposes a prior social accumulation of knowledge and expertise. While Proudhon opposed the virtues of original work to the misery of bonded labor—‘real value’ to ‘fictitious value,’ production to speculation—Marx discovered the contrary: the unity of concrete and abstract labor, of exchange- and use-vale, the open secret of the commodity and the enchanted world of capital. (33)

    8. To the question of whether such goods should properly be called commodities, see Kevin Floyd, “Automatic Subjects,” Historical Materialism, vol. 24, no. 2, 2016, pp. 61-86, https://doi.org/10.1163/1569206X-12341470.

    9. Crucially, Fraser introduces the inextricability of expropriation and racial oppression, drawing explicit connections between US racism and the history of capitalist imperialism. In his introduction to The Dispossessed, Nichols notes that despite Bensaïd’s extensive work in Latin America and his familiarity with Trotskyist conceptions of “uneven and combined development,” the question of colonial or imperial expressions of dispossession are referenced in his essay “but not given a full treatment” (xx).

    10. See Robert Brenner, The Economics of Global Turbulence, Verso, 2006; Marxism and the Critique of Value, edited by Neil Larsen, Mathias Nilges, Josh Robinson, and Nicholas Brown, M-C-M’ Press, 2014.

    Works Cited

    • Fraser, Nancy. “Expropriation and Exploitation in Racialized Capitalism: A Reply to Michael Dawson.” Critical Historical Studies, Spring 2016, pp. 163-178.
    • Harvey, David. Spaces of Global Capitalism. Verso, 2019.
    • Marx, Karl. Capital: A Critique of Political Economy. Translated by Ben Fowkes,vol. 1,Penguin Books, 1976.
    • — and Frederick Engels. “Manifesto of the Communist Party.” Translated by Samuel Moore, Marx and Engels Collected Works, vol. 6, Lawrence and Wishart, 2010, pp. 477-519.
  • Renewing Humanism Against the Anthropocene: Towards a Theory of the Hysterical Sublime

    Matthew Flisfeder (bio)

    Abstract

    This article puts to question performative contradictions in theories developing a resistance to anthropocentrism in the context of rising interest in the Anthropocene narrative and Posthumanist theories seeking to evade human exceptionalism. By developing the aesthetic category of the hysterical sublime—a term first coined by Fredric Jameson in his early writing on postmodernism—this article challenges theoretical attempts to resist anthropocentrism and, instead, proposes a renewed conception of a universal and dialectical humanism as a methodological and ethical framework for grappling with contemporary crises such as climate change and the rise of digital automation.

    I.

    Posthumanism, according to the editors of The Bloomsbury Handbook of Posthumanism, is an umbrella term used to describe a range of theories and philosophies, with diverse histories, that are typically resistant to human exceptionalism or anthropocentrism (Rosendahl Thomsen and Wamberg 1). The term has a varied historical development and usage, but, as Rosendahl Thomsen and Wamberg remark, posthumanism ties together a general disdain for anthropocentrism. For instance, at the beginning of Vibrant Matter, Jane Bennett notes that “for some time political theory has acknowledged that materiality matters. But this materiality most often refers to human social structures or to the human meanings ‘embodied’ in them and other objects” (xvi). Politics, she adds, is usually conceived of as an “exclusively human domain,” and “what registers on it is a set of material constraints or a context for human action” (xvi). According to Bennett, anthropocentric politics and materialisms too often forget the non-human, or the agency of matter. She therefore defines her own vitalist materialism as a “resistance to anthropocentrism” (xvi).

    While Bennett insists on the difference between her work and object-oriented ontology (“Systems”), her vitalist perspective overlaps in some ways with the goals of philosophers like Graham Harman, whose first book, Tool-Being, opens with a declaration about ending the dictatorship of the human (2), and Levi R. Bryant, whose efforts to evade anthropocentrism involve theorizing all things as objects of different kinds to create what he calls a democracy of objects. As Bryant puts it, the aim of object-oriented ontology as a posthumanism is “to think a subjectless object, or an object that is for-itself rather than an object that is an opposing pole before or in front of a subject” (Democracy 19). Referring to Quentin Meillassoux’s conception of correlationism—which claims that, from a humanist perspective, no object can exist without a thinking subject—Bryant proposes, too, that the challenge for equality must be based on a resistance to anthropocentrism (Democracy 39–40). Noting that the earth sciences are now referring to our own geological period as an Anthropocene (Crutzen), Rosi Braidotti similarly acknowledges the need to “move beyond anthropocentrism,” which according to her is the central aim of contemporary posthumanist scholarship (50). In some cases, scholars, such as Bennett and Steven Shaviro (Universe) go so far as to defend the need for forms of anthropomorphism as a mechanism for evading anthropocentrism (Bennett, Vibrant 98–99; Shaviro, Universe 61; Shaviro, “Consequences”). It is worth noting that the brands of posthumanism identified here are not anti-humanist, but rather aim to demote human exceptionalism, placing the human back into its relative position within a chain of equivalence of all beings and objects. The perspectives described above, despite some of their differences, seek to move past the centrality of the human subject in order to evade a burdensome anthropocentrism. Resistance to anthropocentrism forms the core of their work.

    However, many of these perspectives still concern themselves with the survival of humanity as a species, and critics have noted an intractable, performative contradiction that persists in attempts to resist anthropocentrism or human exceptionalism. As Daniel Hartley notes, for instance, resistance to anthropocentrism aims to demonstrate that the human has been fallaciously elevated above the non-human, despite the fact that the very concept of the Anthropocene would seem to suggest the opposite (158). Braidotti, for instance, notes that the Anthropocene refers to “the historical moment when the Human has become a geological force capable of affecting all life on this planet” (5); yet she also claims that human embodiment is not opposed to matter but continuous with it (35). Similarly, Gamble, Hanan, and Nail argue that, from their own posthumanist and new materialist perspective, human matter is not separate from all other nature, and, in fact, human agency is merely the self-performance of nature acting upon itself. As they explain, theirs is a notion of history “in which humans, when they are involved, are reading and writing as particular performances of matter reading and (re)writing itself” (127). It is difficult, then, to grasp how a conception of an Anthropocene separate from the rest of nature can be possible. From which subjectiveperspective do we grasp this fact of nature proposed by Gamble, Hanan, and Nail? Likewise, Richard Grusin notes that the Anthropocene “names the human as the dominant influence on climate” (vii), but then suggests that “the question of political or social change becomes a question of changing our relations not only to other humans but to nonhumans as well” (xviii), in which case it appears as though humans are singled out as the agents of ethical action. Borna Radnik points out that even the attempt to separate thought and being, or to go beyond the human subject, “necessarily involves conceptual determinations that are only intelligible to us as thinking [human] subjects” (51). Alenka Zupančič, too, argues that “by (im)modestly positing the subject as a more or less insignificant point in the universe, one deprives oneself of the possibility to think, radically and seriously, the very ‘injustice’ . . . that made one want to develop an egalitarian ontological project in the first place” (122). As Hartley, Radnik, and Zupančič all demonstrate, there is an underlying contradiction in the human attempt to evade anthropocentrism, since it is anthropocentrism itself that marks the territory for projects to develop equality and freedom.

    To make further sense of this contradiction, I further develop in this essay an aesthetic category first introduced by Fredric Jameson (“Postmodernism”): the hysterical sublime. Jameson explains that for philosophers like Edmund Burke and Immanuel Kant, the sublime names the human experience of the irrationality of an external nature. The hysterical sublime, by comparison, refers to our experiences in postmodern culture of the irrationality of technologies produced by late capitalism, best represented in popular sci-fi films such as 2001: A Space Odyssey, Blade Runner, The Matrix, The Terminator, and in a TV series such as Black Mirror. I employ the concept of the hysterical sublime in this essay to show how Anthropocene discourse and theories resistant to anthropocentrism repress their humanist and anthropocentric core. On the one hand, they extend and even displace the fear of technology onto the fear of the human. On the other hand, they maintain the centrality of the human subject as the ethical agent of change and transformation. My claim is that the repression of humanism that we so often find in posthumanism stems from attempts to distance positions from anthropocentrism rather than to make it the methodological and ethical center of our struggles. The hysterical sublime thus renews and defends a conception of universal humanism appropriate to our era of twenty-first century capitalism.

    As an aesthetic category, the hysterical sublime provides a representational framework for thinking critically about the contradictions of human culture and society and about the way that our collective impact upon the non-human has resulted in a crisis of our own self-preservation and freedom, caught as they are between the twin crises of climate change and automation. This, too, is the product of political conflict and the implementation of systems of production that benefit the few over the many. The hysterical sublime lets us see our culture today not as anthropocentric but, as Jason W. Moore has proposed, as capitalocentric. The hysterical sublime surpasses simplistic humanisms to reflect the cultural contradictions of capitalism and its technological impact upon both nature and ourselves, and to show capitalism’s centrality in our present historical and existential dilemmas, such as the rise of automation and global climate change. These dilemmas, along with the discourse of the Anthropocene, have compelled some to question the human as a species. According to Timothy Morton, we only begin to see ourselves as a species at the moment we start to concern ourselves with other species (Humankind 39). Yuval Noah Harari echoes Morton by suggesting that we only begin to take an interest “in the fate of so-called lower life forms, because we are about to become one” (116). Harari is alluding to an assumed overtaking of humanity by smart machines, an argument popularized by different strands of automation theory and accelerationism whose most vocal proponent, Elon Musk, has argued that to stay relevant humans must become cyborgs (Solon). The once-radical perspective of Donna Haraway now provides the very substance of twenty-first century capitalist mantras.

    For Harari, the posthuman moment occurs when we are about to become dominated by machines; and, in a way, both Morton and Harari are correct, but not because we are for the first time expressing concern for other species—in hunter-gatherer and early agricultural societies, Harari notes, humans have been animal and nature animists—or because we are about to become a “lower” life form. Rather, they are correct because we have now arrived at the moment in capitalist development when all of life has been completely objectified and commodified. We need only reflect on the various practices of objectification in contemporary culture to grasp this: the self-branding of social media influencers, cosmetic surgeries deemed to be necessary components of self-investment, the practice of medicine that treats the body as though it were a car needing a tune-up every few months as opposed to offering more holistic approaches to living and care, and so on. The body is treated like a technological object constantly in need of upgrades and repairs, and some theorists today imagine the equality of all objects in the same way: as just so many different kinds of machines (Bryant, Onto-Cartography). We may thus grasp historical progress today, as Mark Fisher puts it, “not in cultural shifts but in technological upgrades” (K-Punk 585). The middle class and its intellectual force concerns itself with objects at the very moment when people are about to become, or have already become, completely objectified, ourselves the product of capitalist processes of reification. We begin to see ourselves as potentially transforming into a lower life form against the rise in automation and artificial intelligence. It is only now that we aim towards a “democracy of objects,” where equality with the alterity of the nonhuman becomes a concern, because objecthood is deemed to be the basic condition of all things. Far from advancing radical theories, resistance to anthropocentrism, by downgrading the kind of human exceptionalism required to enact emancipatory ethics, is the ideological expression of twenty-first century capitalism. Resistance to anthropocentrism is becoming the norm, such that even the most vocal critics of new materialism, speculative realism, and object-oriented ontology insist on resisting anthropocentrism much as the theories and theorists they criticize do.

    II.

    This last point requires clarification. For instance, in “New Materialism and the Labor Theory of Value,” Jennifer Cotter argues that new materialism is “an ideological articulation of commodity production and exchange relations that inverts its own historical conditions of possibility in human historical and social relations by representing the logic of exchange as an ontological condition of life as such” (172). Yet, despite her acute critique of new materialisms as mirrors of the market, Cotter is careful to distance herself and Marxism generally from any association with a humanist outlook: “historical materialism is not actually a form of anthropocentrism; rather, it understands that humans themselves are the evolutionary products of the dialectics of nature.” What she means by this is that human subjects are the products of “the dialectical praxis of labor” and that they “act to transform nature to meet their needs and in doing so transform their needs and their nature” (173). While I don’t dispute the claims she makes, it is difficult not to see her description of the dialectical praxis of human labor as anything but anthropocentric. It is a theory that still puts human labor at the center of production. Cotter recircles this point by remarking that in historical materialism it is not consciousness that determines social existence but social existence that determines consciousness. What she forgets, to borrow a phrase from Marx, is that people still make history, but they do so in conditions not of their own choosing. The trap to be avoided, then, is not anthropocentrism but feeling the need to avoid it. Attempts to do just that are bound to a performative contradiction that verges on a kind of inaction or withdrawal (to steal a term from object-oriented ontologists) based on a bad infinity that leaves intact existing relations of exploitation. Bad infinity is another way of explaining the kind of self-reflexive anxiety—of thinking problems and contradictions all the way down—that preemptively halts all activity. It is what Mark Fisher refers to as “reflexive impotence,” a self-fulfilling prophesy of cynical capitalist realism (Capitalist 21). Bad infinity thus transforms into a contemplative materialism or an idealism in the guise of materialism. Therefore, if posthumanisms such as new materialism, speculative realism, and object-oriented ontology express an ontology of the reified space of the market, then their ethics is one of withdrawal, unreason, and inaction lest we give in to the spectres of Promethean anthropocentrism and hubristic pride.

    Alexander Galloway shows that object-oriented ontology and speculative realism are, likewise, not merely mirrors of the market but of the algorithm. He makes this claim in relation to the origins of object-oriented philosophies in object-oriented programming, which designs software around objects rather than functions. It is worth noting that, just as neoliberalism objectifies us in the form of human capital, in the age of the algorithm, data and math make claims about the world from which they extract value (Galloway 358). These points are not insignificant and, again, like Cotter’s characterization of new materialism as reflecting the logic of the market, Galloway assesses object-oriented philosophy as expressive of an algorithmic ontology of data objects. In fact, both Morton and Harari use this very metaphor in their respective challenges to anthropocentrism: Morton proposes that the algorithm provides a snapshot of humankind (Hyperobjects 17), while for Harari humans are algorithms that reproduce by making copies of themselves (Homo Deus 98). The problem with posthumanist new realists such as these is that, unlike someone like Slavoj Žižek, they claim, as Galloway notes (357), that ontologies shouldn’t be political. Galloway’s retort is that any claim to lie outside of the political is one of the surest signs of being traversed by political antagonism. However, Galloway, like Cotter, takes time to distance himself from anthropocentrism and humanism.

    Although the concluding section of his essay centers on the Heidegger-Sartre debate over humanism, Galloway makes sure to avoid being accused of anthropocentrism. In a footnote he writes, “[m]y argument is not an elegy to humanism, Sartrean or otherwise, at the expense of the nonhuman. This debate is false.” The true debate, he says, is between realism and materialism: “The issue is not objects versus humans but rather the real versus history” (364n28). Galloway is right to inquire about the politics of object-oriented philosophies, but I remain puzzled by his and Cotter’s urge to distance themselves from humanism and anthropocentrism. Isn’t history and our making of it precisely the human, subjective, and radical core of historical materialism? Isn’t the point for us not merely to contemplate the world but to change it? When Fredric Jameson tells us to “Always historicize!” he explains that the objective path of history is bound up with a subjective dimension “of the concepts and categories by which we attempt to understand [the historical origins of things themselves]” (ix). I raise this point not merely to claim that history is simply the product of human subjective intervention. There is objective history, but it intersects with an ethical dimension only along the lines of the “concepts and categories” by which it is known.

    Cotter and Galloway are not alone in maintaining critical distance from humanism or anthropocentrism, even in their poignant challenges to new materialism and object-oriented ontology. In a piece that begins with a critique of the post-critical stance of Bruno Latour, Judith Butler claims that even the early Marx of the 1844 manuscripts, notorious for its (immature, according to Althusser) humanism, is not in fact anthropocentric. Her claim rests on the fact that, echoing Morton, Marx reflects on the inorganic alongside the human. Butler attacks Latour for his positivism but then doubles back to show that Marx—even the early Marx—was not anthropocentric (Butler, “Inorganic Body”). And why don’t we add Jameson himself to this resistance to humanism? In Allegory and Ideology, Jameson defends his career-spanning assertion, here against the aesthetics of “posthumanist” spaces, that allegory and representation are foundational—not as the grounds for meaning but for thought. The aesthetic dimension is the very ground against which all thought reacts and on which it reflects, a position with which this essay aligns itself. However, in his next move, Jameson characterizes the distinction between allegory and symbolism as like that between science and humanism, like Althusser’s distinction between science and (humanist) ideology. He aligns symbolism with humanism, since it is in the pursuit of meaning that interpretation of allegorical representation upends scientific investigation. Jameson equates to the symbolic pursuit of depth and meaning, something against which we must turn (Allegory 37). In short, even some of the staunchest critiques of posthumanism, new materialism, speculative realism, and object-oriented ontology continue to run away from humanism. Where do we go from here?

    III.

    I now turn to a theory of the hysterical sublime to provide a fuller description of the concept as I use it, and to explain its significance for thinking through the contradictions present in theories aimed at resisting anthropocentrism and humanism more generally. Jameson first introduces the hysterical sublime in his early writings on postmodernism. The concept has irked me somewhat since first discovering it, but even though Jameson does not delve into the meaning behind his use of the term “hysterical,” I find the concept useful for my analysis and argument. Because Jameson does not develop the concept any further in his own work, it is useful to do so here: I propose that the psychoanalytic understanding of the hysterical neurotic shows us how anthropocentrism becomes the stumbling block of Anthropocene discourse and thought.

    Jameson develops his conception of the hysterical sublime by comparing the postmodern sublime to the accounts of the sublime developed by Burke and Kant. It is, therefore, useful to explain how it functions in their writing before developing further Jameson’s concept of the hysterical sublime, below. For Burke (1998 [1757]), our experience of the sublime emerges from sensations of fear and terror in the face of the dangers of the natural world. We experience these sensations with delight in those moments when we feel safe and secure. The sublime is thus, for Burke, the pleasure garnered from the painful experience of danger, but which is nevertheless kept at a distance where we can perceive it in safety and respite. For Kant (2000 [1793]), however, the sublime is not merely the product of our experiencing the dangers of nature from a safe distance and remaining in awe of them. Rather, the sublime is brought to bear on our aesthetic enjoyment in the moment when we experience our own affirmation of a limit, one that we put in place ourselves to assert our own power. Such a limit is self-affirming at the same time that it creates and puts in its place the sublime as a negative pleasure.

    The human subject’s affirmative placement of the sublime is called visually to mind in Christopher Nolan’s Inception (2010), when Mal (Marion Cotillard) places her totem, forever spinning, inside a toy house, which creates for her the illusion of the dream reality as the real thing. The scene is useful for grasping the way that, in the psychoanalytic sense, our approach to reality is always already framed by the fantasy scenario we create in our relation to it. Similarly, the creation of the sublime positions for us our very own relation to the reality of the world in the very form of our affirmation of it as limited. We can understand in this way the Hegelian thesis that, “behind the curtain of phenomena, there is only what we put there” (Less 282). The limit that we apply serves as a heuristic, a regulative idea against which the capacity to reason is established. By positing the heuristic limit, we are made capable of reasoning the aesthetic experience of the sublime, which is nowhere present in reality until that moment when it is represented in our thinking it. The latter, we can say, marks the point of origin, the positing of the presuppositions, in the Hegelian sense, that pivots towards the establishment of the system of philosophical inquiry, thinking, and rational cognition, which is a totality closed on one end by the affirmation of the limit, and on the other by its ends and goals, or by its teleology. I argue that the latter is only a secondary moment of the dialectic, however, since we are subjectivized through the curvature of the negation of the negation that returns us to our starting point, but from an inverse perspective in the aesthetic.

    According to Jameson, the sublime occupies an alternative imaginary in the context of postmodern capitalism. For Jameson, the other of postmodernity is not nature but technology, which figures the representation, or the aesthetic limit, of reality. Jameson is careful to note that for him the hysterical sublime refers not necessarily to technology, but that technology serves as an aesthetic shorthand for our experience of the global network of advanced capitalism (“Postmodernism” 77; 79). It is because productive technology exists as congealed dead labor that we can come to experience it as an alienated power that we set against ourselves (“Postmodernism” 77). It is this sublime other, an aesthetic figuration of late capitalism, that we encounter in representations of technology. For instance, according to Jameson, even in the early 1980s, the computer comes to represent  the general global network of the financial stage of capitalism. We can also say that this stage finds expression in popular culture genres such as cyberpunk, where the digital, virtual realities, artificial intelligence, androids, and replicants extend the panic mode of the sublime in everything from HAL 9000 and Roy Batty to the matrix and black mirrors. Yet even here technology and the digital in the context of Anthropocene discourse don’t capture the sublime other of our present. Compared with technology itself, or even the capitalist mode of production, the hysterical sublime is more readily readable and located in the human subject. After all, it is the human subject that transforms nature through the dialectical praxis of labor, submitting it to the human will in the process of developing the tools that build human civilizations. The hysterical sublime, I claim, thus expresses our fear and panic and even our awe and terror of ourselves as we are faced with a confrontation with overwhelming anthropocentrism. The hysterical sublime corresponds to human self-loathing that we place behind the curtain of phenomenal reality, ourselves. The concept of the hysterical sublime, as I now appropriate it from Jameson, thus represents the rising resistance to anthropocentrism and human exceptionalism that I’ve described above. However, there is also a psychoanalytic sense that I wish to add to Jameson’s initial diagram of the hysterical sublime, related to conceptions of the thinking and reasoning human subject, and through which we can understand the concept of the hysterical sublime in another way.

    In a reversal of the terms “hysteric” and “sublime,” we might begin by asking why, according to Lacan, is Hegel “the most sublime hysteric” (Lacan, Other Side 35;Žižek, Most Sublime)?  The psychoanalytic discourse begins by investigating a constitutive (as opposed to contingent) alienation of subjectivity, similar to the Hegelian reading of the subject in Phenomenology of Spirit. We can, for instance, read the entirety of Hegel’s text as one long narrative of “that’s not it,” as we move from the moments of sense-certainty and perception, to understanding, consciousness, and self-consciousness; from the dialectic of the Lord and Bondsman, to the Unhappy Consciousness and the Law of the Heart and the Beautiful Soul—all of the scenarios in Hegel’s text depict the pursuits and impasses of trying to grapple with the inevitability of contradictions towards which we are driven. Similarly, desire in the framework of Freudian psychoanalysis is grasped as the continuous pursuit of the lost object that will supposedly satisfy the subject’s enjoyment. However, as analysis explains, the object pursued is never truly a material object that actually exists. Its positive existence is merely that of being lost, which is why no concrete object will satisfy the subject’s desire. In this way, the hysterical neurotic symptom is one of metonymically reaching out to every material object, which it subsequently cancels as the object “that’s not it.” For Lacan, the subject’s desire is always the desire of the Other—that is, the subject hopes to satisfy its own desire by fulfilling the desire of the Other. However, since no positive object is ever it, the hysterical subject, according to Lacan, ultimately reaches the point of frustration, demanding to know from the Other, “ché vuoi?”—“what do you want from me?” In the Lacanian paradigm, hysterical neurotics, through the constant pursuit of the lost object, and by reaching the point of frustration in their demand to know what to do, produce for analytical discourse the very knowledge upon which it is founded (Lacan, Other Side 14; 31-38). The hysterical subject is, in this sense, the producer of knowledge, and it is in the production of the analytical discourse that the hysteric aids in the development of the very language—the interpretive language, or the Symbolic—that enables the process of the talking cure. It is then through the recognition on the part of the subject that every positive object is bound to failure that the cure enables the subject to retroactively transform its relation to its enjoyment and to grasp the constitutive fact of alienation. It is, in other words, the psychoanalytic moment of the negation of the negation.

    When we then think about the various examples and dramatizations in the Phenomenology of Spirit, from the Lord and Bondsman to the beautiful soul and the law of the heart, we see that every scenario raises new and irreconcilable contradictions. As Žižek puts it, Hegel’s “Phenomenology of Spirit tells us again and again the same story of the repeated failure of the subject’s endeavour to realize his project in social Substance . . . the story of how the ‘big Other,’ the social substance, again and again, thwarts his project and turns it upside-down” (Ticklish 76). As Žižek has also argued, it is then at the point of Absolute Knowing that the subject “finally accepts ‘contradiction’ as an internal condition of every identity” (Sublime Object 6). Alienation is less the problem to be solved (and here the humanisms of those like Lefebvre [2009] or Fromm [2011] fail); alienation and negativity are, instead, the very constitutive dimensions of subjectivity and freedom. By alienating ourselves from nature, by negating our natural determinants as well as our social and cultural ones, we enact our freedom, which constantly plagues us. It is only by reconciling ourselves with this fact—the fact of alienation and the inevitability of contradiction—that we come to see things in their totality, or as the bigger picture that counts as Absolute Knowing, which overlaps in Hegel’s Logic, with the moment of the negation of the negation, or the true infinite (119). As Žižek puts it, “in the negation of the negation, the subject includes itself [its own alienation] in the process” (Less 299).

    The production of the new concept (or, in semiotic terms, the new signifier) is thus the very way in which the Symbolic is meant to have an effect in the Real. The production of the new—affirming the new concept—is the method by which the free subject gives structure to its freedom. The foundation of our collective freedom is built upon the production of aesthetics and structures, a production that makes this collective freedom possible. The hysterical sublime is thus, on the one hand, the figure of the human subject itself, which bears the marker of being the stumbling block of sense in a posthumanist ethics resistant to anthropocentrism; on the other hand, it is the manner in which the human subject produces the new in the realm of the Real. Through the production of discourse that properly grasps the object of the Real, the discursive or Symbolic knowledge that the subject produces makes possible our transformation of our material reality and the conditions of our existence. This, after all, is the sense in which Jameson first coins his concept of “cognitive mapping”—which he describes as an aesthetic, “which seeks to endow the individual subject with some new heightened sense of its place in the global system”—and, he does so in precise Lacanian terms, noting the way that the Symbolic (as interpretation; narrative as a socially symbolic act) has an effect in the Real, a point missed in the Althusserian reference to ideology as an imaginary representation of the subject to its real conditions of existence (“Postmodernism” 92). It’s on this point that historical materialism and psychoanalysis overlap. Leaving aside the fact that humanisms have created deleterious interactions with the world, we start to arrive at the point where our interpretive relation to the world is also our salvation from ourselves. If the dialectics of nature means anything, it is that although we are made by nature we at the same time also transform nature to meet the needs of our historically conditioned freedom. It is thus futile to attempt a reconciliation with nature, since alienation is the foundation for our understanding of the conditions in which we exist. To grasp this we require universal humanist concepts that allow us to represent the aesthetic as well as the ethical conditions we need to enact, or even to limit and regulate our relation to nature, which is also a relation to ourselves.

    IV.

    What evidence is there to support the claim that the human subject is the sublime other—the hysterical sublime—of posthumanist critical theories resistant to anthropocentrism? For the sake of brevity, I’ll refer here to a single example, noting that the theory I present is the beginning of a broader investigation. It is significant that Graham Harman in his aesthetic theory explicitly rejects the category of the sublime. Object-oriented ontology, he writes, “does not really distinguish between the beautiful and the sublime” (Art 47). For him, the two different experiences of the beautiful and the sublime are simplified into the allure of the object. Harman’s object-oriented ontology denies the distinction between the beautiful and the sublime, because this would detract from the formal equivalence and flatness of aesthetic objects. From the standpoint of object-oriented ontology, Harman continues, “aesthetics must treat the apples of a still life and the awesome power of a tsunami in precisely the same way” (47). What he denies, therefore, is the very subjective form of translating aesthetic pleasure into the subject’s instituting power to reason. At the same time, however, he ignores his own positing of the human subject as that very other against which his own reasoning in object-oriented philosophy is founded. In other words, what he misses is the human fantasy framework that allows us to consider the formal equality of objects, the criteria by which they can be judged. They are made equivalent only insofar as their measurement is reflected by some foundational regulatory and heuristic limit, which I am here calling the hysterical sublime.

                Harman has responded to this critique in his reading of Marx (“Object-Oriented”). One of the chief claims of object-oriented ontology is that even though human subjects may think their relations to objects or to the noumenal, even as a limit (it is typical of anthropocentricism), they ignore the relationship between objects. For Harman, this bias returns in the Marxist account of the commodity as congealed human labor. However, his response to the criticism that OOO is fetishistic in the same way as commodity fetishism nevertheless avoids confronting the central ideological dimensions of Marx’s conception of the commodity. Harman focuses instead on the dimensions of value production and the emphasis in Capital on the social dimensions of commodity production as the congealing of socially necessary labor time in the commodity. Commodities, he says quite rightly, are objects with social value and are therefore still the product of an anthropocentric constellation (“Object-Oriented” 32-33). What Harman ignores is the ideological aspect underlying commodity fetishism, which is not too far off from his own disavowed position of enunciation, which is the very basis for the market reification of value. Both the market and perspectives resistant to anthropocentrism disavow the human social dimensions present in their reflections on the world of objects, be they commodities or otherwise. This is a crucial point not to be missed: while Harman criticizes the responses to OOO as fetishistic on the grounds that commodity fetishism still relies on the social, noting that OOO is different for its critique of anthropocentrism, he fails to see that his own position is also inherently anthropocentric, relying on the social.

                Recall here Marx’s description in Capital, Volume 1 of the imaginary scenario of commodities communicating with each other in the market:

    If commodities could speak, they would say this: our use-value may interest men, but it does not belong to us as objects. What does belong to us a objects, however, is our own value. Our own intercourse as commodities proves it. We relate to each other merely as exchange-values. Now listen to how those commodities speak through the economist:

                ‘Value (i.e. exchange value) is a property of things, riches (i.e. use values) of man. Value, in this sense, necessarily implies exchanges, riches do not’.

                ‘Riches (use-value) are the attribute of man, value is the attribute of commodities. A man or a community is rich, a pearl or a diamond is valuable . . . A pearl or a diamond is valuable as a pearl or a diamond’.

                So far no chemist has ever discovered exchange-value either in a pearl or a diamond.” (176–177)

    The scenario as Marx lays it out is meant to demonstrate the fact that the exchange value congealed in the commodity is not its intrinsic value, but its value insofar as it is expressed in human social relations of exchange. The fantasy of the intercourse between commodity-objects is not far off from Harman’s conception of noumenal intercourse. In the case of commodity exchange, the scenario is bound to money as its universal equivalent. Money measures equivalent value in the commodity and is the universal point of signification against which all commodity-objects, including commodified human labor, waged or otherwise (slave labor, social reproduction), find their equivalence as objects. It is this fantasy scenario itself, or what Slavoj Žižek calls the sublime object of ideology, that informs the necessary subtext to the proper fetishistic functioning of money (Sublime Object). The hysterical sublime likewise provides for posthumanist resistance to anthropocentrism the same kind of subterranean point of reflection, first in its ability to lay claim to the equivalence of all objects (or, even, in its attempt to theorize all substance as equivalent), and second in its attempt to dispel the instituting binary logic of anthropocentrism. This, however, nevertheless dismisses the fact that the non- or posthuman subject is itself a binary other of the human and humanisms, which are its target. By “target” I mean both that which forms its focal point of attack and, paradoxically, that other human subjects are precisely those whom it aims to convince—of what?

                This brings us back to Harman’s reaction to Kant, both in terms of his aesthetics as well as his ethics. The two are inherently related to the extent that the positing of the needed presuppositions required to produce and create the background of the sublime very much pertains to the kind of freedom that is anticipated in the categorical imperative. Only a free human subject can create the internal limits required to posit the sublime as the negative pleasure against which we perceive and experience beauty. Similarly, only a free subject, for Kant (2015 [1788]), is capable of an ethical act since, as he argues in the second Critique, an ethical action must be taken as free from punishment and reward. Ethical actions are self-authorizing, but only insofar as the subject acts freely while at the same time acknowledging the conditions that make possible its own freedom. Harman is quick to counter, arguing that ethics are never merely the human subject acting on an object, but rather the hybrid formation of the compound entity between the agent and the object (“Object-Oriented” 34). He relies, even, on the Heideggerian difference between ready-at-hand and present-at-hand to make this case. Present-at-hand entities, he writes, are inherently relational, but not in the same way as exchange-value, because exchange is a wholly social relation, unlike Heideggerian presence (Ibid). But Harman might betray himself here when thinking the correlate between the intercourse of noumenal objects and the presence of the subject to such a scene. For Harman, the problem with anthropocentrism is that it remains idealist and anti-realist in the sense that, for him, it cannot perceive reality apart from human contact with it. But this is not the point of dialectical materialism, which is at its most basic a theory of the political ethics of the subject, insofar as it relates to the dynamics of the human knowing, reasoning and acting upon the reality and materiality of the world. As Žižek notes, at its core dialectical materialism concerns the way that human knowledge is tied to our interactions with the real world: “[t]he idea that knowing changes reality is something quantum physics shares with psychoanalysis (for which interpretation has effects in the Real) as well as with historical materialism, for which the proletariat’s acts of acquiring self-consciousness (of becoming aware of its historical mission) changes its object—through this awareness, the proletariat in its very social reality turns into a revolutionary subject” (Incontinence 228). To this list I would add, perhaps somewhat ironically, object-oriented ontology as one example of its various approaches. To be more blunt: what is this resistance to anthropocentrism if not a theory of knowledge aimed towards changing not merely the object but our own social relation to reality? Who precisely is the target of Harman’s polemic? Who is he trying to convince and for what action does he call? If the aim is to persuade other human subjects to move beyond a contemplative materialism, then perhaps these are the grounds upon which we might begin to rethink an implied posthumanist ethics in more precise humanist rhetoric and aesthetics.

    V.

    Having now set some of my contentions alongside perspectives resistant to anthropocentrism, I would like to provide a provisional conclusion and offer a way forward that proposes a renewal of humanism through the concept of the hysterical sublime. There are three ways that resistance to anthropocentrism relies on humanist dimensions: the methodological dimension; the ethical dimension; the conceptual-aesthetic dimension. Methodologically, a constitutively alienated human subjectivity is the position from which we are able to grasp the situation. My conception of humanism thus departs from an older Marxist humanism—found in the work of Erich Fromm or Henri Lefebvre, for instance—that sought dis-alienation as its goal. Instead, for me, humanism remains the methodological and ethical measure of our actions, graspable only from conditions of inherent alienation and negativity. Ethically, then, we have to assume that resistance to anthropocentrism expects free action on our part—why else would the discourse be arguing for a critique of humanism if it genuinely felt that we were unable to act, or abstain from action, freely? In other words, why engage in polemical critiques of humanism if freedom in the humanistic sense is deemed to be illusory? What is the point of receiving information if we are not driven to act on it? It is not enough to “understand the passions,” as Rosi Braidotti puts it (Posthuman 47). Our very act of thinking is already our subjective investment in them.

    Finally, it is only by relying on humanistic concepts such as humility, accountability, responsibility, equality, equity, and freedom that we can begin to make sense of our relations with the nonhuman and our impact on the world. Resistance to anthropocentrism is in this way at least productively antithetical, but it is so only in the sense that we come to grasp the centrality of the human subject and the role that we humans play in the production of the world. Humanism may be differently grasped as the for-itself—or the coming into self-consciousness and awareness—of the Anthropocene. As Jameson puts it in Allegory and Ideology, “[i]f the human age is to be celebrated, and the Anthropocene given its due, it is in terms of its production of reality and not its transformation into an aesthetic image. It is the perspective of human activity (Tätigkeit), of Marxist productivism, of the construction of nature as well as of human reality, that is the truly exhilarating vision” (36). He concludes that “[t]he glory of the Anthropocene . . . has been to show us that we can really change the world. Now it would be intelligent to terraform it” (348).

    The aesthetic is at the same time the ethical to the extent that the foundational representation is an ethical gesture whereby the subject posits a self-limit in the form of the representation itself (the movement from Vorstellung—or static image—to Darstellung, as the dialectical presentation or unfolding of the concept, for instance). Representation is a heuristic that provides the ground for thinking, and it is against the imposed limit that all thinking and reasoning takes place. When this occurs, the subject is able to grasp the freedom it also has to posit and represent new limits, making possible a newly-freed ethical act capable of transforming the very conditions of the subject’s existence. The conditions of experience, in other words, are subject to transformation. Embracing new limits, producing new aesthetic forms, as Anna Kornbluh puts it, is the condition of freedom (154). Thinking creates its own forms, or, as Rebecca Comay and Frank Ruda put it, “there is no form outside of the act of formalization. There are no pregiven forms of rationality waiting to be discovered: there is nothing to see behind the curtain except for what we ourselves put there. The forms of thought produce themselves in the process of being formalized” (21). Likewise Reza Negarestani suggests that thinking is equivalent to giving structure to the universe: it is “the very register of intelligibility” (Intelligence 1). Rationality, as Ray Brassier explains, is “simply the faculty of generating and being bound by rules,” which are not fixed in advance but historically contingent and mutable (485). This means that we create and set the limits that are necessary for our thinking as well as acting. It’s not by lifting or negating limits that we set ourselves free, as in the project of permanent criticism set out by Foucault in “What is Enlightenment?” It is by imposing new ones against which we relate. Or, as Negarestani puts it, we cannot critique norms without at the same time producing them (“Labor” 439).

    When anti-correlationists write off reason and assume unreason as an absolute ontological priority, as Meillassoux does for instance (53), they establish, by way of reasoning, a new norm of unreason. But this is not liberating, since we are today plagued by a lack of reasoning. On the one hand, unreason potentially signals a turn towards some quasi-mystical reliance on the divine, since freedom becomes meaningless if the only necessity is contingency itself, as Meillassoux (2008) puts it in the subtitle to his book, After Finitude. On the other hand, privileging unreason sets up the conditions for the kind of competition that neoliberalism takes as its own quasi-naturalist presuppositions—a lack of a common truth makes competition and a “will to power” the only means of asserting and defending the actual. Underlying all of this, however, is the universal form of the commodity as the disavowed universality that centers reality in the capitalist terms of the present ideology. Instead, it makes sense to posit the practical limits that, given our particular historical conjuncture, set the rules for our material freedom in the form of something like the social state, the kind of prometheanism that Brassier, for instance, defends as the rational engineering of ourselves and the world (not artificially, but through laws that serve the public good over private interest), or the kind of project that Jameson above calls terraforming. But ultimately it is human subjects who set these limits for ourselves (not the divine, not a ruling class). Thus, as Kate Soper puts it, humanism is “about getting human beings to recognize their unique responsibilities for creating and correcting environmental devastation, both for themselves and for other species” (377).

    This is how we have to grasp the kind of humanism reflected in the paradoxical status of the hysterical sublime: humanism it is not a theory of dominance, but there is no way for us to exist beyond the methodological as well as the aesthetic and ethical centrality of human subjecthood. Human centrism has erroneously been claimed as ideological hubris that preaches superiority. But centering the human subject merely recognizes that we are the ones whose ideas, motives, and desires make us act in the world. We define the rules, concepts, and values by which we think people should live, and according to which we judge ethical action, including our way of relating to nature and the nonhuman. The hysterical sublime is thus a call to build an aesthetic that reflects our ethical conditions in the face of ecological catastrophe and the built-in obsolescence of automated capitalism. Any sense of a communist or socialist ethic against capital must take the methodological, aesthetic, and ethical principles of humanism into account.

    Returning to the avowed resistance to anthropocentrism, then, the first question to ask is an obvious one: why must we tear down the dictatorship of the human? Why make this assumption at all? The problem is the following: who will do this tearing down? Who is the agent of this opposition to the dictatorship of human beings? In Lacanian terms, the enunciated content is here undermined by its position of enunciation. The very act of reasoning the nonhuman only in reference to the human subject shows us that the underlying thrust of a resistance to anthropocentrism is itself inherently anthropocentric. Of course, it is commendable that posthumanist critical theories draw our attention to the nonhuman in the way that they do, precisely at the moment when we face the existential question of our demise in the face of climate change and rising concerns over digital automation and artificial intelligence. But the truth of this crisis is evident only to the human subject and can only be acted upon by it. Even if we anthropomorphize the nonhuman to the extent that we claim such an awareness on its part, we are the agents at whom posthumanist polemics and criticisms are aimed. We cannot, in other words, convince a rock that it is noumenal. We need to convince ourselves of our own rational and ethical centrality. If “posthumanism” means merely taking the nonhuman into consideration within our ontological and ethical frameworks, then it is questionable why this premise is outside the contours of humanism and the values of accountability and responsibility it espouses. Maybe we can extend agency to the nonhuman, but it is a different question when it comes to the ethical implications of human subjectivity and accountability.

    We mustn’t confuse the rationalization of the planet with mere technologization or re-industrialization. We don’t need a “fourth industrial revolution,” nor do we need to rely on technology to flatten our relations with the nonhuman. We need a social revolution that privileges the public good over private interests. We don’t need to accelerate technology, and we mustn’t think technocratically. We must think humanistically. When we place ourselves at the methodological and ethical center of knowledge and understanding our thinking has the capacity to reason; and, when we reason, we go from decentering to re-centering the collective to act. To renew universal humanism it is necessary to begin by foregrounding a humanist commitment to freedom, responsibility, accountability, respect, and equity, but also to make critical reasoning and human subjectivity central to our ethical endeavours. I also argue for a conception of humanism connected to class struggle. As I’ve tried to demonstrate, resistance to anthropocentrism reflects market ideology and its processes of reification. Human subjectivity is nevertheless the methodological and ethical center of the dilemmas we face in the Capitalocene. It is because the human subject is constitutively alienated that we require the construction of conditions for a freedom that is mutually satisfiable, between human subjects, collectively, as well as between the human and the nonhuman environment that sustains our freedom. Humanism, to be effective politically as well as ethically, must be based on a perspective that is universal: emancipation is universal or it is nothing. What I am calling the hysterical sublime, as a representational device, allows us to perceive the positing of the conditions that puts humanist conceptions of freedom and accountability, as well as the methodological dimensions of human subjectivity, front and center. Without this human and humanist perception, the earnest goals of posthumanist and new materialist approaches to imagining the planet equitably, which includes seeing the human as one species among others, cannot be accomplished. Attempts at resisting anthropocentrism cannot help but produce performative contradictions. The renewal of humanism must take ownership of this dilemma to facilitate universal emancipation.

    Acknowledgements

    The author wishes to express his deep appreciation for the thoughtful feedback and suggestions on earlier drafts of this article from the anonymous reviewers, as well as the meticulous commentary and assistance on the preparation of the final version from the general editors. This article draws on research supported by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC).

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  • The Impossibility of Multiracial Democracy

    Christopher Chamberlin (bio)

    Abstract

    Democracy becomes modern after it abolishes slavery and assumes its primary feature—race. Paradoxically, political theory cannot formalize a notion of democracy that incorporates the ex-slave or a post-slavery democracy that does not prescribe racial genocide. This essay shows that this paradox is structural, and tracks its transformation from Alexis de Tocqueville’s and Gustave de Beaumont’s nineteenth-century meditations on the specter of abolition to UNESCO’s postwar statements on race, particularly through Claude Lévi-Strauss’s and W.E.B. Du Bois’s subsequent critiques of racial capitalism. It concludes by reflecting on the ethics of war as a materialization of the impossibility of multiracial democracy.

    The true significance of slavery in the United States to the whole social development of America lay in the ultimate relation of slaves to democracy. What were to be the limits of democratic control in the United States? . . . This was the great and primary question which was in the minds of the men who wrote the Constitution of the United States and contin­ued in the minds of thinkers down through the slavery controversy. It still remains with the world as the problem of democracy expands and touches all races and nations.

    –W.E.B. Du Bois, Black Reconstruction

    Two Axioms

    Modern democracy is radically racial. Because race was the essential ingredient that made slavery modern, distinguishing it from ancient and feudal iterations of domination, the same clause applies to the form of power that supersedes it. This will be our first axiom: in the act of bringing slavery to an end, democracy contracts its main feature—race—which now permeates it. This connection between race and democracy is complicated by black radical thought insofar as it theorizes the constitutive elements of slavery as a mode of power and deliberates how those same elements survive abolition. This premise destabilizes the successionist narrative about the relation between premodernity and modernity that our first axiom projects, challenging the possibility of answering the following in any straightforward way: When did slavery end? And when did democracy begin?

    In the epigraph, W.E.B. Du Bois frames the slave as the definitive horizon of modern politics, a disturbance that reveals the truth of democracy’s relations of power and a figure of negativity constitutively excluded from its domain. In his midcentury writings, Du Bois sees the transcendence of slavery as a long unfinished task, a project violently interrupted a century before by the quashing of radical reconstruction. A new chance to defeat the color line presented itself in the project for an industrial democracy that would be both multiracial and international in scope, a vision crafted out of Du Bois’s increasingly apparent engagement with the work of Marx and his growing understanding of the “dark world” as a revolutionary vanguard (Dusk of Dawn 134-62;Balfour 182n18). It is precisely against this nomination of the sexually undifferentiated laborer as a telos of black freedom that Saidiya Hartman presents the female slave as an untranscendable horizonof democratic thought. In contradistinction to the situation of productive labor, “sexual violence and reproduction characteristic of enslaved women’s experience,” Hartman writes, “fails to produce a radical politics of liberation or a philosophy of freedom” (167). The depiction of the passage from subjection to political agency through the act of the general strike, as in Du Bois’s Black Reconstruction (55-83), sidelines the centrality of sexual and reproductive labor to slavery. It also elides black women’s labor as a highly compromised site of political resistance.

    The inability to elaborate a politics of freedom in the wake of the violence constitutive of the historical experience of black women renders a philosophy of democracy that includes them unthinkable. This can be stated the other way around: only through the categorical exclusion of slavery’s reproductive labor—that is, the transgenerational repetition of blackness as a status of absolute exclusion—does democracy become philosophically coherent, precisely because “[f]or the enslaved, reproduction does not ensure any future other than that of dispossession nor guarantee anything other than the replication of racialized and disposable persons” (168). Democracy encounters a limit to its powers in an abstract and material labor that “replicates the fate of the slave across generations” (169) and reproduces racial blackness as an entity unassimilable to political representation (be it liberal or revolutionary). The labor of the female slave, as Hartman describes it, is a constitutive element of slavery that also resists induction into a regime of equality. The structural excess that Hartman nominates under the heading of “black women’s labors,” or what Amber Jamilla Musser calls the “fleshy limit of theory” (176), figures here as the interminably receding verge of a democratic praxis.

    Modern democracy brings slavery to an end but possesses no remedy for undoing the sexual mode of reproduction that replicates its inequality. Slavery’s reproductive labor survives, repressed, within the democracy that follows it, and in which it perpetually returns. This creates the impasse that defines democracy in the modern conjuncture. An inherent difficulty consequently plagues the attempt to formally represent or concretely propose multiracial democracy, a difficulty, I want to suggest, that is determined by the same deadlock that prevents the delineation of a politics of liberation from the sexual dimension of slavery. I mean this in the most basic sense: no social or political theory can formulate either an account of democracy that incorporates the ex-slave or a vision of post-slavery democracy that does not presume or prescribe racial genocide. Invariably, democracy and multiracialism emerge as an impossible combination. We are therefore faced with the need to couple the opening proposition with a second axiom that negates it: modern democracy is on one level radically racial, and on another level, radically notracial.

    In this essay, I will trace out this impossibility of multiracial democracy, resulting from the contradictory and simultaneously racial and non-racial form of modern democracy, as it manifests in two signal statements on Western democracy, one from the nineteenth century and the other from the twentieth. The first is contained in the observations made by Alexis de Tocqueville and his intellectual co-conspirator, Gustave de Beaumont, concerning the specter of abolition. The second is contained in the declarations on racial equality issued by the United Nations after World War II, particularly as elaborated and critiqued by one of its philosophical standard-bearers, Claude Lévi-Strauss. The question of the “ultimate relation of slaves to democracy” (Du Bois, Black Reconstruction 13) is raised by both of these radical attempts at formulating the scope and nature of its post-slavery form, where slavery comes to represent both an origin of and a limit to democracy. My interest lies not only in showing how this limit is theorized before and after the advent of abolition, but in tracking how the impasses of multiracialism mutate after the American form of democracy expands from a national dilemma into a global project.

    To be clear, it is not my argument that Tocqueville, Beaumont, Du Bois, and Lévi-Strauss lack the critical acumen to conceive a political form properly inclusive of the figure of the female slave, but that their formulations are limited by the inability to account for an irresolvable structural feature of modern democracy: the persistent reproduction of racial inequality after slavery. This structural limit of multiracialism reveals itself in the radical temporal (that is, historical) or spatial (that is, geographical) fixes that my symptomatic readings of these nineteenth- and twentieth-century documents propose for addressing racial inequality but that perversely end up converting democracy into a program for racial violence. These theoretical models serve as test-cases for my main claim that race has no democratic solution. In the final part of this essay, I suggest instead that multiracial democracy can and must fail. To that end I reconsider war as a possible realization of democracy’s inherent contradictions, a failure that is dismissed or repressed in the various solutions to multiracialism that this essay examines.

    Imaginary Equality: Tocqueville and the Paradox of a Free Black Population

    Alexis de Tocqueville’s self-confessed inability to imagine democracy surviving the end of racial slavery illustrates a core problem in modern political thought. In the two volumes comprising Democracy in America,1 the French jurist sets out to survey American civil and political society and describe its unprecedented break with the European political order. The Old World was encumbered by the decay of aristocratic society, and its previous experiments with democracy, as in the French example, were too sudden and destructive to effect a deeper change in the “laws, ideas, customs, and manners which were necessary to render such a revolution beneficial” (1: 6).2 Tocqueville credits the contrasting success and stability of American democracy to a firmly established “imaginary equality,” a belief, rooted in common mores (moeurs) or customs, in the fundamental equality of men (2: 217). This imaginary equality in the “public mind” is necessary to establish the general equality of conditions that strikes Tocqueville as “the central point at which all [his] observations constantly terminated” (1: 1). Just as importantly, this imaginary equality serves as a political seismic damper, mitigating the resentments that arise from the exacerbation of the “real inequality” of conditions between masters (the rich) and servants (the poor) (1: 361). For Tocqueville, the importance of democratic institutions in the United States, particularly the mores that underwrite them, lies almost exclusively in their capacity to curtail the mutual hostilities that inequality breeds and the violent impulses those resentments precipitate. Equality is for Tocqueville thus neither a good in itself nor a natural endowment of humanity, but rather an illusion that apprentices the poor to their subordination. These are important aspects of the democratic imaginary, but they are not essential to its function. Imaginary equality acts as a way to neutralize the turmoil of economic inequality and to prevent the accumulation of wealth from reaching unsustainable proportions.

    Democracy specifically disperses the passions released by the inequalities unleashed by the institution of the right to property—the advent of which, in Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s account, is coterminous with the invention of modern civil society (44). In the Discourse on the Origin of Inequality, Rousseau assigns the cause of the social degeneration of Europe to the mutual valuation, reciprocal regard, and contractual commitments that are required by the exigencies of modern commerce (65-71). This increasing qualification of humanity, the new valuation of subjects’ prestige and social reputation, is part and parcel of the division of labor that institutes inequalities of “wealth, nobility or rank, power and personal merit” (66). The abstract nature of market relations (especially contract relations) suppresses the “natural” and restraining sentiment of pity that once moderated aristocratic inequality, multiplying in its place the modern passions: love, envy, shame, and contempt. In sum, the universal qualification and comparative evaluation of man’s values (prestige, authority, abilities, and so on)in civil society precedes and inevitably leads to the inequality of man. The modern passions make the inequality of man dangerous. Property is the vortex of these evils, writes Rousseau, insofar as this abstract social form externalizes the minor inequalities of ability inherent in nature into major and enduring inequalities in power and possession (53). Property becomes a proxy for human value, and after an expectation of an equal right to the latter becomes universal, “it was no longer possible for anyone to be lacking it [property or human value] with impunity” (49). “When both the most powerful and the most miserable made of their strengths or their needs a sort of right to another’s goods, equivalent, according to them, to the right of property,” concludes Rousseau, “the destruction of equality was followed by the most frightful disorder” (55).

    While Rousseau sees no practical way of stopping this spiral of inequality and affect, which he would not live to see lead toward the triumph and terror of the French Revolution, Tocqueville presents American democracy as having developed a happy counterweight to the passions released by the right to property. Imaginary equality—as it exists in the “mass of those ideas which constitute [the] character of mind” (1: 299) or in the “moral and intellectual characteristics of social man taken collectively” (1: 318)—suppresses the love, envy, shame, and contempt that arise out of the division of labor and the inequality of material conditions. Against Rousseau’s moral denunciations, Tocqueville sees the more-or-less equal distribution of property under democracy as a bulwark against a desire for revolution—that “other” modern passion. When everyone has something to lose, Tocqueville reasons, no one wants to risk losing it all in a revolution (1: 301-16). Democracy is, in his estimation, less a form of realizing social equality than a mode of managing the passions released by privacy, possession, and privation.

    Even so, Tocqueville locates in the peculiar order of property in the Southern United States a glaring exception to these considerations, one that abruptly suspends his entire line of inquiry. “All that I have just said [about democracy],” writes Tocqueville, “is consequently inapplicable there” (2: 218). Slavery repulses Tocqueville. He sees it as a calamity, a vestige of premodern power that violates democracy’s ethos of equality. Tocqueville rejects the idea of innate and permanent inferiority as unscientific, deeming it incapable of either explaining the inequalities of slavery or of justifying its existence (an inclination that led him to break with his former protégé, Arthur de Gobineau, when the latter published The Inequality of Human Races in the 1850s [see Painter 9n16]). Tocqueville is also certain that slavery will not last the century, that it will either be abolished by decree or that slaves will violently seize freedom for themselves (1: 382). He therefore ultimately understands slavery as incidental and contradictory to democracy, but also neither as fatal to its constitution nor necessary for its survival. Because he understands slavery as spatially and temporally separate from democracy (seeing it as contained geographically to the South and as historically waning), Tocqueville does not believe that slavery presents an obstacle to the historical propagation of the democratic form or to its formal theorization. Rather, nothing threatens the fact and idea of American democracy more than the terminationof slavery. Why? The “abstract and transient fact of slavery,” Tocqueville argues, has the concrete and permanent consequence of forging an association between servility, inferiority, and color in the collective mind (1: 355). “Slavery recedes,” writes Tocqueville, referring to its gradual abolition in the Northern states, “but the prejudice to which it has given birth remains stationary” (1: 356-57). Inequalities in law, social status, and material conditions could hypothetically be abolished by rescinding slavery and redressing its injuries, but no democratic instrument could abolish the imaginary inequality that slavery implants in the manners and mores of the public mind. “God alone can obliterate the traces of its existence,” he writes exasperatedly (1: 355). The hardwiring of racism in the mind of the collective subject undercuts the political will to work through and eradicate its effects. For all intents and purposes, Tocqueville concludes, one can make an abstract “accurate distinction between slavery itself, and its consequences,” but this connection cannot be undone in practice (1: 354-55).

    Perplexed, Tocqueville observes that the consequences of slavery survive its abolition and that formal and imaginary inequality have an inverse relationship:

    Whosoever has inhabited the United States, must have perceived, that . . . the prejudice of race appears to be stronger in the states which have abolished slavery, than in those where it still exists; and nowhere is it so intolerant as in those states where servitude has never been known. (1: 357).

    For Tocqueville, not slavery but the creation of a free black population threatens to plunge democracy into an abyss. The “free slave” magnifies the problem of slavery by synthesizing the contradiction between symbolic equality and imaginary inequality. In contrast to a system of overt bondage, post-slavery democracy amplifies the consequences of slavery because it activates a moral animus against the living embodiment of inferiority, the ex-slave, who is now formally included among the ranks of the “free.” This racial prejudice makes it impossible to integrate the ex-slave into a political community founded on sentiments, habits, and passions that do not differentiate between blackness and slavery.

    Tocqueville concludes that the imminent end of slavery will lead to two possible consequences, both of which he freely admits are not tenable: blacks and whites will either have to “wholly part or wholly mingle” (1: 370). The former would involve the outbreak of a race war in which these factions would either destroy each other in an apocalyptic showdown or form separate monoracial nations, as was roughly the case in the recently concluded Haitian Revolution. The latter case, the so-called “commingling” of the races (1: 371) seems to be an even more remote possibility:

    I do not imagine that the white and the black races will ever live in any country upon an equal footing. . . . A despot who should subject the Americans and their former slaves to the same yoke, might perhaps succeed in commingling their races; but as long as American democracy remains at the head of affairs, no one will undertake so difficult a task; and it may be foreseen that the freer the white population of the United States becomes, the more isolated it will remain. (1: 370-71)

    If the ascendance of despotism “might perhaps” force the sexual commingling of the races in the same political space, then a democratic solution to multiracialism seems unimaginable for Tocqueville, since he believes that only a monoracial post-slavery society can be democratic and that only a despotic regime could facilitate a multiracial society. Tocqueville considers theimaginary inequalityproduced and maintained by racial prejudice too malignant to produce any other distribution of outcomes.

    Real Inequality: Beaumont and the Impossibility of Post-Slavery Amalgamation

    The imaginary inequality between black and white people—which cannot be symbolized, formalized, or written in a democratic formula—portends the existence of real inequality, provided that we define it differently than Tocqueville does when he uses this same term to refer to “actual” disparities in the material conditions between owners and laborers. Rousseau, for instance, understands material and symbolic inequality to be integral aspects of the relations of property intrinsic to modern civil society. Tocqueville, however, finds the critical relationship in American democracy to be that between its formal institutions and the manners and customs that enable those institutions to subsist. Additionally, for Tocqueville, the life of institutions and that of the public mind do not mutually constitute each other. He staunchly maintains that mores are the “real cause” of the democratic system of governance, which allows him to explain the survival of slavery’s customs and manners after abolition (1: 321). The respective symbolic-material (Rousseau) and imaginary (Tocqueville) forms of inequality are therefore distinct.

    Real inequality denotes not a relative difference between the symbolic or imaginary qualities of man but the very negation of the slave’s humanity, not a negation of any determinate features of the slave (such as “wealth, nobility or rank, power and personal merit” [Rousseau 66]) but a negation of personhood. The immeasurable distance between persons and slaves under racial slavery can neither be expressed in terms of a common value nor bridged in the imagination. Real inequality names both an image of racial blackness that, as Michel Foucault argues, “expresses without formulating” (Foucault 36) hierarchy and an unquantifiable gap within the field of human quality that cannot be symbolized. Human equality, which Rousseau presumes to be a general and uniform process of valuation that attends the formation of civil society, only persists through this exclusion of the real inequality between person and slave. Finally, insofar as status is transmitted from mother to child under a racial regime of slavery, the “sexual violence and reproduction characteristic of enslaved women’s experience” (Hartman 167) is the primary vehicle for the reproduction of real inequality.

    For these thinkers, the abolition of slavery and the incorporation of the ex-slave into democracy would consequently trigger a catalytic reaction in the chemistry of democracy. The enfranchisement of the slave attempts to “count” the antithesis of human equality among the field of values generated from its exclusion, and thereby opens an absolute and volatile misalignment withinthe democratic imaginary. This imaginary inequality is one that “Abolition-democracy” creates (Du Bois, Black Reconstruction 83), but that its symbolic and material powers of inclusion cannot remedy. Through this symptomatic reading of Tocqueville’s writing, we can see that the ex-slave does not primarily name a sociological position, material condition, or object of the public imagination, but a structural obstacle to the symbolic totalization of democracy. To slightly reframe Du Bois’s formulation, there isnoultimate relation between slaves and democracy because the status of the slave is reproduced through the process of racialization that follows abolition. Racializing the slave into a species of democratic personhood therefore has the effect of making the consequences of slavery—the production of blackness as a being inassimilable to the community of the free—those of democracy’s own. Slavery is thereby transformed, through abolition-racialization, from an external negation of democracy into its internal obstacle. What was for Tocqueville merely incidental to and unnecessary for democracy becomes, through the overdetermined cancellation of slavery and under the counterfeit of racial blackness, retroactively constitutive and irresolvable.3

                Tocqueville’s close friend and collaborator, the lawyer Gustave de Beaumont, composes his own thoughts on the structural failure of racialization under democracy in the form of a sociological novel. Marie, or, Slavery in the United States holds the distinction of being “the first abolitionist novel to focus on racial prejudice rather than bondage as a social evil” (“Overview”). Blending the conventions of romantic tragedy with empirical analysis, Beaumont declares himself to be “offering truth under the veil of fiction” (3), a method more appropriate for speculating on the conundrum of antiblack animus than the new political science deployed byTocqueville in his comparative analysis of democratic institutions. “It is, above all, these secondary consequences of an evil whose first cause has disappeared [i.e., slavery] which I have endeavored to develop,” writes Beaumont (6). Marie is a mundane love story about the romance between a French sojourner to the United States, Ludovic, and Marie, the white-appearing daughter of Baltimorean gentry who is revealed in the course of events to be a woman of color. The tragedy of the narrative is supposedly double: the first is the “flaw” of her “mixed” origin, magnified by the absurdity of its social significance due to her ability to pass as white, and the second is her eventual death as the result of the persecution the couple suffer for their interracial relationship. The sociological and literary dimensions of Marie align with the two tragic post-slavery scenarios imagined by Tocqueville, which Beaumont treats separately. The empirical analyses in the book’s appendices establish the political and economic unfeasibility of setting up a black nation separate from the United States, whether in the Americas or through the Liberian colonization scheme (206-16). The romance, meanwhile, explores the cultural impossibility of interracial marriage, which would be the “best . . . means of fusing the white and black races” and “the most obvious index of equality” (245). The post-slavery promise of “mingling” the races obtains in Beaumont’s novel its truer meaning. To force the races to “wholly mingle” (Tocqueville 1: 370) is to deploy a system of controlled breeding that dilutes the blackness of blackness until racial homogeneity is regained and democracy re-won.4 Yet even what we can describe with Jared Sexton as an “amalgamation scheme” would be impossible (Amalgamation Schemes). Marie not only dies of racist persecution before this hypothetical purification can be completed, but she is herself the product of a century of eugenic engineering. Her “complexion [is] even whiter than the swans of the Great Lakes” (58), but it does not grant her immunity from what society perceives as the general dishonor of blackness.

    If there is a point on which Tocqueville and Beaumont offer strikingly differing assessments, it is in their respective diagnoses of the nature of racism’s persistence after slavery. This difference depends on the definition of “color,” which transforms the imaginary inequality of the slave into its post-slavery status. Whereas Tocqueville despairs at the probability of “seeing an aristocracy disappear which is founded upon visible and indelible signs” of color (1: 356), Beaumont directs his readers’ focus to the invisible yet equally indelible signsof color that mark Marie and that are reproduced, in the novel, as an artifact of social relations: society rumor, legal tradition, or pure fabulation. These different accounts of race—understanding it either as a visible or as an invisible sign—speak to the limits of representing real inequality. Indeed, this epistemological conundrum becomes acute after partus sequitur ventrem, the law of slavery that determines the sexual reproduction of status, ends. For Beaumont, the indelible nature of color and its unbreakable link to inferiority is ultimately not determined by law (because the law of slavery can and would be abolished), cultures of perception (because race can be invisible), or sex or sexual reproduction (because inferiority is imposed laterally, not genealogically, through acts of social misrecognition). Beaumont’s ideal realization of equality through a “fusing [of] the white and black races” (245) is revealed as an unattainable eugenic project. Not even a hypothetically successful erasure of the “signs of color” over the course of several generations would eradicate the violence of racism. The failure of this temporal solution to real inequality reproduces, again, the impossibility of multiracial democracy.

    As a consequence of the nature of the racism they witnessed, the violent separation or destruction of one race (to “wholly part”) or the complete unification of both by a despotic state (to “wholly mingle”) become the two impossible solutions that Tocqueville and Beaumont are compelled to imagine as the only possiblefate of American democracy. We know that an unholy mixture of these two scenarios came to pass. The mass enlistment of slaves into the Union Army proved decisive to the outcome of the Civil War, while the reconstruction project carried out by the Freedman’s Bureau after the war attempted to impose a form of multiracial society in the South against the popular sentiments of whites, before it was abandoned. A third and worse compromise came to pass. Slavery was abolished, only to be replaced by the legal regime and extralegal violence of Jim Crow, a form of “reenslavement under another name” (Du Bois, Black Reconstruction 180). This refractory relationship between inequality across its real, symbolic, and imaginary registers would define the color line that Du Bois understands to be the defining ontological crisis of democracy in the twentieth century.

    UNESCO and the Scientific Preservation of Multiracial Democracy

    One of the most ambitious attempts to dislodge the ontological crisis of multiracial democracy emerged after World War II, when a new international order of civil society elevated racial equality to a fundamental principle of global justice. This was a watershed moment in the history of liberalism. “The principle of racial equality,” writes the historian Domenico Losurdo, “became a constitutive element in liberal identity only from the mid-twentieth century onward” (322). Since the signing of the United Nations charter in 1945, the writings of this international body have addressed racial prejudice repeatedly, identifying it not only as incompatible with global democracy but as corrosive to its very foundation. This consensus arose in response to war and racial genocide in Europe, as well as to decolonial and civil rights movements globally that drew attention to the similarities between racial fascism and the practices of Western democracy. Racism could no longer be tolerated or understood as ineradicable. In order to survive, democratic institutions had to actively remove racial prejudice from their body politic. Analyses of national socialism generated by Frankfurt School theorists argued that democratic societies that tolerate, cultivate, and mobilize racism subvert their own institutions and devolve into fascism, war, and self-destruction. If multiracial democracy once seemed like an impossible future project to observers like Tocquevillle and Beaumont, a new postwar consensus now proclaimed that its immediate realization was both possible and necessary.

    The UN issued a trove of proclamations on the relation of race to democracy, and mobilized an international group of social and natural scientists—including biologists, anthropologists, and sociologists—to articulate and thereby move toward addressing the obstacles to a global democratic order. The United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) was formed to lead this effort. Founded only a few months after the signing of the UN charter in 1945, it recognized racism as the principal social evil that the international system of democratic governance was brought into existence to combat. The threat racism posed to the maintenance of international peace made the globalization of democracy necessary. This is how the UNESCO charter diagnoses the nature of this evil:

    the “war which has now ended was . . . made possible by the denial of the democratic principles of the dignity, equality, and mutual respect of men, and by the propagation, in their place, through ignorance and prejudice, of the doctrine of the inequality of men and races.” (qtd. in “The Race Question” 1)

    The relation between racism and democracy is one of mutual negation: as a doctrine of inequality, racism contradicts the principle of equality. Articulated in this charter is also a new solution to prejudice. If racism was once thought to be fueled by passions and customs that only despotism could contain, then the experience of world war suggested that racism posed a more immediate threat to democracy than despotism, one that had the ability to survive the defeat of fascism. The advent of fascism thus changed official understandings of the concept of racism from an ineradicable custom to an effect of racial propaganda. Perhaps eliminating its connection to the imaginary was still impossible, but racism could and must be actively managed through an anti-propaganda campaign, through education and the dissemination of scientific research. A “Division of the Study of Racial Questions” was set up within UNESCO’s Department of Social Sciences in 1950 and assigned the task of waging an educational offensive against the misconceptions of race.

    The most resounding statement to come out of this early effort was the pamphlet “The Race Question” issued by UNESCO in 1950. Its stated intention was to replace the myths surrounding race with facts. Its powerful denunciation of the extant science of racial biology ignited a public firestorm in the scientific community and set the terms for a long-running controversy over the nature of race among biologists, geneticists, and evolutionary anthropologists (see Brattain). This fifteen-point document was co-authored by an international cohort of social scientists, including luminaries like Ashley Montagu, E. Franklin Frazier, Gunnar Myrdal, and Claude Lévi-Strauss. “The Race Question” sought to do nothing less than make a scientific case for multiracial democracy and to locate the ethics of antiracism in human nature. The “first requirement of modern man,” the pamphlet contends, is to recognize the unity of mankind as a natural fact and racial differences as superficial groupings of physical appearance that have no fixed social, cultural, or biological determinants (8). Citing Charles Darwin’s The Descent of Man, the authors claim that racism comprises an artificial resistance to the natural extension of sympathies across differences of race and nation, an inclination for which all hitherto existing human and natural history stands as evidence. If there is no biological basis for racial supremacy or racial purity, then “universal brotherhood” doeshave a biological basis: “man is born with drives toward co-operation” that must be satisfied lest “men and nations alike fall ill” (9).

    While condemning biological race science as it stood, “The Race Question” does not foreclose the possibility that race has a basis in natural biology and defends questions about the nature of race as scientifically valid. Drawing on a new consensus that had formed in antiracist anthropology over the past decade, the authors insist on an indelible and irreducible tension between the natural ontology of race and knowledge about it, thus retaining a claim on nature while preserving race as the object of an indefinite rational inquiry. They acknowledge, for example, that the then-prevailing taxonomy of humans—its division into “Negroid, Caucasoid, and Mongoloid groups”—captures “dynamic, not static” biological processes, which scientific classification can only embalm by convention into arbitrary categories but that it can never categorically know for certain (6). As such, the idea of biological race—and of nature—does not disappear, but neither do these concepts emerge unaltered by their purification of the myths of racialism. As scholars have pointed out, this conception of racial biology enabled a postwar colonialism founded on a cultural and psychological, rather than typological, understanding of racial differences (see Gil-Riaño), and the UNESCO statement’s narrow definition of racism, offers little in the way of critiquing anti-black oppression (see Bernasconi). But this does not exhaust the pamphlet’s political philosophy. Neither a determinate scientific fact nor pseudoscientific illusion, “race” is transformed by “The Race Question” into an internal limit of scientific epistemology and absolute knowledge. Race becomes a quantum of nature about which nothing definite can be known.

    Why, then, does “The Race Question” ultimately preserve this tension between the ontology and epistemology of race—which seems so counterintuitive, and satisfies neither the conservative demand for colorblindness (i.e., that race does not exist in culture) nor the more radical critique of the naturalization of race (i.e., that race does not exist in nature)? Because multiracial democracy and the confrontation with racism depend on it. Race has to be preserved by the scientific community (and the democracy it serves) as a scientific fiction, as a formal epistemological gap, so that racism can be addressed. And that is because scientific uncertainty about the nature of race is a powerful method through which racism can be named and condemned. By conserving its status in the unknowable “real” of nature, any knowledge of race can only be approximate and speculative, damning any political formation based on the certainty of the meaning of race as both scientifically illegitimate and ethically bankrupt. Maintaining race as a biological unknown enables all racism, or “certain” propositions about race, to be condemned as antibiological. Against over a century of scientific racism, and the prewar position of scientific neutrality taken by its liberal wing, UNESCO sought to press science into the service of multiracial democracy. It did so by aligning multiracialism with nature itself and by re-conceiving democracy as the social form of the biological inclination for human cooperation and the political form of the natural fact of universal brotherhood. The genocidal and segregationist scenarios prophesied by Tocqueville and Beaumont stemmed from a compulsion that UNESCO was seeking to avoid, namely to understand democracy as a solution to the aftermath of slavery. The final solutions pursued by the Nazi regime—“wholly mixing” the races (i.e., a eugenic program to eradicate racial otherness) and “wholly parting” them (i.e., genocide)  as answers to the “race question”—were conclusively revealed to be violent subversions of democracy. After the globalization of multiracial democracy, such solutions had to be condemned, deterred, and prohibited if democracy was to survive in its intrinsic irresolution. Rather than a problem to be eliminated once and for all, race, in UNESCO’s formulation, has to be preserved as a perpetual question for democracy. The great gambit of “The Race Question” was not to realize multiracial democracy but to make its failure sustainable. This called for the riskiest of maneuvers: defending race asan ontologically impossible object of power-knowledge.

    Lévi-Strauss and the Diversification of Racial Capitalism

    Claude Lévi-Straus was one of the principal architects of the idea of scientific democracy promulgated by UNESCO. His early career was steered by UNESCO’s political concerns and profoundly influenced the organization’s theoretical foundations, even if their relationship was one fraught by substantive disagreements. Lévi-Strauss helped draft “The Race Question” in the same year that he completed his Les Structures élémentaires de la Parenté (1949). Shortly thereafter, he helped develop UNESCO’s International Social Science Council, serving as its inaugural Secretary General from 1952 to 1961. In The Savage Mind (1966), Lévi-Strauss famously contends that “primitive” and “modern” thought are equally rigorous in their symbolic method. An anchoring entry to Structural Anthropology (“The Place of Anthropology”) was first commissioned by UNESCO, and Lévi-Strauss made regular contributions to The UNESCO Courier in the 1950s and 1960s, the international body’s flagship journal that hosted interdisciplinary debates on global issues in the human sciences (Stoczkowski). So dense was the collaboration between UNESCO and Lévi-Strauss that structural anthropology merits recognition as the theoretical infrastructure of Western postwar democracy.

    UNESCO eventually commissioned Lévi-Strauss to follow up on his contribution to “The Race Question” with an extended statement. This sequel, “Race and History,”was widely distributed in pamphlet form and is now regarded as a “classic of antiracist literature” (Stoczkowski 5).5 While it did not explicitly contradict the UNESCO scientific community, the pamphlet attempted to work out how UNESCO’s declarations on universal racial equality would logically reproduce racial inequality on another, higher level. Lévi-Strauss points out the relation between the globalization of multiracial democracy and modern racial capitalism, a paradox that he traces to the reliance of UNESCO’s fix for democracy (the globalization of racial equality) on a universalist theory of human development that lacks a provision for thinking difference. In the process, Lévi-Strauss produces one of the earliest outlines of a structuralist theory of history, which he gears toward asking a question that was on the minds of the representatives of the so-called Third World: how did “white man’s civilization” consolidate its global power in the twentieth century in the first place?

     Lévi-Strauss begins by outlining the paradox that UNESCO’s formalization of multiracial democracy presents. “The strength and the weakness of the great declaration of human rights,” he writes, is its promotion of the ideal of universal equality, which, in either condemning or denying otherness, struggles to reconcile itself to the “factual diversity” of racial difference (“Race and History” 102). Modern political thought has striven in vain to articulate a compromise that can “account for the diversity of cultures while seeking, at the same time, to eradicate what still shocks and offends [it] in that diversity” (102). In naturalizing universal equality against the scientifically baseless belief in racial inequality, the United Nations’ philosophy of global democracy logically needs to concretely determine human nature and/or teleologize human development. These propositions are implicated in an older theory of social evolutionism that underwrites the racialism of anti-miscegenation laws, genocidal programs, and colonial slavery. That is because this concept of social evolutionism—insofar as it conceives of all human societies as inhabiting “phases or stages in a single line of development, starting from the same point and leading to the same end” (102)—can imagine human diversity only as a false or transitional stage, can recognize human difference only in order to observe its historically provisional nature or to intervene and eliminate those differences, thereby recognizing and eliminating human otherness in the same conceptual movement.

    For Lévi-Strauss, evolutionary schemas such as developmentalism and social Darwinism amount to a “false evolutionism” (102): defective theories of human history that authorize ethnocentric accounts of primitive and advanced societies. He insists that these schemas all fundamentally misapply a notion of sexual reproduction to cultural development (102-3). Evolutionary biology correctly assumes that (say) a horse begets another horse, that physical characteristics are determined by genetic heredity and are subject to the variability of sexual permutation. But cultural innovations do not sexually reproduce. An axe does not beget an axe, and therefore the appearance of one cannot serve as evidence for a genealogical development of culture. Rather, for Lévi-Strauss, the achievement of any culture exclusively indexes the singularity of the general conditions and extant dilemmas in which that achievement emerges as a social solution: “the originality of each culture consists . . . in its individual way of solving problems” (115). Rather than abandon a theory of history in favor of a synchronic analysis, Lévi-Strauss introduces a combinatory logic of historical development as an antidote to social evolutionism, borrowing key features of his reasoning from lateral innovations in the field of population genetics (Müller-Wille 3). In this structuralist understanding, any cultural “achievement” is subject to the “relative probability of a complex combination,” which characterizes each culture as a type of unconscious and collective gambler (“Race and History” 124). For Lévi-Strauss, then, history is stochastic, not developmental. Its features are the product of contingency, its cultural inventions the outcome of chance combinations, accomplishments that are for various factors either accumulated (and retained, to be “transferred” to another wager) or lost. Not only does this schema of historical development render a qualitative measure between cultures unfeasible, but it allows Lévi-Strauss to posit the goodof cultural alliances and the superiorityof open cultures. What he calls “coalitions” enable disparate cultures to “pool” their resources across different historical bets, increasing the chances of hitting the jackpot of cultural mutation. The most “cumulative” histories are thus not produced by autarkic (that is, racially homogenous) cultures but by syndicates, “cultures which, voluntarily or involuntarily, have combined their play and, by a wide variety of means (migration, borrowing, trade and warfare) have formed . . . coalitions” (126).

    Yet those “superior” coalitions, in the course of collaborating, erase the differences that originally made their alliance fruitful. Through repeated interaction, the resources of syndicated cultures are homogenized, the diversity of their bets centralized, and a new stagnation emerges. An incorporation of diversity destroys otherness; open cultures are therefore also a detriment to human progression. If Lévi-Strauss’s understanding is correct, contemporary Western civilization, as represented in the United Nations, is now the principal violator of human advancement, not only because of its status as a global hegemon but because of the compulsory terms of its means of confederating all societies. “Western civilisation has stationed its soldiers, trading posts, plantations and missionaries throughout the world; directly or indirectly, is has intervened in the lives of the coloured people,” compelling subjugated cultures to “imitate Western ways sufficiently to be able to fight them on their own ground” (117). With this statement, Lévi-Strauss implicitly warns UNESCO about the way in which the globalization of democracy becomes an accessory to the destruction of diversity or to cultural/racial genocide on a planetary scale. Across the centuries, he continues, the West has pursued two spatial fixes, two strategies for preventing global homogeneity and the triggering of its own homeostasis. The first is to “increase internal diversity,” or introduce social inequalities within a new global democratic space that increase the “development of the exploitation of man by man” (131). Lévi-Strauss describes this “solution” as capitalism. The second spatial fix is to increase its external diversity by assimilating human otherness from outside the global democratic space, to “admit new partners” to its hegemony. This solution is captured by “the history of imperialism and colonialism” (131).

    In understanding equality to be coextensive with nature, UNESCO’s project for global democracy reproduces racial inequality absolutely. What Lévi-Strauss describes as a mode of imperial capitalism is a combination of two strategies of diversification: of the “internal diversification” of culture through social inequality and of the “external diversification” of global democracy through empire. Implicitly, these two strategies are themselves alternatives to two specters of homogeneity that modern democracy cannot countenance: the pursuit of genocide as the destruction of otherness and the implementation of slavery as the preservation of an otherness outside the democratic relation. Not only does the sexual theory of human history that this globalization of multiracial societies presumes elide the history of white supremacy, as Lévi-Strauss reveals, but a structuralist account of history reveals the logic of racial capitalism. His conclusion is that under racial capitalism social inequalities or racial extermination increase in direct proportion to the realization of global democracy.

    Du Bois puts a finer point on this discrepancy between “color” and “democracy” in Color and Democracy. He excoriates the 1944 Dumbarton Oaks Conference that outlined the ambitions of the soon-to-be founded United Nations, criticizing the Western powers’ unwillingness to reckon with the role of colonialism in the causes of World War II (Du Bois also joined the American delegation to the inaugural United Nations conference in San Francisco in 1945).For Du Bois, the pronouncements of postwar democracy were increasingly overdetermined by the imperial dynamics of racial capitalism. UNESCO’s politicization of the human sciences is in his reading inconsequential to a new mode of racial power that operates outside scientific epistemology:

    these facts [of science that dispute racial hierarchy] do not affect our actions today, because government and economic organization have already built a tremendous financial structure upon the nineteenth-century conception of race inferiority. This is what the imperialism of our day means. (Color and Democracy 54)

    The logic of capitalist accumulation “encourages by reason of its high profit to investors a determined and interested belief in the inferiority of certain races” (56). The moribund ideas of nineteenth-century racialism—like a dead (as opposed to extinct) language that has users but no native speakers—organize social practices that may encourage but do not require its practitioners to gain fluency in its tongue. The idea of race therefore does not function as conscious knowledge, does not need to be philosophically coherent or scientifically justified to enable the economic valorization of racial inequality. According to Du Bois, the capitalization of a “nineteenth-century conception of race” proceeds regardless of contemporary challenges (scientific or otherwise) to the precise meaning of race; economic activity (the realization of surplus value) on the basis of racial inequality requires no basis in the order of ideas because it follows the blind law of capitalist accumulation. Capital, coupled to a colonial project that is itself heir to a racial schema that it does not possess, shares with the new multiracial democracy its form as a global project. But racial capitalism has an advantage that multiracial democracy does not: it does not operate as a formally consistent philosophy, working only through a disparate web of commercial codes, laws of contract, and terms of exchange, none of which require any conceptual unification. Racial capitalism “thinks” outside formalization in a process so general that it exceeds any form of knowledge or human cognition. In contrast to UNESCO’s tactic of preserving the epistemological uncertainty of race in “The Race Question,” which is promoted as a means to prevent the resurgence of international aggression, Du Bois sees in the holding pattern that maintains the irresolution of multiracial democracy a guarantee of its subversion in a revolt—in the last instance, in a war between the West and the “dark world.”

    War: A Better Failure of Multiracial Democracy?

                My analysis has focused on a limit to the democratic form, rather than a limitation of the democratic imagination. This amounts to something more dire than an impoverishment of political philosophy or the historical failure to realize a democratic ideal. Indeed, we are accustomed to describing actually-existing democracy as lacking vision, as a watered-down practice of collective politics that accommodates existing arrangements of power at the expense of more radical articulations of international solidarity and multiracial coalition. Our critical reflexes are trained to describe a fictitiously universal demos as an imagined community that only coheres around the spoken or unspoken exclusion of a perpetual outsider, one that requires the racial or sexual contract underwriting the social contract to be disassembled. A progressive appraisal may even understand democracy as a constantly changing and inherently unattainable ideal that does not—and has never—existed in any substantial sense at all but that nonetheless requires the lines of exclusion it imposes to be constantly deliberated and redrawn. This marks democracy as an unfinished historical project, a perpetual struggle to renew its egalitarian principles and practices. Democracy appears here as an open question, although one that also views racialization as an inessential development of its essential (that is, nonracial) form.

    But everything in this essay hinges on being precise about the nature of this impossibility: a world of difference lies between the historical notion of impossibility, which proposes an unbridgeable gap between a set of principles and their practical implementation, and a structural notion of impossibility. In contrast to the former, a structural notion of impossibility sees the coincidence between the idea and the practice of multiracial democracy as perfectly possible—but only as the very act of its undoing. Not only is multiracial democracy possible, in other words, it has already happened. What Tocqueville and Beaumont confronted in nineteenth-century slavery, I would venture, was an earlyactualization of multiracial democracy, a “solution” to the impossible relation between the slave and democracy. The inevitability of abolition confronted Tocqueville and Beaumont with the problem of coming up with a new“solution” to multiracial democracy. They mistook its structural impossibility for an historical one. But their alternatives also avoided a third, seemingly worse solution. Their proposal to “wholly mix” or “wholly part” white and black were alternatives to a coincidence between race and democracy that Tocqueville believes could only portend war: “as [freemen] cannot become the equals of the whites, they will speedily declare themselves as enemies” (1: 375). War—the breakdown of a multiracial polity in an irresolvable antagonism between “friends” and “enemies”—is in this reading a possible realization of democracy, but one that is also its undoing.

    If democracy’s actualization can only result in a program of racial violence—as the foregoing symptomatic readings of Tocqueville, Beaumont, and UNESCO’s writings on race suggest—then the difference between its success and failure is invalid, both critically and politically. This calls for a redirection of our attention to the differences between democracy’s forms of failure. Global, multiracial democracy cannot ethically be pursued to its logical ends, but are there ways to imagine or enact a better failure? One failure, and a possibility that has been peremptorily dismissed or conspicuously ignored in the accounts critiqued so far, is precisely the one that Tocqueville feared would be an inevitable outcome in the absence of a scheme for black “expatriation” to Africa or compulsory racial amalgamation after slavery: a war between ex-slave and ex-master. If the outbreak of war is a failure of democratic procedure, what are its political implications? How does war differ from—how might it even comprise a better failure of democracy than—multiracial and international coalition (Lévi-Strauss), the preservation of the epistemological uncertainty of race (UNESCO), or the “dual visions of black freedom and peace” (Dusk of Dawn xxvi) that Du Bois’s staunch pacifism maintained throughout the 1950s and 1960s? War is a collective action. But the “war” I am after here is distinct in nearly every other way from the sovereign version of the term. As a failure of democracy, or rather a materialization of its emergency, this war is not waged in the name of a government, on behalf of a people, or for the attainment of an ideal. As non-sovereign, this war is not a state of exception and does not declare an enemy. Bloodshed is not a necessary component (although it is not excluded either). By extension, this war does not have any conditions of victory or strategic objectives—defensive, offensive, or preemptive—aiming only to realize the inner tendencies of multiracial democracy in a manner differentfrom the actually existing failures of democracy in segregation and genocide, in the various forms they continue to take today. I would venture that war in this sense can only be defined as a repetition of the war that terminated slavery, a political act more general and diverse than the general strike Du Bois recognizes as a tipping point in the Civil War, and which he erroneously categorizes as the act sufficient to incorporate the ex-slave as a subject of political representation. Slaves’ “general strike,” their abandonment of Southern plantations en masse, was necessary for Union victory in 1865, but it was also alone insufficient, failing as it did to enfranchise what Hartman describes as the figure of the female slave. As a repetition of the violence of abolition with a possible difference, this notion of war, then, repeats the traumatic origin of modern democracy, a war that works-through the very resistance to a war between master and slave, a rearticulation and displacement of democracy’s structural antagonism. The outcome of this confrontation cannot be guaranteed in advance, and the material conditions that result may be no better than those under which it began. The opposite may even be the case. Actualizing multiracial democracy in war may well “replicate the fate of the slave” (Hartman 169). But it also opens the possibility of a fate otherwise. Precisely in this sense might this failure of democracy be a better one, in which the issue of slavery’s sexual labor cannot be determined in advance.

    Footnotes

    1. For the most part, I limit my discussion of Democracy in America to the problem of multiracialism. For more expansive accounts of Tocqueville’s commentary on the race question, see Mitchell and Chapter 6 of Fredrickson.

    2. Margaret Kohn suggests that “democracy” as used in this text blends notions of equality, political liberty, and bourgeois society that we would today refer to specifically as “liberal democracy.”

    3. To put a finer point on it, we could specify blackness as the residue of racialization, that remainder in the racial division of democracy by slavery that cannot be enumerated.

    4. Until that feat is achieved, it also means exchanging the relations of racial domination under slavery for the relations of gender domination between husband and wife.

    5. Its spiritual successor, “Race and Culture,” a paper presented by Lévi-Strauss nineteen years later to a stunned audience at a global antiracism summit, would be more explicit in its criticism of UNESCO’s global ambitions (Visweswaran).

    Works Cited

    • Balfour, Lawrie. Democracy’s Reconstruction: Thinking Politically with W.E.B. Du Bois. Oxford UP, 2011.
    • Beaumont, Gustave de. Marie, or, Slavery in the United States. 1835. Translated by Barbara Chapman, Johns Hopkins UP, 1999.
    • Bernasconi, Roberto. “A Most Dangerous Error: The Boasian Myth of a Knock-Down Argument Against Racism.” Angelaki, vol. 24, no. 2, 2019, pp. 92-103.
    • Best, Stephen. None Like Us: Blackness, Belonging, Aesthetic Life. Duke UP, 2018.
    • Brattain, Michelle. “Race, Racism, and Antiracism: UNESCO and the Politics of Presenting Science to the Postwar Public.” American Historical Review, vol. 112, no. 5, 2007, pp. 1386-413.
    • Du Bois, W. E. B. Black Reconstruction in America: 1860-1880. Free Press, 1935.
    • —. Color and Democracy: Colonies and Peace. Harcourt, Brace & Co. 1945.
    • —. Dusk of Dawn: An Essay Toward an Autobiography of a Race Concept. 1940. Oxford UP, 2007.
    • —. In Battle for Peace: The Story of My 83rd Birthday. 1952. Oxford UP, 2007.
    • Foucault, Michel. “Dream, Imagination and Existence.” Dream and Existence, by Ludwig Binswanger, edited by Keith Hoeller, Humanities Press International, 1993, pp. 31-80.
    • Fredrickson, George M. The Comparative Imagination: On the History of Racism, Nationalism, and Social Movements. U of California P, 1997.
    • Gil-Riaño, Sebastián. “Relocating Anti-Racist Science: The 1950 UNESCO Statement on Race and Economic Development in the Global South.” British Journal for the History of Science, vol. 51, no. 2, 2018, pp. 281-303.
    • Hartman, Saidiya. “The Belly of the World: A Note on Black Women’s Labor.” Souls, vol. 18, no. 1, 2016, pp. 166-73.
    • Kohn, Margaret. “The Other America: Tocqueville and Beaumont on Race and Slavery.” Polity, vol. 35, no. 2, 2002, pp. 169-93.
    • Lévi-Strauss, Claude. “The Place of Anthropology in the Social Sciences and the Problems Raised in Teaching It.” Structural Anthropology, translated by Claire Jacobson and Brooke Grundfest Schoepf,Basic Books, 1963, pp. 346-81.
    • —. “Race and History.” 1952. Race, Science and Society, edited by Leo Kuper, Columbia UP, 1975, pp. 95-134.
    • —. The Savage Mind. U of Chicago P, 1966.
    • —. Les Structures élémentaires de la Parenté. Presses Universitaires, 1949.
    • Losurdo, Domenico. Liberalism, A Counter-History. Translated by Gregory Elliott, Verso, 2011.
    • “Overview of Marie or, Slavery in the United States: A Novel of Jacksonian America.” Johns Hopkins University Press, https://jhupbooks.press.jhu.edu/title/marie-or-slavery-united-states, accessed 7 Dec. 2021.
    • Mitchell, Harvey. America After Tocqueville: Democracy Against Difference. Cambridge UP, 2004.
    • Müller-Wille, Staffan. “Claude Lévi-Strauss on Race, History, and Genetics.” Biosocieties, vol. 5, no. 3, 2010, pp. 330-347.
    • Musser, Amber Jamilla. Sensational Flesh: Race, Power, and Masochism. New York UP, 2014.
    • Painter, Nell Irvin. “Was Marie White? The Trajectory of a Question in the United States.” The Journal of Southern History, vol.74, no. 1, 2008, pp. 3-30.
    • Rousseau, Jean-Jacques. Discourse on the Origin of Inequality. 1755. Translated by Donald A. Cress, Hackett Publishing, 1992.
    • Sexton, Jared. Amalgamation Schemes: Antiblackness and the Critique of Multiracialism. U of Minnesota P, 2010.
    • Stoczkowski, Wiktor. “Claude Lévi-Strauss and UNESCO.” The UNESCO Courier,no. 5, 2008, pp. 5-9.
    • Tocqueville, Alexis de. Democracy in America. 1835. Vol. 1, translated by Henry Reeve, 3rd ed., George Adlard, 1839.
    • —. Democracy in America. 1840. Vol. 2, translated by Henry Reeve, Longman, Green, Longman and Roberts, 1862.
    • UNESCO. “The Race Question.” UNESCO and its Programme, no. 3, 1950, UNESCO House.
    • Visweswaran, Kamala. “The Interventions of Culture: Claude Lévi-Strauss, Race, and the Critique of Historical Time.” Race and Racism in Continental Philosophy, edited by Robert Bernasconi with Sybol Cook, Indiana UP, 2003, pp. 227-48.

  • The Impassable Dream

    John Mowitt (bio)

    Abstract

    This essay approaches the theme of “impasse and democracy” through the motif of the American dream, a dream, as many have noted, unfulfilled both at home and abroad.  This lack of fulfilment is here read as a structural impasse within democracy, as a sign that democracy dreams, or is a dream, because it cannot come into its own.  Building toward a sustained reading of a typically neglected volume in the Freudian corpus, his collaborative study (with William C. Bullitt) of Woodrow Wilson, this essay teases out the theoretical and political implications of thinking the dream that America remains, ambivalently idling, from a psychoanalytical point of view.

    Democracy is always an unrealizable dream.

    –Wendy Brown in conversation with Robert Johnson, New Economic Thinking

    This afternoon I would like to speak on the subject, “The Negro and the American Dream.” In a real sense America is essentially a dream—a dream yet unfulfilled.

    –Martin Luther King in North Carolina

    For the sake of argument let us entertain the possibility that there is a real relation between America and democracy. Not America as a national territory, but America as a self-designated exception, however troubled. Further, let us accept that this relation is oneiric, and that organizing this relation is what Brown calls “the unrealizable,” and what King calls “the unfulfilled,” both, I will argue, iterations of “impasse.” In the remarks that follow I will essay the concept of impasse by considering the several ways it articulates the relation between democracy and the dream; not primarily in terms of dreams dreamt by members of unsatisfying democratic regimes, or dreams voiced by those struggling against anti- democratic ones, but dream as a concept designating how democracy perennially fails to realize itself. As this might suggest, dream here assumes technical qualities attributed to it within the discourse of psychoanalysis, inviting one to consider that insofar as the latter has produced the dream as a concept, it is itself entangled in the impasse that leaves democracy unfulfilled, even unfulfillable. In this, these remarks engage a literature antagonistic to democracy, not because democracy empowers the “herd,” or because it tyrannizes minorities, or because it legitimates regime change at home (Trump) and abroad (Bush), but because even if it were to arrive from or with the future, it will have been at odds with itself. It would, in effect, remain a dream, not now in the sense of an illusion, or even a wish, but in the sense of a structure of incompletion. Impasse. Although Freud’s thought, especially what he referred to as the metapsychology, is indispensable to grasping the structural significance of the dream, its relation to his troubling of democracy (whether French, Russian or American) has not been attended to carefully enough. To that end, I will orient what follows toward a reading of Freud’s collaborative encounter with Woodrow Wilson, a text in which the place of psychoanalysis as a technique of reading is woven tightly into its articulation of the impasse that sacrificed America and the world to a future war, the very one that compelled Freud’s expatriation from Vienna. Former president Trump is only the most recent example of a statesman from whom analysis might have shielded the world, but in just this way analysis threatens to suspend or interfere with the will of the demos. In sensing this, Freud both radicalized what it means to speak of the dream of democracy and to acknowledge the role of his science in securing this radicalization. Plague indeed.

    I will work to “earn” the locution of my title, but suffice it to say at this early juncture that its oddity is designed to suggest that “the impassable” might be an alternative spelling of what Jacques Derrida explores under the heading of “the impossible” and perhaps especially when thinking about whether a “democracy to come,” is any more likely to arrive than Godot.1 Given such animating concerns it is fitting, perhaps even obligatory, to acknowledge that, on the pages of Looking Awry, Slavoj Žižek sets out what are surely some of the more recent touchstones and watchwords for a theoretical discussion of these issues. Although the text is broadly framed as a discussion of how the teachings of his mentor Jacques Lacan might actually be on offer from various popular cultural platforms, the analysis of democracy zeroes quickly in on the problem of the impassable. He writes:

    What to do, then, once we are confronted with this fundamental impasse of democracy? The “modernist” procedure (the one to which Marx is attached) would be to conclude—from such an “unmasking” of formal democracy, i.e., from the disclosure of the way the democratic form always conceals an imbalance of contents—that formal democracy as such has to be abolished, replaced by a superior form of concrete democracy. The “postmodernist” approach would require us, on the contrary, to assume this constitutive paradox of democracy. We must assume a kind of “active forgetfulness” by accepting the symbolic fiction even though we know that “in reality, things are not like that.” The democratic attitude is always based on a fetishistic split: I know very well (that the democratic form is just a form spoiled by the stain of “pathological” imbalance), but just the same (I act as if democracy were possible). (168)

    The impassable here refers to a deadlock between form and substance. Deadlock in the sense of antagonism: form assumes its rigor from the substance it brackets; substance takes on its texture from the form it sets itself off against. In effect, the universality of democracy, its radical fungibility, must, in principle, be empty. It must be devoid of any particulars that could compromise its cosmopolitan promise by grounding it in, for example, Europe, or as Žižek (following Arendt) has it, the nation state. Democracy must be an empty form precisely so that it can be filled with the rights and aspirations thought to be enshrined in state constitutions whether written or not.

    The problem is not, whence Žižek’s invocation of impasse, that democracy is unachievable, but that even when most perfectly realized it is blank. In this democracy, precisely to the extent that it offers to name the preferred if not ideal, thus formal, reconciliation between individual and collective interests is not just another form of government. It is the just form. Although democracies and dictatorships share practical, administrative roots in oligarchy, dictatorships are filled with particulars like blood, soil, affiliation. They offer what democracies foreclose in principle. The well-known Lacanian formula, “man’s desire is the Other’s desire” (690), may be said to provide the template for the structural frustration of democracy, even if neither Lacan nor Žižek has precisely declared himself on whether psychoanalysis is thus an imaginary construct, a reflection, of democracy in all its emptiness. Be that as it may, in the context of Looking Awry this state of affairs is deployed to complicate all critiques of popular culture that bemoan its pseudo- democratization of cultural experience. Facebook is not a compromised form of community because access to it is obstructed, but because what circulates there is communication formally emptied of all substance—and this apart from the abuses of which Cambridge Analytica stands accused. At the risk of feckless hyperbole one might propose that John Cage sketches the formula for socially mediated exchange when in his “Lecture on Nothing” he states: “I have nothing to say / and I am saying it” (109).

    “Democracy can never be identified with a juridico-political form. This does not mean it is indifferent to such forms. It means that the power of the people is always beneath and beyond these forms” (Rancière, Hatred 54). These lines from Jacques Rancière’s The Hatred of Democracy restate (without acknowledgement) Žižek’s critique of democratic formalism, but instead of appealing to the concept of impasse, his analysis invokes “paradox” (94). Two things would appear to be at stake in this distinction. On the one hand, Rancière is keen to hold onto a certain utopian potential in what above he calls the “power of the people.” If democracy must insistently be hated, it is because the egalitarian and anarchic excess that all states exploit must, paradoxically, be left unrealized. Anger then focuses on the deferred realization of what is as yet unrealized. Crucial here is the status of politics and Rancière has steady but quiet recourse throughout Hatred to his discussion in Disagreement: Politics and Philosophy (and clearly “hatred” is an acute form of disagreement), where he elaborates the concept of the “police” as the heading under which to subsume all political activity that is oriented around the struggle to control and administer a state. By contrast, “politics” designates all those forms of activity that resist this capture by refusing the reduction of “the political” to, in effect, the electoral. The obstinacy of this refusal provokes hatred among those who insist upon reducing democracy to a form of governing that is either embodied (or not . . . yet) in the state apparatus. Rancière is especially eloquent about intellectuals whose disdain for democracy concentrates precisely on its expressions that take the form of contesting the state’s subordination of civil society. If one grants Rancière’s distinction between the police and politics, then it is not difficult to see that the democracy problematized by Žižek is chiefly that of a state form. If, further, one accepts the corollary that to reduce democracy to a state form is a manifestation of hatred toward it (a demand that it provide more, or block less), then one glimpses what sort of pickle Žižek has got himself into, especially if the symmetry between democracy and desire is consistently Lacanian.

    On the other hand, and somewhat less obviously, what is also at stake in the distinction between impasse and paradox is the status, perhaps even the pertinence, of psychoanalysis in thinking the structure of democracy. Although one of Lacan’s partisans, Jean-Claude Milner, figures prominently in the early pages of Hatred,and despite Rancière’s explicit recourse to the concept of aporia (80) and to the dream of overcoming what obstructs the realization of democracy (9), he insistently avoids any sort of discourse on politics that depends on a figure resembling an analytical subject for its conclusions. In fact, Milner is expressly faulted for arguing that a Jewish embrace of kinship and power derived from birth is what demands that it be scapegoated by a democracy inhibited by its failure to manage the excess that sustains it, an argument Rancière treats as far too wedded to a logic of policing and its insistent channeling of excess through sexual difference and social reproduction. Implicit here, I would argue, is the notion that psychoanalysis, precisely to the extent that it affirms a structural mode of aggressivity, not only attends to impasse, but realizes it in its own functioning. It holds us before and within an antagonism that cannot be overcome through its projection onto the aggressions of a particular other. This invites an extension and complication of the concept of impasse (or, in Greek, aporia) to which I will later turn.

    In the spirit precisely of disagreement, it is appropriate to remark that Rancière, despite his hesitations regarding the pertinence of psychoanalysis to a theory of democracy, is not committed to treating hatred as devoid of an affect whose force is technically speaking unconscious. The resistance that protects politics from the police is not a resistance that, in accord with the classical formula of denial, authorizes Rancière to utterly avoid the discourse of psychoanalysis. As evidence, consider his sustained engagement with Freud in The Aesthetic Unconscious. Originally conceived as two lectures, it is clear from where the second lands that this material gives articulation to his disagreement with Jean-François Lyotard about the politics of psychoanalysis. The elaboration of this disagreement takes the form of delineating two different critiques of Freud’s understanding of aesthetics.

    In an inaugural series of moves, Rancière teases out a distinction between art and aesthetics, stressing that what interests him in Freud is why psychoanalysis, otherwise so keen to secure its properly scientific credentials, had such insistent recourse to the interpretation of works of art. At bottom, the proposition is that Freud recognized an echo between the way works of art and psychoanalysis staged the encounter and tension between thought and non-thought. If aesthetics names the cognition of this relation, then the interpretation of dreams belongs to the history of aesthetics, a history that situates Freud in relation to a distribution of the sensible wherein taste, as an expression of “liberal individualism” (Rancière Aesthetic, 7), has reduced art to form and severed its relation to the enigma of unthinking thought. Although Rancière does not link liberalism and democracy explicitly, his rhetoric urges one to approach the relation between psychoanalysis and democracy as tense. Freud, despite his “conservative tastes” (a charge levelled by Lyotard among others), is precisely trying to theorize a mode of interpretation that subordinates taste to a regime of thought in which what matters is what that regime cannot think while thinking. Unconscious thought, precisely of the sort manifest (and latent) in dreams, is what is distributed beyond or outside the sensibility of individualism. Testing this is the work that consumed Freud in his thinking about literature, painting and sculpture. Although the details of their disagreement warrant more attention than I can give here, Rancière is keen to demonstrate that despite Lyotard’s impatience with Freud’s “classicism,” his insistent affirmation of form and figuration ends up paradoxically falling in line with a theory of art that Freud had properly problematized. I suppose, to invoke a well-known quip of Adorno’s, their disagreement rotates around how liberal individualism, democracy, is to be hated properly. Is it because it essentially is a dream of the sort comprehended by psychoanalysis? One of the virtues of the collaborative study of Wilson is that it suggests why one would answer in the affirmative.

    But I have deferred for too long a justification of my title, “The Impassable Dream,” which evokes the song likely familiar to the audiences of high school choirs and community groups in the US as “The Impossible Dream.” Some members in any given audience will recognize the song from the mid-sixties Broadway musical, Man of La Mancha, Wasserman, Darion and Leigh’s improbable setting of Cervantes’s satiric masterwork for the stage. As a brazen re-casting of Quixote’s picaresque tenacity as an aspirational fantasy of persisting against all odds, the song, especially when sung in the context of a high school, indirectly but implicitly casts secondary education as a test those who do not or cannot dream risk failing. As a liminal institution, high school (and now even more college) marks the threshold between “life” and the preparation for it. It marks where an impossible dream and the dream of democracy converge as students anticipate entry into the actual world of unevenly distributed opportunity, dreaming that whatever obstructs their access to the fruits of democracy is not impassable. But there is more to this particular song’s relation to democracy and its history.

    In the plaza of San Jose in Antique province in the Philippines one will come upon a large commemorative statue. It is of Evelio Javier, a former governor of the province, murdered in 1986 for agitating against then president Ferdinand Marcos. His death helped catalyze the People Power Revolution that brought Corazón Aquino to power later that year. Apparently, “The Impossible Dream” was at the very top of Javier’s playlist, so much so that the Darion lyrics are inscribed on a plaque mounted on the base of this public monument. “To march into hell for a heavenly cause,” indeed. If a key property of democracy is its global fungibility—a point presumed and betrayed with the US adventures in Iraq and Afghanistan—then its emergence in the Philippines, mediated through Broadway and Cervantes, certainly encourages political scientists to take seriously the resonance between the song and political struggles of the most principled, that is, anti-tyrannical sort. Even the Democratic candidate for the presidency, George McGovern, could see this connection although, in the end, he succumbed to the unbeatable foe.

    In Man of La Mancha, “The Impossible Dream” is performed three times, ultimately narrating Quixote’s resolve as he awaits interrogation by the Inquisition. What invites my precise distortion of the title is the tension within the lyrics between lines stressing negative morphemic structures (and here is the full list): im-possible, un-beatable, un-bearable, un-rightable, and un-reachable; while other lines invoke the motif of persistence, for example, trying when one’s arms are too weary, loving purely and chastely from afar, etc. What is so striking about these lines taken together is how they hold listeners in a deadlock, an impasse structured by personal aims that can neither be abandoned nor achieved. The name given to this impasse is “the impossible dream,” a dream that has somehow happened without happening. Or is an impossible dream, especially one that inducts individuals into a life in which they are “free” to make the most of themselves, the name for a threshold that is impassable, or even unknowable?

    To appreciate what might be at stake in taking the dream as such as an impasse, it is worth lingering over the notion of impasse itself. In the Western tradition it reaches back to what Plato meant, in invoking his conceptual persona Socrates, when speaking of aporia. In her remarkable tracing of this concept, Sarah Kofman, in “Beyond Aporia?,” reminds us that the Greeks (so not simply Plato) define impasse in a rather specific way, namely as being lost at sea. Poros, when linked to metis, or cunning, casts aporos or aporia as difficulty, but difficulty in the rather specific sense of eluding cleverness, of lacking a way out or ahead. In effect, Sartre’s Huis clos might also have been titled aporia. More specifically still, Kofman establishes that the risk of having no way ahead is philologically defined with reference to being unable to navigate a body of water, whether a sea, or, as she puts it, an “ocean of discourse” (11), thus making aporia as much about life as about meaning. If one recalls, to bring this digression abruptly back to the status of impasse in psychoanalysis, that the epigraph to the Interpretation of Dreams specifically compares psychoanalysis to “stirring the depths” (movebos Acharonta), then interpreting dreams is pitched as a tactic by which to navigate a sea agitated by its own movement. Freud is here citing the early German socialist Ferdinand Lassalle’s citation of Virgil, indicating that he grasped the parallel between organizing a workers’ party and analyzing the work of the unconscious. The fact that the one consistent ‘platform’ of Lassalle’s party was universal suffrage, a cornerstone of democracy with a socialist face, might well indicate that Freud was already here noting a convergence between politics and properly scientific work on dreams (Schorske 345). Although Freud demurs on drawing the relevant political conclusions, in The Interpretation of Dreams he does present what he calls “the navel of the dream” (Standard 4: 111) as the place where interpretation reaches its impasse in the tangled mycelial depths of the dream. Doubt arises. Can an impasse be surpassed and can we know?

    A more recent debate over the politics of dreams will help further trace the ties between impasse/aporia and dream. I am thinking of the killjoy dispute between Derrida and Foucault over the relation between madness, a silent absence of a work, and dreaming in Descartes’s Meditations on First Philosophy. I say “killjoy” because the sustained ferocity of this dispute (rejoined in Derrida’s late, “To Do Justice to Freud: the History of Madness in the Age of Psychoanalysis”) immediately complicates and belies the very notion of “post-structuralism” that everyone from Terry Eagleton to Jordan Peterson brandishes in order to produce an atmosphere into which to fire their rhetorical retro-rockets. Of course, things did not start this way. They rarely do. When Derrida, at Jean Wahl’s invitation, read “Cogito and the History of Madness” in 1963 at the Collège Philosophique, Foucault was in the audience, presumably out of courtesy to his student. A week after its delivery, Foucault wrote to Derrida praising the argument, acknowledging its force and pertinence, and concluding with the sentence: “And please believe in my deepest and most faithful friendship” (Peters 132). The “trouble,” manifested in Foucault’s stinging reply, “My Body, this Paper, this Fire,” sounded like a delayed rifle report nine years later. Friendship had degenerated into enmity and a feud that had initially only manifested as a philological dispute—does Descartes exclude or merely displace madness—erupted between the teacher and his student. “O, my friends, there is no friend.”

    As the details of this argument have been combed elsewhere (perhaps most notably in Said’s “Criticism Between Culture and System”), I can turn directly to what about the exchange most matters here. Two tines of Derrida’s reading deserve mention. On the one hand, as if chiding Foucault for thinking that separating oneself from Descartes is any easier than separating oneself from Hegel, Derrida tries to show that the dream is the far more threatening phenomenon for Cartesian reason to contend with. This is partly due to its commonality—many dream, few imagine that their bodies are made of glass, etc.—but also to the aporia it produces, an aporia accelerated and intensified by the hypothesis of the malin genie, that is, the incarnation of radical doubt, the possibility that one only thinks one is dreaming, a situation wherein the cogito’s intimate relation to certainty is bracketed. Perhaps I am only ever dreaming that “I think.” On the other hand, if the dream rather than madness poses the more acute philosophical problem, then Foucault’s historical appeal to the “classical age,” the event of the great confinement etc., falls prey to a shabby historicism that his evocation and later theorization of “archaeology” (not to mention “genealogy”) is precisely pitched to overcome. Taken together, Foucault’s reading is effectively stowed away on a “ship of fools” deprived of, as Kofman would say, a poros, a way across the ocean of discourse. In this sense, the dream, precisely as a figural condensation of doubt (thinking the unthought as Rancière put it), operates as an impasse, reminding us that it figures prominently in Western philosophy’s (whether political or not) struggle to think the limits of its reasoning, an incapacity that impinges upon philosophy’s ability to think, among other things, the conditions of a proper republic. From this angle, Brown’s proposition (vis. the epigraph) that democracy is always an unrealizable dream assumes a more haunting, more consequential epistemological valence. To wit, maybe the concept of a democratic republic always only arises in a dream whose specifically oneiric character vanishes in the dream’s unrealizability, the sense of its not having taken place at all. Impasse now emerges as the puzzle whether a dream is happening or not, and whether, in the dream, its limit can be made subject to action either practical or theoretical. Its structural character has extended from the challenge of representing the deadlock of form and substance, to the question of assessing whether one can know whether universal suffrage is in fact universal; whether democracy is happening to us or not.

    Let us bring this relation between dream and impasse to bear more patiently, more philologically, on what Freud has to say about dreams, authority, and modes of governing. I am thinking of a letter to Maxime Leroy from 1929 where Freud briefly interprets some of Descartes’s dreams, a venture missed, and suggestively so, by both Foucault and Derrida. The precise paleographic evidence is unclear—the dream (or dreams) are reported/paraphrased by a third party from a translation, etc.—but in the printed version one finds the following material:

    He [Descartes] then woke up with twinges of sharp pain in his left side. He did not know whether he was dreaming or awake. Half-awake, he told himself that an evil genius (malin genie) was trying to seduce him, and he murmured a prayer to exorcise it. He went to sleep again. A clap of thunder woke him again and filled his room with flashes. Once more he asked himself whether it was a dream or a day-dream, opening and shutting his eyes so as to reach a certainty. (Standard 5: 200)

    What is staged here plainly enough is what earlier I characterized as the impasse threatened by the malin genie, namely, the challenge to clear and distinct reasoning represented by the dream’s capacity to problematize the distinction between it and wakefulness. Although the paleographic controversy about whether we are dealing with one dream or several tends to puzzle over whether there is a sequence of dreams, one might here entertain the abyssal effect of several dreams within one another. Descartes wakes up, but into a state where whether he is awake or dreaming immediately preoccupies him. This manifests within the dream(s) in a way that echoes significantly in Freud’s remarks.

    The cited material continues:

    With his brain on fire, excited by these rumors and vague sufferings, Descartes opened a dictionary and then a collection of poems. The intrepid traveler dreamt of this line: “Quod vitae sectabor iter.” Another journey in the land of dreams? Then suddenly there appeared a man he did not know, intending to make him read a passage from Ausonius beginning with the words, “Est et non.” But the man disappeared and another took his place. (5: 201)

    Striking here—and Freud notes it in his “analysis”—is the dreamer’s effort to interpret the dream from within it,inviting one to consider that at the very end of the series of strange men handing Descartes texts (and note the principle of individuated equality) might appear another strange man handing him a copy of something called Die Traumdeutung. Less fancifully, what appears in the dream especially around the motif of the life journey and the “it is and is not” is precisely impasse, aporia. If it makes sense to say that Freud echoes this situation, thus inserting himself into the series of interpreters, it is because, after authoritatively labeling the dream an example of a “Traumen von oben” (a dream whose contents could just as well have been thought in waking life), Freud writes: “The philosopher interprets them himself and, in accordance with all the rules for the interpretation of dreams, we must accept his explanation, but it should be added that we have no path open to us which will take us any further” (5: 204, my emphasis). The impasse repeats, first as radical doubt (am I in the dream synthesizer of the malin genie?), but then again as “the navel,” the knot through which interpretation cannot pass. Impasse, via the onto-epistemological problem posed by the dream, sucks everything into its vortex, including the dream of interpretation itself, making analysis an aporetic poros. Way, no way.

    What then can be said more directly about the impasse of the dream for psychoanalysis and democracy, either as formally impossible (Žižek) or a possible object of hatred (Rancière)? Readers of Freud will know that “democracy” is not a word one comes upon often in the corpus. If one is inclined, as am I, to hear Communism as expressed in the oft-repeated formula—from each according to his ability and to each according to his need—as a radical realization of the will of the demos, thus a democracy, then Freud’s comments in Civilization and its Discontents might be given a certain representative status: “The communists believe that they have found the path to deliverance from our evils” (Standard 21: 112). Freud goes on to expose this path, this poros (Freud writes “Weg”) as an “untenable illusion” (perhaps an impossible dream?) from a psychological point of view. Why? Because the elimination of private property, the holding of “all wealth in common” (21: 112), cannot alter the nature of human aggression. Later in the same text, Freud turns his critical gaze on America—a more “go to” incarnation (even in the 1930s) of democracy— and denounces it for cultivating a certain psychological poverty of groups, that is, a horizontal, and thus equal, dispersion of neighborly love, that stimulates a structure of identification compared by Nietzsche to that of a herd (Herde).2 In a final pass over the Russian “experiment,” Freud notes that its attention to property is however preferable to a purely moral response to inequality, reserving, in effect, special scorn for America even to the point of tempering his own rhetoric: “But I shall avoid the temptation of entering upon a critique of American civilization; I do not wish to give the impression of wanting myself to employ American methods” (21: 116). In effect, he decides, as we say, not to “go there.” As stated earlier, he and Jung had already gone and brought “the plague” to America in 1909, so here Freud stops himself from thinking like an American, as if to foreground the impasse between democracy and the practice that comprehends its haunting incompletion.3 Given that the Russian (or Asiatic) Flu pandemic of 1889-90 loomed large in then recent European memory, the evocation of “plague,” however ambivalent, feels decisively more epistemological than epidemiological. To not think like an American is thus to think what constitutes its democratic way of life unrealizable. Essentially a dream.

    The footnote with which chapter five of Civilization concludes transfers readers directly to the aforementioned Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego. But rather than turning down this well-worn path, I propose that we take up a text routinely forgotten, in some cases disavowed, by Freudians (especially those loyal to the daughter), namely, his co- authored study of Thomas Woodrow Wilson, the self-designated prince of peace and defender of American democracy. What this text answers is the question begged above, namely, how does at least one American think? But perhaps even more importantly this text, unlike the more familiar Group Psychology, urges consideration of how analysis itself stumbles and stalls when conflating, through the concept of the Ego-Ideal, a president and a father about whom the son is aggressively ambivalent.

    If the Freud/Bullitt collaboration is not included in The Standard Edition of the Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud it is not because it has the same status as the early book On Aphasia or the voluminous correspondence. It has been omitted because the matter of Freud’s authorship has long been a matter of controversy. In addition, there is the vexed matter of his collaborator William C. Bullitt, a wealthy East Coast cosmopolite who once worked as an editor at Paramount Studios, married the widow of John Reed (Louise Bryant) and became the first US ambassador to the Soviet Union after the war. His relation to the Communism of which Freud wrote in 1930 was through Lenin. Bullitt met Freud on the couch at 19 Bergassestrasse in 1923. Moreover, the “status” of the text is not helped, to say the least, by the fact that formulations like the following abound:

    We have seen that in laying down the laws of orderly assembly for the Lightfoots [a debate club at the University of Virginia] Wilson was both obeying his father and imitating his father, he was finding outlet for both his passivity to his father and, through identification, for activity toward his father. He found satisfaction for the same desires in preparing the Covenant of the League of Nations. Wilson’s share in founding the League of Nations has been exaggerated; but in so far as he was its “father,” the League of Nations was the grandchild of the Reverend Joseph Ruggles Wilson, the Professor Extraordinary of Rhetoric, whose interests in words and the rules of speech so bored his acquaintances, and so impressed his son. (Bullitt and Freud 89)

    Read without benefit of the didactic “introductory lecture” on the fundamentals of psychoanalysis and Bullitt’s obsessive biographical chapter on Wilson, this passage appears to careen from a university to an international peace conference, enabled by thin expository recourse to a perpetual desire to passively identify with one’s loquacious father. For those accustomed to Freud’s more measured and subtle exposition this is difficult to recognize and thus accept as his. Moreover, despite the disclaimer that the study is not an exercise in character assassination, more than one reader—Anna Freud in particular—felt that the assertions insistently advanced by this text did the Freudian cause little good in North America.4 Bullitt and Freud argued that one of the most highly regarded US presidents of either party was clinically deranged, implying that analysis might usefully be classed among the modes of expertise with which Americans need to be more patient.

    That said, recent scholarly work—beginning with Paul Roazen’s “Oedipus at Versailles,” and culminating with J.F. Campbell’s “To Bury Freud on Wilson” from 2008—has rather definitively settled the matter of authorship. The cache of manuscripts examined by Campbell shows clearly that Freud was deeply involved in the writing of the text and not merely that portion of it titled, “Introduction by Sigmund Freud.” Even bits from the last-minute changes initially refused by Bullitt—for example, the startling evocation of the “compulsion to repeat” in German (Wiederholungszwang) in chapter XXXIV—appear in print. There is no justification for insisting that this “psychological” study of the leader of the Democratic Party, precisely as it turned in its modern, “liberal” direction, tells us nothing of value about how psychoanalytic practice illuminates the aporia, the impasse, that holds democracy in a dream state. On the contrary, this study uniquely helps us appreciate that democracy is “only a dream” because it is unrealizable. It is for all and for no one, simultaneously. In addition, readers more satisfied by an earlier Freud can only be heartened to discover that in Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego Freud turns directly to the collaborative study of Wilson, writing:

    If the importance of the libido’s claims on this score [love of a leader/father/deity] had been better appreciated, the fantastic promises of the American President’s Fourteen Points would probably not have been believed so easily, and the splendid instrument would not have broken in the hands of the German leaders. (Standard 18: 95)

    A similar formulation occurs in the “Dissection of the Psychical Personality” lecture, written although not delivered in 1933, thus two years after the collaborative project with Bullitt (Standard 22: 72-3). The question for us is whether this is where “psychoanalysis” belongs, whether it can “go there,” whether it can analyze a democratically elected president (not a pope or a general), making all textual references in the study to blocked paths and roads not taken highly resonant adumbrations, both about Wilson’s journey and about Freud’s case study itself.

    Doubtless, more pressing still is the question of what the collaborative study of Wilson has to teach us about the status of democracy within psychoanalysis and the impassable dream, after all, the “via regia” to the unconscious and thus to psychoanalysis itself. This text situates psychoanalysis within the discipline of psychology, defining its constitutive difference in terms of its scientific concern “with the deeper psychic facts” (Bullitt and Freud, xiv). Like Freud’s study of other conjured analysands/artists—Christof Haizmann, Michelangelo, da Vinci etc.—this study uses the occasion of a certain therapeutic mourning to ponder the nature of analysis. With such broadly reflexive theoretical motifs in play, I turn, then, to think about the text’s evocation of the “undreamt.”

    This evocation occurs in Freud’s introduction and it attracts attention both because in a psychological study that otherwise makes comparatively scant reference to dreams (I will return to consider a decisive exception) this stands out, and because it evokes, if faintly, the philosophical problem of the Cartesian dream that may or may not be a dream. The relevant passage reads:

    Through a long laborious evolution we have learned to set frontiers between our psychic inner world and an outer world of reality. The latter we can understand only as we observe it, study it and collect discoveries about it. In this labor it has not been easy for us to renounce explanations which fulfilled our wishes and confirmed our illusions. But this self-conquest has repaid us. It has led us to an undreamed-of mastery over nature. (Bullitt and Freud xii)

    Prudence is called for here because, plainly enough, “undreamed-of mastery” has a certain colloquial force that, if rephrased, might be simply rendered as “a mastery beyond our wildest dreams,” where dream has a more anodyne, putatively non-analytical sense. But given the framing of the formulation, a framing that repeats the terms of Descartes’s dilemma (is he awake in the outer world, or “awake” in the inner one) where among other things science is groping around for its certainty, the notion that the fixity of nature’s frontier is secured through a mastery whose semantic authority resides in being “undreamed-of” gives the colloquialism a depth it might otherwise be said to lack. It might then make sense to hear in this passage, especially if we scan slowly over the “has led us to” (xii), the motif of passage, of achieving a limit, of leading “us” to what is undreamed—in effect, to the place of the dream in our thinking the unsteady and thus radically dubious frontier between the inner and the outer, the private and the public, psychoanalysis and politics.

    And this is only (in) the beginning. Throughout this study one finds near compulsive attention paid to the topic of impasse. Most typically, this takes the form of commentary like, “Graduated from Princeton in June 1879, he went in the autumn to the University of Virginia to study law, not because he wished to become a lawyer but because he considered law the ‘sure road’ to statesmanship” (89), or, in a different tonality, “his dyspepsia and headaches barred him from the path he hoped would lead to a career as a statesman until the spring of 1882. . . . The road to statesmanship seemed closed to him” (91). Given the narrative logic of all stories of Bildung, these figures are not uncommon, but such commentary also leads quickly to rather more tangled formulations of the sort we now recognize as bearing the imprint of a certain psychoanalytical reflection. The observation that his road seemed closed is followed by: “The flow of his libido through the channels of his activity toward both his father and mother was blocked” (91), a summative formulation that both stratifies the terrain over which Wilson is traveling (again, the inner and the outer; the latent and the manifest), and, through the language of flows and channels, situates the inner, as it were, at sea. Kofman’s teasing out of the aporia acquires renewed relevance as the impassable path to becoming a stateman begins to sound like the work of analysis. Although Freud spent far more time fleeing states than leading them, the drama of his leadership of the “movement” often thematized the matter of method, a drama transferred to epigones like Lacan who insistently and repeatedly entwined technique and tendency.

    The reader at this juncture knows to refer the preceding invocation of “activity both toward his father and his mother” back to the early chapters of the study where the authors (although here the material seems plainly written in the same hand that was composing the New Introductory Lectures on Psychoanalysis) are introducing the then fundamental concepts of psychoanalysis, specifically the concepts of primary narcissism, the libido, object choice, constitutive bisexuality, repression as opposed to sublimation, among several others. With a surprising, even brash frankness, the authors insist on human bisexuality, arguing that human civilization would be impossible without it, adding, in doctrinal fashion, that by sexuality is meant behavior, namely, being active, thus masculine, or passive, thus feminine. By virtue of this transposition, bisexuality loses its provocative relation to sexual difference. Just the same, in the characterization of Wilson’s activity toward both his father and his mother being impassable, what we realize is that his behavior toward them is deprived of a distinctly “masculine” discharge. Much of what the authors go on to do is to trace how tenaciously Wilson was haunted, even incapacitated by his struggle, typically unconscious, to reconcile his desire to be both active and passive in relation to his “incomparable father” (an epic simile that studs the study). Among the many things left unspoken by Bullitt and Freud is the oft-suggested proposition that Wilson was a homosexual, “an invert,” wanting desperately to be “loved” by his father while psychically masquerading as his mother. Restated in the language of Group Psychology, Wilson here is depicted as paralyzed as to which ‘Ego-Ideal’ to identify with, a stasis that divided his own position from itself, rendering the formation of the group/family unreal.

    The twin motifs of the impossible and the impassable dart in and out of the text, with the former most characteristically appearing when addressing Wilson’s Super-Ego. For example:

    In many cases this exaggeration is so excessive that the father with whom the little boy identifies himself, whose image becomes his Super-Ego, expands into the Almighty Father Himself: God. Such a Super-Ego continually demands the impossible from the Ego. No matter what the Ego may actually achieve in life, the Super-Ego is never satisfied with the achievement. It admonishes incessantly: You must make the impossible possible! You can accomplish the impossible! (Bullitt and Freud 41-2)

    While such expostulations certainly suggest an uncredited lyricist for “The Impossible Dream,” they also gesture toward, in the twisted topography of making the impossible possible, one of Freud’s great inventions: ambivalence. This concept appears toward the end of Freud’s introduction and it, “the fact or principle of ambivalence,” is used to designate the law that who one loves, say Wilson’s paternal Ego-Ideal, is at the same time (so not on different days, as it were) who one hates, say, the insatiable Super-Ego of the same person. Little more is said about ambivalence as such in the study, but readers of Freud will recognize “ambivalence” as a crucial theoretical operator in Totem and Taboo and, on that basis, know why this early text figures prominently in Group Psychology (see chapter X) where, as has been noted, Freud invokes the Wilson study directly, folding it into the completely incomplete Standard Edition. As if sending up a flare to illuminate the passable terrain ahead, ambivalence is what does and undoes what Wendy Brown has called the demos.5

    A thorough and thus responsible discussion of how Freud produces the concept of ambivalence in Totem will take me far afield, but since Derrida, with his characteristically brilliant perversity, has drawn attention to what innervates me about the problem of ambivalence, I turn there instead. It occurs in the middle of Before the Law,a text ostensibly about Lyotard’s Au juste (“just gaming” [playing fairly/only playing] in the Weber translation) and delivered at a Cerisy colloquium dedicated to Lyotard’s thought. Derrida there turns to Freud to link the latter’s account of the founding of moral law in Totem, to the predicament of Kafka’s “man from the country” in his confrontation with the law, represented by an open portal and a guardian posted “before” it. Much hangs on the chronotope of Kafka’s Vor dem (in advance of, as opposed to, in front of) in the title. Ostensibly commenting on the burning issue of whether Freud believed that an actual primal hoard actually murdered an Urvater, the alignment of Freud and Kafka pivots on the matter of the impasse, the impossible. Elaborating on Freud’s account of the “ambivalence” of the murderous sons, Derrida writes:

    Morality is therefore born from a pointless crime that, at bottom, kills no one, that occurs too soon or too late, that puts an end to no power, and that, in truth, inaugurates nothing since it would have been necessary for repentance, and therefore morality, to have been already possible before the crime. (Before 45)

    Grafting this to Kafka’s narrative Derrida continues:

    If the law is fantastical, if its original location and its taking-place partake of the fabulous, it is understandable that “das Gesetz”should remain essentially inaccessible. . . . From being a quest to reach it, to stand before it, respectfully face to face, to be introduced to it and into it, the narrative becomes the impossible narrative of the impossible. The narrative of prohibition is a prohibited narrative. (47)

    The final sentence would appear to be yet another glancing riposte to Foucault who, in the mid-seventies, began to insist that law operated solely as a prohibition and could thus not serve as a general model of power. But more consequential is the way ambivalence (the sons’ love and hatred for the father) fans out into impasse, that is, the far from inconsequential matter of whether in Totem the “passage” from nature to culture is even possible. From the point of view of political philosophy, the vexed status of so-called natural law hangs in the balance here, as does Lévi-Strauss’s risky inclination, noted by Lacan, to think culture as a second nature.

    Now, if one considers that ambivalence designates not only the conflicted drives of the sons, but the entire passage from horde to a social group capable of moral self-governing, then the ambivalence so relentlessly and assiduously tracked in Wilson is no small thing. It is not idiosyncratic, and may well be part of the very structure of any social group, any demos whatsoever. This puts a rather different, but not irrelevant, spin on Bullitt and Freud’s repeated assertion that Wilson’s actions (or inactions) had world historical importance. When on 2 April 1917 President Wilson addressed both houses of the US Congress to declare war on Germany, he justified this proposed course of action—one he had been assiduously trying to avoid—by insisting that war was necessary to make the “world safe for democracy.” This Orwellian twining of war and democracy was framed precisely as of consequence for “the world.” Because “the peace without victory” ineptly negotiated by Wilson committed all parties to future war (simple ambivalence radicalized and projected diachronically), Bullitt and Freud, as if succumbing to Wilson’s self-delusion, conceded the worldly character of his policies, but hinted (passim) this derived from the psychoanalytical insight that, in fact, no social group (and not merely the church or the army) can cohere without ambivalence, without some insistent iteration of the impossible. From Derrida’s “Kafkaesque” perspective, psychoanalysis, as a human science, a sub-discipline of psychology, thus becomes the fabulous narrative of prohibition that narrates this impasse and thus acquires a fundamental, if foreclosed, status within democracy as such. To invoke George McGovern a final time: his credibility as a potential leader of the “free world” was seriously weakened, if not entirely undermined, when his running mate, Thomas Eagleton, was revealed by the press to have been therapeutically treated for depression. He was in analysis and democracy would not, could not be served by that.

    But I said earlier that a decisive (rare) dream in Thomas Woodrow Wilson: A Psychological Study deserved further comment. Now is the time. Technically, the dream is recurrent. Freud and Bullitt characterize it as one Wilson had from his days at Princeton until his death in Washington. Significantly, the dream is also only ever recounted in any detail in a letter written to his wife, Ellen Louise Axson. The letter reads:

    I did not realize until I got here [Bermuda] how hard hit my nerves have been by the happenings of the past month [the struggle over the formation of a Graduate College at Princeton]. Almost at once the days began to afford me relief, but the nights distressed me. The trouble latent in my mind came out in my dreams. Not till last night did the distress—the struggle all night with college foes, the sessions of hostile trustees, the confused war of argument and insinuation—cease. (qtd. in Bullitt and Freud 138)

    Aware that, in writing about Princeton (from the then British Overseas Territory of Bermuda), Wilson had asserted that “sinister influences” dominant at Princeton were manifesting as “dark forces” blocking his way, Freud and Bullitt interpret (and surely the notion of “latent” trouble attracted their attention) the adversary in the dream not simply as his colleague and former friend Andrew West, but in the guise of “the big dark man,” as Wilson’s father, the one who consistently demanded the impossible of him (121). Like Descartes’s dream populated by a series of men, each one offering to make sense of the dream, Wilson’s dream, in which figures a colleague and a father, is made sense of by two more men, Freud and Bullitt, by seeing the dark, aporetic forces as the agency in the unconscious of a “big dark man.” Significantly, this figure is, strictly speaking, a construction of analysis. It appears twice in the text and in neither instance is it attributed directly to Wilson. As this invites consideration of what Wilson’s dream occasions as a presentation of psychoanalytical practice, it deserves attention.

    Those irritated by Freud and Bullitt’s collaborative text may certainly point to, among many other things (some already mentioned), its apparent self-serving justification for Bullitt’s decision to resign from Wilson’s service in the wake of his failed diplomatic mission to Moscow. Bullitt’s entire resignation letter (complete with salutation and signature) takes up much of chapter XXXI. But even more problematical and thus far more irritating is the text’s deafening silence on the figure of the “big dark man.” Thomas Woodrow Wilson was born in 1856, four years prior to the Confederate raid on Fort Sumter. He was raised in Georgia by an “incomparable father” who was an ardent convert to the Confederate cause. His family owned slaves and his “Ego-Ideal” as a statesman (rather than the minister preferred by his father) was William Gladstone, Queen Victoria’s prime minster who declaimed eloquently (by the way, one of several voices captured on Edison’s phonograph)6 in defense of his family’s sugar interests in the “West Indies.” While attending Johns Hopkins University, Wilson befriended Thomas Dixon Jr. and, as film scholars will know, permitted David Wark Griffith to cite from Wilson’s work on the title cards in his adaptation of Dixon’s novel, The Clansman. During the early diplomatic maneuvering triggered by the German sinking of the Lusitania, Wilson even arranged to have The Birth of a Nation screened as part of the cultural events hosted by the White House. As a career diplomat and studio hack, Bullitt would almost certainly have known these “facts.”

    The issue here is not whether Wilson was a white supremacist (he is known to have disliked the film), but clearly the jump cut from “big dark man” to “father” is a precipitous construct. Considering, as they write in detailing Wilson’s embrace of Gladstone, that his father “wore the face of Gladstone” (Freud and Bullitt 84), the oneiric series traced in his letter to Ellen Axson running from West, to the “big dark man,” to his father might well imply that the “big dark man,” too, wore the face of Gladstone, that is, the face of a statesmen and phono-genic orator committed to channeling “dark forces.” Put differently, where precisely is the “big dark man”: the dream, the letter, the text, the analysis? Here the work of analysis itself stands forth as a locus of ambivalence, work where “father” (whether primordial or ordinary) races to foreclose what might otherwise become an interminable analysis, a quality of analysis that specifically invites the antemetabolic pairing: interpretation of dreams/dreams of interpretation. The interminable is its own impasse not only because it equates therapy and that hotel in California from which one can never leave, but because it holds interpretation at the dubious impasse of thinking the un-thought.

    The Freud and Bullitt collaboration leads us to the threshold of a problematic that suggests that the relation of analysis as a therapeutic practice to an actually existing democracy is essentially that of a dream. Democracies tend to treat the form of governmentality they embody as the dream content of all their citizens, without, however, taking very seriously what it means to treat this content as dreamed. At best they identify with the dreamers in John Lennon’s “Imagine,” forgetting that he had also publicly apologized for his domestic violence. There is a link there that analysis constructs at its peril. It foments radical doubt about living in the world as one. The moment of the Wilson study falls at the early end of a therapeutic trajectory that sees Freud’s reticence about the treatability of psychosis exploited as a justification for preferring other means, notably pharmaceutical (but not only), for protecting democracy from its “enemies” within.7 Perhaps then a dim anticipation of the extra-clinical fate of psychoanalytical interpretation motivates the following from the introductory material signed by Freud:

    To be sure, when I was led through the influence of Bullitt to a more thorough study of the life of the President, this emotion [antipathy and distrust] did not remain unchanged. A measure of sympathy developed; but sympathy of a special sort mixed with pity, such as one feels when reading Cervantes for his hero, the naïve cavalier of La Mancha. (Bullitt and Freud xiii)

    Freud is attempting to reassure readers that the collaboration with Bullitt is not motivated by uninformed hostility (“anti-Americanism”) and for that reason unworthy of their attention. Completed in the early thirties and, thus, when it was becoming increasingly obvious that the war to end all wars was rapidly precipitating others, his antipathy to Wilson is impossible to deny. But, as if anticipating the formulation about the “undreamed-of mastery” that results from a psychoanalytically guided tamping down of aggression, Freud in this passage invokes his response to the dreamer of the impossible dream: sympathy mixed with pity. Quixote emerges as Christ’s ambivalent twin. Freud and Bullitt are convinced that because Wilson insisted on being taken as the latter, Wilson the Redeemer, his love of democracy expressed itself as hatred, his willingness to sacrifice it. Perhaps even unthinkingly, but certainly as an expression of what we glibly call “his issues.” The ambivalence of Freud’s response to Quixote leaves unstated the outcome of his joust with the windmills of the mind, but the temptation is strong to read him as urging one to restate Descartes’ doubt: is this really existing democracy, or it is it a dream synthesized by the malin genie? While hesitating at this doubtful impasse Wilson’s America can ask, who or what is this malin genie obstructing “our” path to democracy and how do we think where we cannot think to think? Stated less pessimistically, what finally is a dream and why is it such a common way to name America’s vanishing present?

    Footnotes

    1. Many readers will be aware that I am here summoning several themes common in the work of the “late” Derrida. Each deserves, and in some cases has received, essays of their own. Having heard Derrida lecture on “forgiveness” at UC Irvine shortly before his death, it feels appropriate to tease out the motif of impossibility by way of reference to this term. If one accepts that forgiveness is more than an ordinary solicitation of compassion or empathy, that it is, in some sense, a special request, then one is obliged to acknowledge that what makes the request special is the demand it imposes on the other, the one from whom forgiveness is sought. The limit case of such a demand is the request to be forgiven for the absolutely unforgivable (e.g. the atrocities of Apartheid). Anything short of that is commonplace, perhaps even trivial, in effect, unworthy of the request. Derrida concludes that to forgive what is unforgivable, thus what is solely worthy of forgiveness is impossible. Not because it is too much to ask, but because no response, even Bartleby’s (“I would prefer not to”), is either adequate or avoidable. Such is the impossible possibility of forgiveness. See Derrida, On Cosmopolitanism and Forgiveness.

    2. The reader of Freud will recognize here an evocation of the analysis of group psychology to be found in his study from 1921, Group Psychology and Analysis of the Ego, a text treated by many as Freud’s most decisive statement on psychoanalysis and society. All philological matters aside, what does appear in this intertext is a homology linking America to the libidinal formations of the church and the army, a homology that brings democracy and fascism into precisely the constellation later bemoaned and interrogated by many figures affiliated with the Institute for Social Research in Frankfurt. This, of course, is a way to think about the impasse of democracy that while not making explicit reference to the dream whether possible or impossible, recognizes in the psychic formation of groups the explicit day residues that populate dreams with “big men.” A recent issue of The European Journal of Psychoanalysis, through a commemorative reading of Die Massenpsychologie (1921 – 2021), has explored these matters in considerable detail.

    3. In his seminar on the Freudian thing, Lacan invokes the locution “They don’t realize we are bringing them the plague,” attributing it directly to Jung with whom he claims to have spoken. Given the fateful significance attributed to his always having missed an encounter with Freud, we have no particular reason to doubt Lacan on the matter, even as we may demur on the question of whether the locution is verbatim. See “The Freudian Thing” in Ecrits (336).

    4. In “To Bury Freud on Wilson,” Campbell goes into some detail about Anna Freud’s role in attempting to suppress information about Freud’s contribution to the project. Reporting on Anna Freud’s interactions with the editor at Houghton and Mifflin, Alick Bartholomew, Campbell quotes from a letter in which Bartholomew writes: “Miss Anna Freud feels most strongly that publication of the manuscript as it is [deemed “repetitious”] would be harmful to her father’s contribution to scientific thought” (52), adding later that she worried that the book would also appear too “un-American” (53).

    5. In her 2015 study, Undoing the Demos, Brown carefully traces the emergence of neoliberalism, showing how it aggravates the liberal distinction between democracy (as a form of government) and capital (as an economic system), ultimately sacrificing democracy (undoing it) to a logic of financialization that seeks to subordinate all human activity to markets whether local or global. Here the proposition that markets are best administered through democratic polities is obliged to assert and hold the opposite, namely that markets operate most purely when all democratic encroachments (whether social, political or cultural) are undone. Strictly speaking then, the neoliberal relation between democracy and capital is ambivalent. In my epigraph, Brown summarizes by stressing that democracy becomes unrealizable. Her evocation of the “dream,” however, invites the transposition of the unrealizable as the impassable, underscoring, even faintly, the pertinence of a more analytically inflected sense democracy’s dream. Democracy is dreamed because we are blocked from living it; we are blocked from living it, because it is only (“essentially’) a dream. Although Frank Baum’s The Wizard of Oz can be read as a “mourning-play’ about the loss of gold as the “general equivalent,” Fleming’s film is a clear and widely popular allegory about the no-place of home (middle America) and the dream that mediates Dorothy’s relation to it. This time the malin genie, like surviving sister, turns out to be good.

    6. Many of Edison’s recordings have been preserved by the National Park Service of the United States. They are held in New Jersey at the National Historical Park in West Orange. Gladstone speech is titled, “To Edison from Colonel Gourand, Introducing Mr. Gladstone—‘The Phonograph’s Salutation’.” Its object catalogue number is EDIS 39852. As this might suggest, the speech is one made for the device, not a speech recorded live by the device, a specification called for both by the relay of voices and the notion that the phonograph is conducting a greeting to the speaker.

    7. Jonathan Metzl in The Protest Psychosis has traced how the psychosis of schizophrenia morphed within clinical discourse to become the means by which to understand the violent elements of the Civil Rights Movement, thus neutralizing psychoanalytic therapy in principle with regard to thinking the impasses of US democracy in the fifties and sixties.

    Works Cited

    • Brown, Wendy. Undoing the Demos: Neoliberalism’s Stealth Revolution. Zone Books, 2015.
    • —. “How Neoliberalism Threatens Democracy.” Conducted by Robert Johnson, YouTube, uploaded by New Economic Thinking, 25 May 2016, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZMMJ9HqzRcE.
    • Cage, John. “Lecture on Nothing.” Silence: Lectures and Writings by John Cage, Wesleyan UP, 1973, pp. 109-27.
    • Campbell, J. F. “To Bury Freud on Wilson: Uncovering Thomas Woodrow Wilson, A Psychological Study, by Sigmund Freud and William C. Bullitt.” Modern Austrian Literature,vol. 41, no. 2, 2008, pp. 41- 56.
    • Derrida, Jacques. Before the Law. Translated by Sandra Van Reenen and Jacques de Ville, Univocal, 2018.
    • —. “Cogito in the History of Madness.” Writing and Difference, translated by Alan Bass, U Chicago P, 1978, pp. 31-63.
    • —. On Cosmopolitanism and Forgiveness. Translated by Mark Dooley and Michael Hughes, Routledge, 2001.
    • “Webinar on the Centennial of Sigmund Freud’s Massenpsychologie un ich-analyse.” European Journal of Psychoanalysis, journal-psychoanalysis.eu. Accessed 14 Jul. 2021.
    • Foucault, Michel. The History of Madness. Edited by Jean Khalfa, translated by Jean Khalfa and Jonathan Murphy, Routledge, 2006.
    • —. “My Body, This Paper, This Fire.” Translated by Geoff Bennington. Oxford Literary Review, vol. 4, no. 1, Edinburgh University Press, 1979, pp. 9–28. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/43973606.
    • Freud, Sigmund. The Standard Edition of the Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud. Edited and translated by James Strachey, Vintage, 2001.
    • —, and William C. Bullitt. Thomas Woodrow Wilson: A Psychological Study. Transaction, 1999.
    • King, Martin Luther. “The Negro and the American Dream.” Address at the Annual Freedom Mass Meeting of the North Carolina State Conference of Branches of the NAACP, 25 Sept. 1960, Charlotte, North Carolina, https://kinginstitute.stanford.edu/king-papers/documents/negro-and-american-dream-excerpt-address-annual-freedom-mass-meeting-north. Excerpt. Accessed 10 Nov. 2021.
    • Kofman, Sarah. “Beyond Aporia?” Post-structuralist Classics, edited by Andrew Benjamin, Routledge, 1988, pp. 7-44.
    • Lacan, Jacques. Ecrits. Translated by Bruce Fink, Norton, 2009.
    • Metzl, Jonathan. The Protest Psychosis: How Schizophrenia Became a Black Disease. Beacon Press, 2009.
    • Peeters, Benoît. Derrida: A Biography. Translated by Andrew Brown, Polity, 2013.
    • Rancière, Jacques. The Aesthetic Unconscious. Translated by Debra Keates and James Swenson, Polity, 2009.
    • —. Disagreement: Politics and Philosophy. Translated by Julia Rose, Minnesota UP, 2004.
    • —. Hatred of Democracy. Translated by Steve Corcoran, Verso, 2006.
    • Said, Edward. “Criticism Between Culture and System.” The World, the Text, and the Critic, Vintage, 1991, pp. 178-225.
    • Schorske, Carl E. “Politics and Patricide in Freud’s Interpretation of Dreams.” The American Historical Review, vol. 78, no. 2, 1973, pp. 328-47. U of Chicago P, https://doi.org/10.2307/1861171.
    • Žižek, Slavoj. Looking Awry: An Introduction to Jacques Lacan Through Popular Culture. MIT Press, 1992.
  • Resistance and Biopower: Shame, Cynicism, and Struggle in the Era of Neoliberalism and the Alt-Right

    A. Kiarina Kordela (bio)

    Abstract

    This essay examines the relation between neoliberalism and the alt-right, showing that their shared cynical amoralism elevates irresponsibility to the level of absolute morality, such that the Democrats’ exhortation to shame proves counterproductive. The alt-right’s outrage-inducing effect on the Democrats is due to its double relation to biopower: insofar as biopower governs the society of shameless jouissance, the alt-right conforms to the biopolitical rules and flaunts its own modes of jouissance; but insofar as biopower must hide its political nature, the alt-right breaks the rules by revealing biopower’s hidden (sovereign) underside. This raises the question of whether resistance should operate according to the rules of overt or covert sovereignty.

    Politics of Cynicism and Shame

    In a 2018 Current Affairs article titled “The Politics of Shame,”1 Briahna Joy Gray explains the Democrats’ practice of shaming the alt-right by noting that “Trump’s policies hurt people,” and

    given the easy-to-anticipate consequences of their votes, Trump voters do seem like bad people who should be ashamed. . . . [A] high level of outrage is appropriate to the circumstances. If you’re not outraged, you’re not taking seriously enough the harm done to the immigrant families torn apart by ICE [Immigration and Customs Enforcement].

    Whereas in general “we’re often encouraged to engage more civilly with ‘people who disagree with us’,” Gray adds, what sets our current situation apart is that

     the divergent value systems reflected by America’s two major political parties cut to the core of who we are. They are not necessarily mere disagreements, but deep moral schisms, which is why . . . [m]ere fact-based criticisms of various policy positions feel inadequate, as if they trivialize the moral issues involved. . . . [V]arious beliefs, themselves, are shameful. No wonder, then, that the shared impulse isn’t just to disagree, but to “drag,” destroy, and decimate. (Gray)

    Gray’s reference to morality points to a tendency toward what we might call the moralization of politics, but we should not misinterpret such a moralization as a slackening of the political itself. Rather, Gray’s reference to the existence of a current “moral schism” between two inimical, belligerent American parties indicates that today’s conflict has become properly political, at least if we follow Carl Schmitt’s definition. According to Schmitt, the “criterion of the political” is “the distinction of friend and enemy” insofar as it “denotes the utmost degree of intensity of a union or separation, of an association or dissociation” (Concept 26). The “friend” and “enemy . . . concepts refer to the real possibility of physical killing,” or “war,” as “the existential negation of the enemy,” which “is the most extreme consequence of enmity” (33). To be sure, as the criterion of the political, war “does not have to be common, normal, something ideal, or desirable. But it must nevertheless remain a real possibility” (33). He continues:

    It is by no means as though the political signifies nothing but devastating war and every political deed a military action. . . after all, could not the politically reasonable course reside in avoiding war? . . . War is neither the aim nor the purpose nor even the very content of politics. But as an ever present possibility it is the leading presupposition which determines in a characteristic way human action and thinking and thereby creates a specifically political behavior. (33-4)

    “Political” for Schmitt means “polemical”: “a friend-enemy grouping” that couldlead to “war or revolution” (30), but does not need to result in actual war or revolution. If, to repeat Gray, the “shared impulse” in today’s “moral schisms” is to “destroy, and decimate,” then morality too has become political. Indeed, Schmitt notes, “the political can derive its energy from the most varied human endeavors, from the religious, economic, moral, and other antitheses” (Concept 38). Like the economic or religious or other “human endeavors,” the moral does not detract from the political but provides one possible antithesis through which the political emerges. Any human antithesis can “become the new substance of the political entity” if it is “in a position to decide upon the extreme possibility” of war (Schmitt, Concept 39). In Schmitt’s words: “the political entity . . . is the decisive entity for the friend-or-enemy grouping; and in this (and not in any kind of absolutist sense), it is sovereign. Otherwise the political entity is nonexistent” (39). For instance, “a class in the Marxian sense ceases to be something purely economic and becomes a political factor . . . when Marxists approach the class struggle seriously and treat the class adversary as a real enemy and [fight] him” (37). If it were possible, Schmitt continues,

    to group all mankind in the proletarian and bourgeois antithesis, as friend and enemy in proletarian and capitalist states, and if, in the process, all other friend-and-enemy groupings were to disappear, the total reality of the political would then be revealed, insofar as concepts, which at first glance had appeared to be purely economic, turn into political ones. (38)

    If class is the decisive entity that draws the line between friend and enemy when the political manifests itself as an economic antithesis, then what is the decisive entity that makes the two major American parties enemies in today’s manifestation of the political qua moral antithesis? We should be able to respond to this question by the end of this section.

    Despite her reference to Trump’s policies, Gray asserts that the “feature that makes Trump unique, and the focus of a particular kind of outrage and contempt, is not his policy prescriptions or even his several hundred thousand character failings,” but “his shamelessness”—an evidently rampant shamelessness, because “even when it appears as if Trump is on the verge of an apology or admission, he quickly lapses back into shamelessness.” She observes that “Trump is not the first president or popular public figure to be accused of sexual assault—it’s a crowded field these days,” and “God knows plenty of presidents have been horrible people.” But,Gray continues, “he was the first” who, “instead of following the prescribed political ritual for making amends after being caught . . . chose to go on the offensive.” Or, to take another of Gray’s example,

    nepotism may be as old as the Borgias, but the boldness with which Trump has appointed family members and their agents to positions of authority still manages to stun. And while nuclear brinksmanship was a defining feature of 20th century presidencies, never before has the “leader of the free world” literally bragged about the size of his big red button and attempted to fat-shame the leader of a rival nuclear power.

    And the list of examples goes on. This shamelessness does not accompany unprecedented or extraordinary acts of cruelty or corruption. Rather, these are expectable, quasi-routine acts perpetrated by politicians, but disrobed of the conventional observance of established moral decorum. This practice shares the same logic Peter Sloterdijk calls “postmodern cynicism,” namely the attitude that “takes into account the particular interest behind the [professed] ideological universality,” in Slavoj Žižek’s succinct formulation (Sublime 29). For instance, when “confronted with . . . robbery,” cynicism responds “that legal enrichment is a lot more effective and . . . protected by the law,” as in Bertolt Brecht’s “what’s the robbery of a bank compared to the founding of a new bank?” (30). Postmodern cynicism unreservedly acknowledges the violence, exploitation, and corruption perpetrated by sovereign power, and constitutes a prevalent strategy among the alt-right today.

    The strategy of postmodern cynicism is also distinct from all other moral systems’ insofar as it claims to lie beyond morality, or—to put it in the terms of one of the first theorizers of this amorality—beyond good and evil. Friedrich Nietzsche’s amoralism is based on the assumption that economy rather than morality constitutes the essence of humanity; morality is a derivative of the human economic essence. In Nietzsche’s words, we find “the first indication of human pride, of a superiority over other animals” at the very moment when man saw himself as the being that measures values, the “assaying” animal. Purchase and sale, together with their psychological trappings, antedate even the rudiments of social organization and covenants. From its rudimentary manifestation in interpersonal laws, the incipient sense of barter, contract, guilt, right, obligation, compensation was projected into the crudest communal complexes . . . together with the habit of measuring power against power. The eye had been entirely conditioned to that mode of vision . . . [and] early mankind soon reached the grand generalization that everything has its price, everything can be paid for. Here we have the oldest and naivest moral canon of justice. (202-03) 

    Accordingly, Nietzsche continues, “punishment, being a compensation, has developed quite independently from any ideas about freedom of the will” (194), the latter being the precondition of morality. Rather, “culprits” whose status was originally that of a “debtor” (203) were not

    punished because they were felt to be responsible for their actions; not, that is, on the assumption that only the guilty were to be punished; rather, they were punished . . . out of rage at some damage suffered, which the doer must pay for. . . . [as if] for every damage there could somehow be found an equivalent, by which that damage might be compensated—if necessary in the pain of the doer. (195)

    In short, the “moral term Schuld (guilt) has its origin in the very material term Schulden (to be indebted)” in the economic sense (194). Out of this “ancient, deep-rooted . . . equivalency between damage and pain”—characteristic of “the basic practices of purchase, sale, barter, and trade” (195), “with the help of custom and the social straight-jacket” (190), and “liberally sprinkled with [the] blood” (197) of violent coercion and discipline—what we now call “conscience” (192) was developed: specifically, “‘bad conscience’” or “the consciousness of guilt” (194). The result is “man . . . tamed . . . but by no means improved; rather the opposite” (216). Nietzsche “take[s] bad conscience to be a deep-seated malady to which man succumbed under the pressure of the most profound transformation he ever underwent—the one that made him once and for all a sociable and pacific creature” (217). In this transformation it is not that the “old instincts had abruptly ceased making their demands”; rather, “they had to depend on new, covert satisfactions” (217) as they had to “turn inward,” which Nietzsche calls “man’s interiorization” (217). In this way, “hostility, cruelty, the delight in persecution, raids, excitement, destruction all turned against their begetter” and “man began rending, persecuting, terrifying himself, like a wild beast hurling itself against the bars of its cage” (218). This is the foundation of the rich array of feelings of remorse, shame, compunction, scruples, and penitence as a reaction to one’s own evil-doings—doings that, if they did not exist, would have to be invented to satisfy the demands of the old instincts. Therefore, according to the amoralist explanation of morality, one is a priori guilty.

                This inference is shared by thinkers as diverse as Augustine of Hippo and Franz Kafka, but the conclusions derived from it differ widely. The cynical amoralist concludes that, in order to free oneself from the cage of guilt and its bad conscience, one would first need to have “relegated both good and evil to the realm of figments” (Nietzsche 216)—that is, to imaginary notions like the ones people construct when they want to explain their fate as the manifestation of God’s will. Nietzsche summarizes Spinoza’s notion of God’s will as “subordinating God to fate,” which “result[s] in the worst absurdity” because God is supposed to be absolutely free (216). If a stone falls on my head and kills me, this accident is neither an evil (unjust or undeserved) occurrence nor a good one (just and deserved as punishment for some wrongdoing of mine) (see Spinoza’s Ethics, Part I, Appendix). Human freedom depends on the recognition of God’s absolute freedom. It would follow that the only person who is truly free—and hence ethical—does not fall prey to the fictions of good and evil constructed by the manufacturers of bad conscience who cater to social norms. According to our current social norms, evil policy prescriptions and character failings include torturing people, separating families, ignoring environmental destruction, committing sexual assault, and practicing nepotism and brinksmanship. These actions are supposed to incite feelings of bad conscience in those caught committing them. But the reasoning of cynical amoralism provides a model through which we can understand how the alt-right may perceive itself as “truly ethical” insofar as it appears to act beyond good and evil by showing no remorse and proceeding without shame. Note also that, as follows from the above line of thought, appearing to act beyond good and evil amounts to appearing to act beyond fiction and ideology—a point to which we shall return below. If this is the case, then the response to Gray’s question (“How effective is shame as a tactic?”)—that is, how effective is the Democratic attempt to instigate shame in the alt-right for its actions?—is clearly negative. The Democrats’ exhortation to shame is not simply ineffective but also counterproductive, because shame or any feeling indicative of bad conscience would be evidence of the alt-right’s defeat in their struggle against (the imaginary construct of) bad conscience. The morality of postmodern cynicism is simply immune to bad conscience, shame, and their cognates because postmodern cynicism deems them all products of ideology and considers itself to be above ideology.

    Parenthetically, Gray also argues against the politics of shame for psychological reasons that remain within the framework of a conventional moralism that, unlike both Nietzsche’s and Kant’s, ignores the possibility of morality’s overlap with cruelty.2 Her reasoning is based on the findings of social science that show that “shaming is an ineffective strategy for motivating moral behavior”:

    [t]he person experiencing shame thinks “what a horrible person I am,” and searches for a way to preserve [his or her] self-esteem. . . . Feeling their entire self-image under attack, shame-prone individuals are more likely to externalize blame and lash out destructively, including physically and verbally. . . . shamed individuals are prone to “turn the tables defensively” and direct their anger toward “a convenient scapegoat.”

    For this reason, Gray differentiates between shame and guilt, championing the latter because shame “provokes a holistic negative self-evaluation” that “impedes one’s ability to internalize and learn from bad behavior” and “is uniquely hard on the ego,” which can have “disastrous” results. By contrast, guilt “causes us to isolate and rehabilitate a specific ‘bad’ behavior,” and “evokes ‘other-oriented empathy,’” which “is more likely to lead to behavioral change.” Gray concludes that “in practice,” the politics of shame “is a mistake” because the concept of “bad behavior” is meaningful only if the perpetrator of the act and the judging voice that declares the act to be bad share a value system as to what is bad and what good. If I consider what you judge as “bad behavior” to be good based on my own value system, then I can neither think that “I am a horrible person” (the purported effect of shame) nor that “I did a bad thing” (the purported effect of guilt). In fact, even if we share the same value system, I could still deem good an admittedly bad behavior toward somebody if, for instance, I were to perceive it as a just punishment that I inflict on them (the foundation of any legal system). Therefore, the otherwise important distinction between guilt and shame—or any other feelings one could relate to what Nietzsche calls “bad conscience”—is irrelevant in this context.3 Instead, cynical amoralists will give up their actions (policies or behaviors) only if it becomes evident either that they fail to amass more power (Nietzsche’s point) or if the ground of amoralism itself—the assumption of operating beyond good and evil—is destroyed, forcing them to acknowledge that they have never extricated themselves from the realm of conscience (or, put differently, that they never left the realm of ideology).

    The fundamental fallacy in this reading of Nietzsche (and, a fortiori, of Spinoza) lies in assuming that there is a political space beyond ideology.4 The false assumption that we are in a post-ideological era governed exclusively by objective laws—primarily those of the market—constitutes the trunk of neoliberalism, of which the alt-right is one branch. The (ostensibly post-ideological) logic that enables the invocation of the “laws of the market” as the last decisive instance of all action also claims the obsolescence of any distinction beyond good and evil in any action. But because of the fallacy in this logic shared by neoliberalism and the alt-right, their pretense to post-ideological amoralism cannot be taken at face value. In fact, if anything can undermine the alt-right, it would be not shame but its own ideological presuppositions. We shall return to this in the last section. For now, we can conclude that the response to our initial question—“What is the decisive entity that makes the two major American parties enemies in today’s manifestation of the political qua moral antithesis?”—is double. One the one hand, as with the case of the economic antithesis, that entity is class, understood to mean different strata of various forms of power (in economy, representation, visibility, virality, etc.). On the other hand, it is the acknowledgment or denial of the ubiquity of ideology. If one denies the ubiquity of ideology, one perceives power as the sole political motivation; and if one acknowledges the ubiquity of ideology, one considers it the means of obtaining not the glorification of a God or a State, but power.

    Sovereignty, Biopower, and Enjoyment           

    Another aspect of Trump’s uniqueness relates to the Democrats’ frequent comparison of his politics with those of a totalitarian leader of the fascist or Nazi type. When in office, Trump often presented his policies (and his own actions) as those of a sovereign rather than as those of a leader of a properly biopolitical power. As Michel Foucault says, by the nineteenth century, “sovereignty’s old right . . . to take life or let live . . . came to be complemented by a new right . . . or rather precisely the opposite right,” namely biopower, which “is the power to ‘make’ live and ‘let’ die” (History 241). Biopower operates, in Foucault’s words, on the principle that the function of political power is to “exert . . . a positive influence on life,” to “optimize and multiply it,” “to take control of life, to manage it . . . to explore and reduce biological accidents and possibilities” (History 136-40; “Society” 261). In short, biopower’s outmost “object and objective” is to protect and enhance human life as such, unconditionally, when death is proven to be humanly and technologically inevitable. Contemporary political power is marked by a tension between sovereignty and biopower, and contemporary democracy presents itself as operating exclusively through biopower (not sovereignty) the more illegitimate its acts of killing become: “How will the [sovereign] power to kill and the function of murder operate in this technology of power [biopower], which takes life as both its object and its objective?” (“Society” 254). Foucault responds that biopower can legitimately designate its enemy only through a “racism” of an “evolutionist” kind. If racism is generally a “way of introducing . . . the break between what must live and what must die,” evolutionist or biopolitical racism does so through the logic that “‘the more inferior species die out . . . the more I—as a species . . . —can live, the stronger I will be’” (“Society” 254-55). Biopolitical racism segregates inferior from superior species by constructing the former as a form of subhuman life that must die or be banned in order for (superior) human life to continue to live and thrive. This racism is indispensable in biopolitics because when all human life is deemed sacred, the only life that can legitimately be destroyed cannot be human; it must be subhuman. Therefore, Foucault concludes, this racist “play is . . . inscribed in the workings of all . . . modern States” (“Society” 260), because biopower cannot exercise its sovereign right to kill unless its victims—the “enemy”—are constructed as subhuman.5 Indeed, as I argue elsewhere, America’s military targets in the post-Cold-War era are increasingly constructed as the enemies of the values that the same biopolitical discourse presents as constituting human dignity: freedom, democracy, individualism, human rights, etc.6 As the opponents of these intrinsically human values, enemies are constructed as subhuman—“terrorist” being one of the most popular designations. However, Trump and the alt-right do not always seem invested in constructing the “enemy” as subhuman. For example, immigrants must be kept away (or confined) in order to “make America great again”—that is, explicitly for the sake of American sovereignty. The alt-right selects its enemies according to the criteria of sovereignty, which openly disregard human life as such.7 In other words, part of the alt-right’s shameless and shocking demeanor includes revealing what in biopower must remain hidden: the fact that, pace its denial, biopower is a form of political power, which includes the sovereign right to kill (humans). Trump’s tragicomic exhibition of sovereign conduct scandalously exposes the political nature of biopower.8

    This exposure is a fundamental infringement of biopower—because biopower depends on its ability not to present itself as a form of political power. Jacques Lacan makes this crucial point in seminar XVII (1969-1970), arguing that the modern shift from the “discourse of the Master” (whose form of power is sovereignty) to the “discourse of the University” (biopower, as the form of power proper to capitalism) entails a radical shift in the relation between power and knowledge. The new, modern, or capitalist face of authority is knowledge itself, by which is meant “not knowledge of everything . . .  but all-knowing [non pas savoir-de-tout . . . mais tout-savoir],” that is, “nothing other than knowledge,” not mastery or power, but pureknowledge, which is said to be “objective knowledge” or “science,” or what “in ordinary language is called the bureaucracy” (Le Séminaire. Livre XVII 34; Book XVII 31). Lacan defines biopower as the form of power that denies its political character and presents itself not as the bearer of mastery but as the body of an unquestionable knowledge because it consists of objective, scientific, or purely procedural truths, whether in the form of bureaucracy, science, or the laws of the market. It is a power that hides its nature behind what passes as, in Marie-Hélène Brousse’s words, the “globalizing logic of the market and procedures” (259), whereby, per Alenka Zupančič, “political struggles and antagonisms . . . try to hide behind supposedly neutral laws of economy or intelligence reports” (176). Biopower endeavors to depoliticize the political, both (in the Schmittian sense) by pretending that it has no (human) “enemies”—because all human life is unconditionally sacred—and (in the Lacanian sense) by presenting itself not as a body of power but as a scientifically neutral body of knowledge. Neoliberalism is a natural child of biopower, and here the alt-right branches off from neoliberalism despite their common “post-ideological” trunk insofar as the former flaunts its sovereign rights.9

    It is no accident that Lacan’s opposition to biopower pivots around the invocation of shame, specifically the shame that results from the loss of one’s honor. Prior to biopower’s elevation of life as such to the highest value, it was considered a virtue for people to value their honor more highly than their lives. In 1970, Lacan draws attention to the irreconcilability of biopower and shame by opening “his final lesson of The Other Side of Psychoanalysis” with the phrase “to die of shame” (Lacan qtd. in Miller 11). To be willing to die of shame—to be willing to kill oneself or others out of shame—presupposes that one elevates honor over life as such, which is a strictly anti-biopolitical ideal. As Jacques-Alain Miller remarks in his essay “On Shame,” contemporary power places “what is traditionally expressed as primum vivere” (“Live first”) over honor; or, inversely, the shift of power from sovereignty to biopower is accompanied by “the disappearance of honor” insofar as biopower “instates the primum vivere as supreme value,” saving “the ignominious life, the ignoble life, life without honor” (18). One may think that the two phenomena required for the dominance of biopower—the decline (or concealment) of sovereignty and the disappearance of honor—have as their corollary the demise of the aristocracy and the nobility as the primary representatives and bearers of mastery and honor. Yet in that 1970 seminar, Lacan exemplifies dying of shame by referencing François Vatel, who was not a noble but a servant who in 1671 committed suicide by running himself through two or three times with a sword he had fixed to the door handle of his room. His reason for doing so was his sense of dishonor for failing to complete the preparations for a three-day feast that the Prince de Condé had ordered for the entire court, of which Vatel was in charge. Evidently, as Miller notes, Lacan’s choice of Vatel “is there to tell us” that when honor is placed above life, not only the nobility but also “a valet can sacrifice his life for the sake of honor” (18).  

                Clearly the shame invoked by Lacan is not the same as the kind that Democrats would like to instigate among the alt-right. Lacan’s is the shame of putting survival (life as such) above honor, power, or any other ideal an individual (or a group or a society) may have, whereas the shame that the alt-right refuses to show is that of disrespecting human life as such. The fate of shame in biopower is to decline in its Lacanian sense and thrive (through both its absence and the demand for its presence) in the sense of shame for disrespecting human life as such. Indeed, while Lacan argues that, far from being the prerogative of the nobility, honor and shame for failing ideals belong to everybody, his stance toward the 1969 Paris student movement indexes his premonition that biopower eventually deprives everybody of both. Miller pursues this line of thought by noting that Lacan’s position on shame is determined by the fact that his “fundamental debate” is with “globalization . . . Americanization or . . . utilitarianism, that is, with the reign of what Kojève calls the Christian bourgeois” (27), whose characteristics are first defined by Hegel and then elaborated in detail by Max Weber in his Protestantism and the Spirit of Capitalism. When, in his 1959-1960 seminar The Ethics of Psychoanalysis, Lacan says, “without any objections being raised” at that moment, that “the movement the world we are living in is caught up in . . . an amputation, sacrifices, indeed a kind of puritanism in the relationship to desire” (qtd. in Miller 12), his referent is the world of precisely this Christian bourgeoisie. While up to 1960 “it was still possible to say that capitalism . . . was coordinated with Puritanism,” by 1969-1970, in his seminar The Other Side of Psychoanalysis, “this diagnosis . . . is . . . outdated,” for “the new mode . . . is rather that of permissiveness” (Miller 12).  A new era has begun in which “what can sometimes be the cause of difficulty is the prohibition on prohibiting,” all of which makes evident the fact “that capitalism has disconnected itself from Puritanism” (12). Thus, “in the final chapter of The Other Side of Psychoanalysis,” Lacan’s discontent with the capitalist civilization finds expression “in the statement ‘There is no longer any shame’” (12). And in the famous impromptu at Vincennes in December of 1969, Lacan reproaches (and, in fact, attempts to shame) the students of the day for advocating for a world with no shame and for putting themselves “in a place of impudence” (26). Lacan’s diagnosis that by 1970 “there is no longer any shame” means that “we are at the time of an eclipse of the Other’s gaze as the bearer of shame” (15). Instead of making us ashamed, by the end of the 1960s, the Other clearly exhorts us to “Look at them enjoying!”—and by “them” is meant all of us, because in the society of the spectacle “the look that one solicits” is “turning reality into a spectacle” (15). The internet, Facebook, Twitter, and “selfies” today seal what had already transpired in Lacan’s television days: that the society of the spectacle aspires to be a reality show. Fifty years after Vincennes, the death of shame has been sealed for good, as the students’ unconscious motto at the time (“Look at them enjoying!”) has today become “the dominant discourse [that] enjoins one not to be ashamed of one’s jouissance” (Miller 27). The primacy of life as such has as its corollary the demand for universal tolerance of jouissance.

    And the paradox of the right to one’s jouissance begins with the fact that extending this universal injunction (for everyone to publicize their own mode of jouissance and, consequently, to tolerate others’ modes) to its logical conclusion permits any mode of jouissance. The same imperative—“do not be ashamed of your jouissance!”—entails as much the demand to respect religious and cultural differences or to legitimize LGBT+ rights as to respect the license to enjoy, say, chauvinism, homophobia, misogyny, racism, nationalism, or any other conceivable mode of jouissance. In this light, what Gray and others describe as Trump’s and the alt-right’s shameless attitude reveals itself as the logical counterpart of the very socio-sexual politics of tolerance and shameless enjoyment supported by the Democrats or, more accurately, by the logic of biopolitics. To be sure, in the eyes of the Democrats, the chauvinist mode of jouissance is as morally inferior as the practice of abortion (or a transsexual or an alien who alloys the purity of the nation) may be for the alt-right. But both the Democrats and the alt-right play according to the rules of biopower and the society of the spectacle: the rules of one’s right to shameless enjoyment. This is an innovative change in the rules of the game, because the traditional Right has always defined itself in opposition to (shameless) jouissance. What infuriates today’s Democrats is that the alt-right no longer plays according to these traditional, moralizing rules, but according to the rules of the by-now dominant discourse—the rules of the shameless enjoyment of one’s jouissance—which the Democrats had in the past taken for their own exclusive prerogative. The paradox of the right to any jouissance reveals the self-contradiction in the politics of tolerance, owing to the fact that jouissance cannot be equally distributed.10 There is a “reservation implied by the field of the right-to-jouissance” for the simple reason that one’s jouissance gets in the way of, restricts, or offends the jouissance of another (Lacan, Book XX 3). To recapitulate, the alt-right’s outrage- and hostility-inducing effect on the Democrats results from its double relation to biopower: insofar as biopower governs the society of shameless jouissance, the alt-right adopts the rules of the biopolitical game and flaunts its own modes of jouissance; but insofar as biopower must hide its political nature, the alt-right breaks the rules of biopower by revealing its hidden (sovereign) underside.

    Struggle in Biopower

    Perhaps because jouissance cannot become the object of equitable distribution, democracies have traditionally tried to keep any (at least explicit) reference to it outside the domain of the political. But neoliberal populism seems to have effected a shift whereby some commentators speak of the replacement of the political with a discourse on matters reminiscent of jouissance.11 In an article in the German newspaper Die Zeit, Bernd Stegemann writes of the “biopolitical perfecting of everyday life”:

    The central purpose of liberal populism is the promotion of subjective optimization and the concealment of all systemic inequalities. For capital does not fear anything more than suddenly becoming visible…. For where capital can no longer be held responsible, the interests of the people can no longer be enforced. The systematic irresponsibility of bankers and politicians is a concrete consequence of this policy. And the compensation for economic inequality takes place in the symbolic order by promoting individual liberties in the field of identity politics. To put it bluntly: the biopolitical perfection of everyday life and the language rules of political correctness have taken the place of class struggle. While the bourgeois middle is pleased with the uplifting of general morality, all others have been robbed of the language to formulate their class interests. (my trans.)

    Stegemann’s observations indicate a clear class discrepancy between the “bourgeois middle” and “all others,” but his further analysis complicates things by pointing to a shift in morality that relates directly to cynical amoralism. Unlike the traditional bourgeois morality that we know from Henrik Ibsen’s plays, whose heroes were

    culpable for their actions and hoped that their guilt would not come to light, the bourgeois subjects of postmodernism today are frank about their guilt. Of course, everyone knows that slaves need to work for our smartphones and that our wealth is based on the exploitation of the whole world. But the paradox of this knowledge today is that those who most loudly acknowledge their complicity benefit most from public recognition. This paradoxical effect is only possible because the connection between culpable action and personal consequences seems to have been dissolved. (Stegemann, my trans.)

    In the face of a radical absence of personal responsibility, the sole remaining moral act consists in the honest acknowledgment of one’s complicity, so that the more complicit one is, the more moral one appears to be.

    The key point here is that the dissolution between “culpable action and personal consequences” effectively means the dissolution between complicity and any sense of guilt. This happens in a somewhat convoluted way. First, the (bourgeois) guilt is both universal and a priori because the exploitation is taken for granted, as a state of affairs both necessary and impossible to change. Next, therefore, the bourgeoisie has only two options: either admit that it benefits from this exploitation or pretend that it does not. With sincerity on its side, the former is perceived as moral, the latter as amoral. Moreover, what aggravates things further is the increasingly unstable boundary between “bourgeoisie” and “slaves,” both in the popular imaginary and in historical consciousness. Depending on the perspective, the slave may be some worker in an outsourced factory, an Amazon employee or Uber contractor, one of the 72 million American millennials who “have 4.6 percent of U.S. wealth” or, for that matter, anybody outside the “50 richest Americans [who] hold as much wealth as half of the United States” (Hedges 2020). The haziness of social-class stratification—both organic and contrived—contributes further to the universalization of guilt over one’s complicity (in the exploitation of the whole world) to the point that it ceases to be merely human and becomes superhuman, even divine. As Walter Benjamin (drawing on Nietzsche) puts it in his fragment on “Capitalism as Religion”:

    Capitalism is probably the first instance of a cult that creates guilt, not atonement. In this respect, this religious system is caught up in the headlong rush of a larger [ungeheuren] movement. A vast [ungeheures] sense of guilt that is unable to find relief seizes on the cult, not to atone for this guilt but to make it universal, to hammer it into the conscious mind, so as once and for all to include God in the system of guilt and thereby awaken in Him an interest in the process of atonement. . . . The nature of the religious movement which is capitalism entails endurance right to the end, to the point where God, too, finally takes on the entire burden of guilt, to the point where the universe has been taken over by that despair which is actually its secret hope. . . . It is the expansion of despair, until despair becomes a religious state of the world in the hope that this will lead to salvation. (288-89)

    Universal guilt is another name for no one’s guilt; there can be guilty people only if there are also innocent people. The burden of guilt has been removed from humanity, which is why—arriving at the final point of this convoluted logic—the ultimate dissolution in question is that of the connection between complicity and guilt: to acknowledge one’s complicity does not mean to assume the guilt of being complicit. Therefore, the acknowledgement in question is not confession as a means of expiation but a straightforward claim to morality that obviates the defilement of guilt by immersing the whole universe in it. The new element that characterizes the neoliberal postmodern manifestation of cynical amoralism is its perceived highly moral attitude. In fact, it is perhaps the sole remaining moral position sanctioned by all branches of neoliberalism, and Trump’s election reaffirmed its prowess as a political strategy. (For example, in an interview with ABC News, Trump cited his claimed net worth of more than $10 billion as one reason for being qualified to run for President—and several other slogans could be invoked in support of this point.) The real peril of the neoliberal dissolution between guilt and complicity (including in, though not limited to, profiteering) lies in its potential to colonize current historical (un)consciousness across the entire spectrum of class interests, so that instead of attempting “to start a reflection that wants to account for the dissolution of responsibility” and “taking this step towards a systemic critique of capitalism,” in Stegemann’s words, we arrive at a situation in which “people demand general values, then complain about the impossibility of following them in their own lives, and then demand moral recognition for their honesty” in admitting that they break these values. This is the generalized paradox of a society that elevates utter irresponsibility to the level of absolute  morality.

                To spell out the paradox philosophically, the core of amoralism, which initially appeared to be a non-ideological aloofness beyond good and evil, is in truth its ostensible opposite: outright moralism. And the root of this paradox lies in the fact that the amoral will to power coincides with the fundamental means of maintaining morality: punishment. This coincidence is already discernible in Nietzsche’s line of argumentation, where the debasement of others and cruelty toward them, which in the development of civilization comes to constitute the moral system of punishment, is conceived as the primary, most authentic characteristic of humans prior to being tamed and confined in the cage of bad conscience and our moral system. Prior to the existence of the “moral universe of guilt,” in the world of purely economic “contracts,” the debtor could settle his debt through suffering. But this is possible only if making the debtor suffer was “a supreme pleasure” for the creditor (197). The “infliction of pain [can] provide satisfaction” because “cruelty constituted the collective delight of older mankind . . . it was an ingredient of all their joys” and the “oldest and most thorough human delight” (197-98). Primary joy in the suffering of others made possible “this entire method of compensations” (196) in which “the moral universe of guilt, conscience, and duty (‘sacred’ duty) took its inception” (197). In “place of material compensation such as money, land, or other possessions, a kind of pleasure” is given to the creditor, a “pleasure [which] is induced by his being able to exercise his power freely upon one who is powerless”: the “pleasure of faire le mal pour le plaisir de le faire [inflicting pain for the pleasure of inflicting it], the pleasure of rape” (196, my translation). In “‘punishing’ the debtor, the creditor shares a seignorial right,” because the most thoroughly human pleasure consists in being “given a chance to bask in the glorious feelings of treating another human being as lower than himself” (196-97). This ultimate “pleasure will be increased in proportion of the lowliness of the creditor’s own station” because “it will appear to him as . . . a foretaste of a higher rank” (196). In short, the desire for morality is the desire for moral superiority. Far from operating beyond good and evil, the neoliberal cynical amoralist position reasons as follows: We are evil, and so are you (because “everybody knows” that the current economico-political state of affairs requires slaves to maintain it), but we acknowledge it, and this makes us superior to those who do not. Thus, the good-evil opposition shifts from whether or not one is an exploiter, to acknowledging or failing to acknowledge one’s (a priori and universal) function as an exploiter—but the fact is that the opposition remains. Nevertheless, this shift indicates that in today’s so-called post-ideological era, ideology no longer functions through the invocation of ideals but through what we should perhaps call affect, such as the affect of moral superiority (which, as we have seen, is obtained through the paradoxical elimination of guilt through its universal deification).12

                Let us recall that the proponent of the alt-right who operates on the basis of sovereignty has no need to see others as subhuman or as morally inferior in order to treat them as an enemy. Nevertheless, the above examination reveals that, because it constructs its enemy as subhuman (morally inferior), the cynical amoralist position can perfectly interpellate not only the person who subscribes to the principle of sovereignty, but also the person who gives primacy to the biopolitical principle of the primum vivere—whence the much wider success of neoliberalism compared to the alt-right’s. Were the sheer recognition of one’s position as exploiter to become the exclusive socially-recognized remaining moral value, then neoliberalism would triumph. Let us also pause to foreground the fact that, because the cynical amoralist position clearly takes the distinction between good and evil as its point of reference, it remains within ideology. This is evident in the logic of cynical amoralism, which serves to reproduce the established hierarchy of social ranks (the given relations of production) by providing “a foretaste of a higher rank” (Nietzsche), an Ersatz on the moral level. Indeed, recalling Louis Althusser’s words, it is in the very definition “of the ideology of the ruling class that the relations of production in a capitalist social formation, i.e. the relations of exploited to exploiters and exploiters to exploited, are largely reproduced” (156). Ideology has always claimed to be non- or post-ideological; it has always been the case that the “mechanisms which produce this vital” reproduction of the relations of production “are naturally covered up and concealed by a universally reigning ideology,” that is, “an ideology which represents” its venues “as a neutral environment purged of ideology” (156). But insofar as cynical amoralism remains within the distinction between good and evil, it also remains to be explained how it is possible that one acknowledges this brutal “exploitation of the whole world” not as something that should cause us remorse but as a desirable or at least inevitable condition. Only a Marxist view of capitalism acknowledges that this brutal exploitation (illegal immigrant labor, underpaid labor, outsourcing, unemployment, and so on) is an integral part of the system itself. As a result, Marxism cannot conceive of the abolition of exploitation without the abolition or fundamental restructuring of the capitalist mode and relations of production. Wouldn’t the sole counter-response to cynical amoralists who feel moral superiority for acknowledging their position as exploiters of the world be this very same acknowledgment accompanied by the demand to end exploitation? Yet, as the Left in the era of global capitalism increasingly withdraws from this demand and is satisfied by the mere gesture of acknowledgment, more and more people turn to the compensatory discourse of individual liberties and betterment, while those who discern the hypocrisy of this move increasingly turn to the alt-right. Thus, both neoliberalism and the alt-right profit from the adoption of the by now largely orphaned Marxist explanatory model, not as a means of challenging capitalism, but as a means of providing a new morality—which is also to say a new ideology—that can best reproduce and sustain the established relations of production.  

    Let us return one last time to the common and divergent elements of neoliberalism and the alt-right. First, both claim to be post-ideological; second, only the alt-right openly espouses the principle of sovereignty; third, neoliberalism shares with the Democrats the biopolitical principle of the primum vivere. This means, among other things, that alt-right cynical amoralists do not need to degrade morally or consider as subhuman either their enemies or the “slaves” whom they acknowledge that they exploit. These “slaves” may be one’s equals, including moral equals, who have been defeated in the struggle for power due to historico-political circumstance. And if, for whatever reason, any form of further violence against the “slaves” (or the enemy) is required to maintain this power hierarchy, the alt-right cynical amoralist has no scruples in applying it to these equals (i.e., humans) because their premise is sovereignty, not biopower. By contrast, whoever operates on the primacy of biopower can justify violence only against a subhuman. This in turn means that they have to construct their enemy as subhuman in the first place, which is what the claim to moral superiority endeavors to do (whether in the Democrat or the neoliberal mode). Anyone who denies the political nature of biopower is forced to engage in this moralization of politics and the construction of their opposition as morally inferior, because this is the only political act that remains to them—as long as they follow the rules of biopower. For biopower (the logic of the primum vivere) claims by definition to be a pacifist form of power, and the construction of the enemy as subhuman is the precondition of any division between friend and enemy that a pacifist power could justifiably invoke. To return to Schmitt’s words from 1932, the “particularly promising [besonders aussichtsreiche] way of justifying wars” today is “pacifism” (Concept 36; Begriff 34). That is to say, pacifism is forced by its own logic to present its war as a “war against war,” a war to end all wars, “the absolute last war of humanity” (Concept 36), the assumption being that pacifism constitutes the highest level in the development of human life and that the last war aims to destroy only (subhuman) life that, for whatever reason, has not attained this level of development. In other words, pacifist war aims to destroy those willing to kill themselves and others in the name of some value which, for them, is higher than human life pure and simple. Consequently, Schmitt concludes, “such a war”—the pacifist or biopolitical war—“is necessarily unusually intense and inhuman because” it must “degrade the enemy in moral and other terms and is forced to make of him a monster that must not only be defeated but also utterly destroyed [vernichtet]” (Concept 36; Begriff 35), according to the biopolitical logic by which “‘the more inferior species die out . . . the more I . . . as [a] species . . . can live’” (Foucault, “Society” 255).13

    The morality of biopolitical pacifism requires that the ultimate criterion for defining the (subhuman) enemy is the moral inferiority of not respecting human life as such. This would put in the same subhuman boat the alt-right and anyone who takes any antithesis seriously enough to fight in its name. But if a group that supports one side of an antithesis succeeds in constructing its enemy as subhuman (say, on the basis of moral inferiority), then this group’s militancy could appear biopolitically legitimate. Is this what neoliberalism wants to attain by attempting to elevate itself morally, on the one hand above the Democrats by acknowledging its own cynical amoralism, and on the other above the alt-right by denouncing the latter’s sovereign gestures? Is this what the Democrats endeavor to do in attempting to shame the rest for their sovereign gestures and cynical amoralism? Ironically, the acceptance of biopolitical pacifism seems to indicate that the practice of politics (that is, of designating one’s enemy) is possible today only by refusing to acknowledge the political character of power and playing according to the rules of the biopolitical game. Indeed, with the exception of the alt-right, this is largely what is happening.  We have identified here the two current paths of this biopolitical practice. On the one hand, the Democrats shame their enemy for disregarding moral decorum, not because this will change them but because it makes them legitimate targets in the eyes of their opponents. On the other hand, the cynical amoralism of current neoliberal practice also shames its enemy, this time for not being amoral enough to acknowledge evil as the sole remaining moral value. The possibility of resisting biopower’s exploitation of “slaves” (the “whole world”?) thus faces a dilemma. According to which rules should resistance play—the rules of overt or covert moralism? But this question is logically preceded by a deeper dilemma: should resistance play according to the rules of overt or covert sovereignty (or biopower)? The latter question amounts to knowing whether resistance today needs an ideal other than sustaining life as such. In our effort to respond to this more primary question, let us keep in mind that pacifism is not the struggle’s other but merely one way to justify that struggle, whether war or revolution.

    Footnotes

    1. Current Affairs describes itself as a left-wing magazine edited by Harvard sociology graduate student Nathan J. Robinson. Briahna Joy Gray is Senior Politics Editor at The Intercept, and her article was included in a special issue on “Shame: Its Uses and Abuses.”

    2.  Referring to the “beginnings” of “the sphere of contracts and legal obligations,” Nietzsche remarks that they “were liberally sprinkled with blood” because in them “the sinister knitting together of the two ideas guilt and pain first occurred, which by now have become quite inextricable.” To this he adds: “And may we not say that ethics has never lost its reek of blood and torture—not even in Kant, whose categorical imperative smacks of cruelty?” (197). The link between Kant and cruelty has famously been elaborated by Lacan in “Kant with Sade.”

    3. For instance, Silvan Tomkins’s conceptual distinction of shame from guilt—even as “they are one and the same affect” (Sedgwick and Frank 133)—on the basis of his observation that, unlike guilt, shame does not presuppose any prohibition, may, as Eve Sedgwick and Adam Frank have argued, be useful in grasping the decentralized character of the self, but remains irrelevant to the political function of bad conscience. Tomkins’s own examples actually point to the reason why. For instance, the shame one may feel when “one started to smile [at somebody thought “to be familiar”] but found one was smiling at a stranger” (Sedgwick and Frank 5) is indeed provoked not because of a prohibition, but because of a sense of improperness—yet this concept is itself based on the very social norms that also constitute bad conscience. That is, the opposition between proper-improper, like that between good-evil, need not depend on a prohibition. More generally, the various and otherwise important accounts of the difference between shame and guilt are irrelevant to discussions of their political function as long as their political effects are indistinguishable. The political exchangeability of shame and guilt becomes evident in the fact that their valorization can be inverted, as in Paul Gilroy’s argument, cited by Karyn Ball,

    that among the painful obligations that attend the task of working through the “grim details of imperial and colonial history” is the transformation of “paralyzing guilt into a more productive shame that would be conducive to the building of a multicultural nationality that is no longer phobic about the prospect of exposure to either strangers or otherness.” (Ball 70-1)

    Paralysis seems to shift arbitrarily between guilt (Gilroy) and shame (Gray). In her response to Gilroy’s suggestion, Ball offers a psychoanalytically-inflected expression of the common political function of shame and guilt: “I question whether such shame can be detached from a sadomasochistic imaginary that precipitates liberal guilt” (71).

    4. I have argued elsewhere that Spinoza’s work explicitly indicates that such a non-ideological space is impossible both practically (as his political writings indicate) and theoretically (insofar as it would be impossible to have the third kind of knowledge [intuition] without it being mediated through both the second [reason] and first [imagination] kinds of knowledge, as his Ethics indicates). See $urplus: Spinoza-Lacan and “Spinoza’s Immanent Sovereignty: Fantasy and the Decision of Interpretation” (authored with Joseph Bermas-Dawes).

    5. Foucault’s line of thought regarding the indispensability of racism as the façade under which any modern biopolitical State can legitimize its own killings (i.e., its own exercise of sovereign power) acknowledges that biopower and sovereignty are intertwined, albeit opposite forms of power: “sovereignty’s old right . . . to take life or let live . . . came to be complemented by a new right . . . or rather precisely the opposite right” of “the power to ‘make’ live and ‘let’ die” (“Society” 241, my emphasis). Biopower does not replace sovereignty. Rather, it encompasses it, having to keep it hidden within itself because sovereignty opposes its own principle (of the unconditional respect for human life). This is why Foucault does not consider twentieth-century totalitarianisms to constitute exceptions to the biopolitical modern State: “racism is bound up with the workings of a State that is obliged to use race, the elimination of races and the purification of the race, to exercise its sovereign power. . . . Controlling the random element inherent in biological processes was one of the [Nazi] regime’s immediate objectives” (258-9), “in accordance with the themes of natural selection and the struggle for existence” established by the theories of “evolutionism,” which ensures “war will be seen not only as a way of improving one’s own race by eliminating the enemy race . . . but also as a way of regenerating one’s race,” for “more and more of our number die, the race to which we belong will become all the purer” (257). Accordingly, Nazism, “this universally disciplinary and regulatory society, was also a society which unleashed murderous power, or in other words, the old sovereign right to take life. This power to kill . . . ran through the entire social body of Nazi society,” for it “was granted not only to the State . . . the SA, the SS, and so on,” because “[u]ltimately, everyone in the Nazi State had the power of life and death over his or her neighbors, if only because of the practice of informing, which practically meant doing away with the people next door, or having them done away with” (259). He concludes:

    We have, then, in Nazi society something that is really quite extraordinary: this is a society which has generalized biopower in an absolute sense, but which has also generalized the sovereign right to kill. . . . Nazism alone took the play between the sovereign right to kill and the mechanisms of biopower to this paroxysmal point. But this play is in fact inscribed in the workings of all . . . modern States. (“Society” 260)

    The tension between biopower and sovereignty becomes a focus in Giorgio Agamben’s work. For my account of the relation between Agamben’s and Foucault’s conceptions of biopower in relation to sovereignty, see my article on “Biopolitics, From Tribes to Commodity Fetishism.” The fact that in biopower the sovereign right to kill humans must be covered up means that biopower must cover up the fact that it is a form of political power tout court, insofar as the political presupposes the friend-enemy grouping.

    6. See my Being, Time, Bios: Capitalism and Ontology or “Monsters of Biopower: Terror(ism) and Horror in the Era of Affect.”

    7. In this context it should be noted that the alt-right’s alliance in the USA with the Christian right and their shared pro-life position should not be read as motivated by the biopolitical unconditional sanctity of human life—as evidenced by the frequency with which one sees on the same car an anti-abortion bumper sticker side by side with one that invites us to “support our troops.” It is part of sovereignty’s agenda to foster a large army, which presupposes increasing its own population. This having been said, nothing would impede a person of more biopolitical ideological inclinations from also applying both bumper stickers, if the person has been convinced that our embryos are humans worth living, unlike the subhumans killed by our troops.   

    8. Or, referring back to the above note on Foucault and Nazism, we could say that while Nazism employed at its maximum the biopolitical strategy of constructing its enemy as subhuman in order to legitimize its exercise of violence (sovereignty), Trump and the alt-right are less invested than the Democrats in doing so. And this is part of what reveals Trump’s administration as a straightforward appeal to sovereignty, and makes it more reminiscent of totalitarian regimes such as Nazism—only because most people associate the latter more with sovereignty than with its bio-racist strategies.

    9. Can the alt-right’s infringement of the code of biopower act as a form of resistance capable of undermining that very power? Some consequences of exposing the political nature of biopower, at least in the USA, include a general sense of instability, uncertainty, and fear regarding possible (market, war, and other) catastrophes and the more or less militant re-politicization of life. Whether these are signs of biopower’s faltering or of systemic crises—ostensible crises required for the sustenance and reinforcement of biopower—remains an open question.     

    10. Several writers have exposed the contradiction, or rather the hypocrisy, of the politics of tolerance. For instance, Žižek addresses the topic through “multiculturalism,” pointing out that it “is, stricto sensu, ‘Eurocentric.’” In his words: “actual multiculturalism can emerge only in a culture within which its own tradition, communal heritage, appears as contingent; that is to say, in a culture that is indifferent towards itself, towards its own specificity” (Metastases 157). Accordingly, multiculturalism’s call for tolerance is a disguised manifestation of intolerance toward any culture not indifferent to its own specificity, that is, any culture that does not consider culture to be an arbitrary construction. Wendy Brown also foregrounds the fact that self-proclaimed secular tolerance in truth incites an intolerance of religious intolerance (notably, in the face of the militant Islam).

    11. This is not the place to address the otherwise important question of Left populism.

    12. I elaborate in more detail on this shift in the workings of ideology (and its relation to biopower) in “Monsters of Biopower: Terror(ism) and Horror in the Era of Affect.”

    13. Schmitt’s criticism of the “pacifist” degradation of the enemy, and his call to treat the enemy as equal, form an implicit critique of the Nazi agenda to exterminate Jewish people as “lice”—something that may relate to the fact that Schmitt was accused by the SS of fake anti-Semitism and of undermining Nazism’s racial theories (particularly in a series of articles published in the SS newspaper Das schwarze Korps in 1936; see also Bendersky).

    Works Cited

    • Althusser, Louis. “Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses (Notes towards an Investigation).” Lenin and Philosophy and Other Essays, translated by Ben Brewster, Monthly Review Press, 1971, pp. 127-86.
    • Ball, Karyn. “A Democracy is Being Beaten.” English Studies in Canada, vol. 32, no. 1, Mar. 2006, pp. 45-76.
    • Bendersky, Joseph. “The Expendable Kronjurist: Carl Schmitt and National Socialism 1933-36.” Journal of Contemporary History, vol. 14, no. 2, Apr. 1979, pp. 309-28.
    • Benjamin, Walter. “Capitalism as Religion.” Selected Writings: Vol. 1, translated by R. Livingstone,Belknap Harvard P, 1996, pp. 288-91.
    • Brousse, Marie-Hélène. “Common Markets and Segregation.” Clemens and Grigg, Jacques Lacan and the Other Side of Psychoanalysis,pp. 254-262.
    • Brown, Wendy. Regulating Aversion: Tolerance in the Age of Identity and Empire. Princeton UP, 2006.
    • Clemens, Justin and Russell Grigg, editors. Jacques Lacan and the Other Side of Psychoanalysis: Reflections on Seminar XVII. Duke UP, 2006.
    • Foucault, Michel. The History of Sexuality. Volume 1: An Introduction. Translated by Robert Hurley, Vintage Books, 1990.
    • —. “Society Must Be Defended”: Lectures at the Collège de France, 1975-6. Translated by David Macey, Picador, 2003.
    • Gilroy, Paul. Postcolonial Melancholia. Columbia UP, 2005.
    • Gray, Briahna Joy. “The Politics of Shame.” Current Affairs, 11 Mar. 2018, https://www.currentaffairs.org/2018/03/the-politics-of-shame.
    • Hedges, Chris. “The Politics of Cultural Despair.” Scheerpost, 19 Oct. 2020, https://scheerpost.com/2020/10/19/chris-hedges-the-politics-of-cultural-despair/.
    • Kordela, A. Kiarina. Being, Time, Bios: Capitalism and Ontology. SUNY Press, 2013.
    • —. “Biopolitics, From Tribes to Commodity Fetishism.” differences, vol.24, no. 1, May 2013, pp. 1-29.
    • —. “Monsters of Biopower: Terror(ism) and Horror in the Era of Affect.” Philosophy Today, vol. 60, no. 1, Winter 2016, pp. 193-205.
    • —. $urplus: Spinoza-Lacan. SUNY Press, 2007.
    • —, and Joseph Bermas-Dawes. “Spinoza’s Immanent Sovereignty: Fantasy and the Decision of Interpretation.” Spinoza’s Authority, Volume II: Resistance and Power in the Political Treatises, editors A. Kiarina Kordela and Dimitris Vardoulakis, Bloomsbury, 2018.
    • Lacan, Jacques. “Kant with Sade.” Translated by James B. Swenson Jr., October, Winter 1989, pp. 55-104. 
    • —. Le Séminaire livre XVII: L’envers de la psychanalyse, Seuil, 1991.
    • —. The Seminar of Jacques Lacan: Book VII: The Ethics of Psychoanalysis, 1959-1960. Translated byDennis Porter, edited by Jacques-Alain Miller, W.W. Norton, 1992.
    • —. The Seminar of Jacques Lacan: Book XVII. The Other Side of Psychoanalysis. Translated by Russell Grigg, edited by Jacques-Alain Miller, W. W. Norton, 2007.
    • —. The Seminar of Jacques Lacan: Book XX. Encore, 1972-1973: On Feminine Sexuality; The Limits of Love and Knowledge. Translated by Bruce Fink, edited by Jacques-Alain Miller, W. W. Norton, 1998.
    • Miller, Jacques-Alain. “On Shame.” Clemens and Grigg, Jacques Lacan and the Other Side of Psychoanalysis, pp. 11-28.
    • Nietzsche, Friedrich. The Birth of Tragedy & the Genealogy of Morals. Translated by Francis Golffing, Anchor Books, Random House, 1956.
    • Schmitt, Carl. Der Begriff des Politischen: Text von 1932 mit einem Vorwort und drei Corollarien. Duncker & Humblot Verlag, 2015.
    • —. The Concept of the Political. Translated by Georg Schwab, U of Chicago P, 1996.
    • Sedgwick, Eve Kosofsky and Adam Frank, editors. Shame and its Sisters: A Silvan Tomkins Reader, Duke UP, 1995.
    • Stegemann, Bernd. “Der gute Mensch und seine Lügen.” Zeit Online, 23 Feb. 2017, https://www.zeit.de/2017/09/populismus-eliten-gutmensch-luegen/komplettansicht.
    • Žižek, Slavoj. The Metastases of Enjoyment: Six Essays on Woman and Causality. Verso, 1994.
    • —. The Suble Object of Ideology. Verso, 1989.
    • Zupančič, Alenka. “When Surplus Enjoyment Meets Surplus Value.” Clemens and Grigg, Jacques Lacan and the Other Side of Psychoanalysis, pp. 155-78.
  • Notes on Contributors

    Sharon P. Holland is the Townsend Ludington Distinguished Professor and Chair of American Studies at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. She is the author of Raising The Dead: Readings Of Death And (Black) Subjectivity (Duke UP, 2000), and co-author of a collection of trans-Atlantic Afro-Native criticism with Professor Tiya Miles (American Culture, UM, Ann Arbor) entitled Crossing Waters/Crossing Worlds: The African Diaspora in Indian Country (Duke University Press, 2006). She is the author of The Erotic Life of Racism (Duke University Press, 2012), a theoretical project that explores the intersection of Critical Race, Feminist, and Queer Theory. Her next book, an other: a black feminist consideration of animal life, is under contract with Duke University Press. You can see her work on food, writing, and all things equestrian on her blog, http://theprofessorstable.wordpress.com.

    Chelsea Oei Kern is an ACLS Leading Edge Fellow with the Community of Literary Presses & Magazines, where she leads projects related to diversity, equity, inclusion, and access. She earned her doctorate from the University of California, Los Angeles in 2021. Her research focuses on contemporary literature and its relation to digital technologies.

    Alberto Moreiras is Professor of Hispanic Studies and Latinx and Mexican American Studies at Texas A&M. He has taught at University of Wisconsin-Madison, Duke University, and the University of Aberdeen, and has held visiting positions at numerous institutions (Emory, Johns Hopkins, Minas Gerais, Chile, Buffalo). He is the author of Interpretación y diferencia (1991), Tercer espacio: literatura y duelo en América Latina (1999), The Exhaustion of difference: The Politics of Latin American Cultural Studies (2002), Línea de sombra. El no sujeto de lo político (2008), Marranismo e inscripción, o el abandono de la conciencia desdichada (2016), Infrapolítica. La diferencia absoluta de la que ningún experto puede hablar (2019), Sosiego siniestro (2020) and Infrapolítica: Instrucciones de uso (2020). He is a coeditor of Política común, and of the “Border Hispanisms” Series at University of Texas Press.

    Susanna Paasonen is Professor of Media Studies at University of Turku, Finland, and author of Carnal Resonance: Affect and Online Pornography (MIT Press 2011), Many Splendored Things: Thinking Sex and Play (Goldsmiths Press 2018), and NSFW: Sex, Humor and Risk in Social Media (with Kylie Jarrett and Ben Light, MIT Press 2019).

    Miriam Posner is Assistant Professor in the UCLA Department of Information Studies. She’s also a digital humanist with interest in labor, race, feminism, and the history and philosophy of data. Her book on the history of supply-chain management is under contract with Yale University Press.

    Steven Ruszczycky is Assistant Professor in the department of English and a member of the Polytechnic State University, San Luis Obispo. He is the author of Vulgar Genres: Gay teaching faculty in the department of Women’s, Gender, and Queer Studies at the California Pornographic Writing and Contemporary Fiction (University of Chicago Press, 2021).

    Travis Workman is Associate Professor in the Department of Asian and Middle Eastern Studies at the University of Minnesota, Twin Cities. His recent work includes essays on humanism and area studies and a forthcoming volume of translations of Korean literary and cultural criticism. He is finishing a book on North Korean and South Korean film melodrama of the Cold War era and starting one on neo-feudalism and contemporary media.

    Sean A. Yeager is a doctoral candidate in English at The Ohio State University. Before joining Ohio State, Sean was an Assistant Professor of Physics and Mathematics at Pacific Northwest College of Art. Sean earned their M.Sc. in Physics from Texas A&M University by working as a data analyst for the Cryogenic Dark Matter Search. Sean earned their M.A. in Critical Studies from PNCA by performing a data-driven analysis of temporal structure in narrative. Sean currently studies contemporary literature through the lenses of narratology, digital humanities, and neuroqueer theory.

  • A Disordered Review of Chanda Prescod-Weinstein, The Disordered Cosmos

    Sean Yeager (bio)

    A review of Prescod-Weinstein, Chanda. The Disordered Cosmos: A Journey into Dark Matter, Spacetime, and Dreams Deferred. Bold Type Books, 2021.

    Chanda Prescod-Weinstein’s new book, The Disordered Cosmos: A Journey into Dark Matter, Spacetime, and Dreams Deferred, offers one possible answer to Zakiyyah Iman Jackson’s question, “how might black feminism … imagine a relation to science, physics in particular, that offers a challenge to the microfundamentalism of our present?” (637). Physicists have long acknowledged that naive reductionism is incompatible with the mathematical phenomenon of symmetry breaking.1 Yet Prescod-Weinstein addresses a different type of fundamentalism that is far more prevalent among scientists, encapsulated by a quip that’s usually attributed to Richard Feynman, namely that “the philosophy of science is about as useful to scientists as ornithology is to birds.” Prescod-Weinstein counters by arguing that “scientists are acting unscientifically when they do not acknowledge the history, philosophy, and sociology of their fields” (223). Yet Prescod-Weinstein isn’t particularly concerned about abstract losses of epistemic potential. They2 focus instead on the material and systematic ways that the physics community crushes the dreams of those who do not fit the traditional mold (i.e. white and male) of scientific “genius.”

    Large tracts of the book work through Prescod-Weinstein’s observation that “it can be hard to see the wonders of the universe through the social crud” of a field that is dominated by white men (161). The casual tone of this indictment is ubiquitous throughout the book, creating an atmosphere that is welcoming, lucid, and funny. This accessible style should not be mistaken for a lack of rigor, however, for it belies a deeply interdisciplinary methodology. Prescod-Weinstein engages in cultural studies by way of canonical literature (Mansfield Park and The Invisible Man), science fiction staples (Star Trek and Black Panther), and poetic all-stars (June Jordan and Audre Lorde). They undertake historical work through their recovery of Caroline Herschel’s scientific labor, a complex endeavor that carefully attends to the intersections of racism and sexism. They also use autobiographical methods to produce some of the book’s most powerful and damning segments. This interdisciplinary strategy challenges the disdain that scientists sometimes hold for experiential knowledge while simultaneously showing that narration plays a role in everything from the personal to the cosmological. In Prescod-Weinstein’s words, “I am a griot of the universe—a storyteller” (67).

    The book’s interdisciplinary nature is perhaps most noticeable in its critiques of the Thirty Meter Telescope on Mauna Kea. These sections are equally informed by Prescod-Weinstein’s personal family history, by Indigenous Hawaiian epistemologies, and by the #WeAreMaunaKea activist movement. Some of Prescod-Weinstein’s comments will be old news for humanist readers—e.g., cherished Foucauldian dogma like “science is inextricably tied to power” (197)—yet these arguments inevitably hit harder when delivered from within. Prescod-Weinstein never relinquishes their wonder for the natural world, even as they demand a fundamental reckoning with what it means to be a scientist.

    Part of this reckoning involves rewriting the stories that scientists tell, both to ourselves and to lay audiences. For Prescod-Weinstein, this sometimes means critically reexamining the playbook rather than throwing it away. For example, they title the book’s first “phase” (i.e., section) “Just Physics” and explicitly evoke the influence of Carl Sagan’s Cosmos (6). This first phase is sometimes quirky, as evidenced by the chapter title, “I <3 Quarks,” which offers a crash course in particle physics. Other times it is awe-inspiring, as seen in “The Biggest Picture There Is,” which offers a succinct history of the universe as understood by physicists. The chapter “Dark Matter Isn’t Dark” critiques the nomenclature of dark matter itself, stating that dark matter “has a public relations problem because it’s got a bad name, literally,” since the substance in question does not interact with light in any capacity (34).3 Special praise is due to Sharifah Zainab Williams’s illustrations, which are enlightening and hilarious.4 Lay readers will likewise appreciate that Prescod-Weinstein follows Stephen Hawking’s example by including only a single equation in the entire book.5 As someone who stepped away from a career in physics research to focus on physics education, I found these chapters to be exemplary of cosmological pedagogy.6

    Yet the protagonists in this telling of the universe’s story are different from the usual suspects, who are here relegated to the sidelines for their unusually suspect behavior. Isaac Newton, for instance, is not lauded as the father of classical physics but offhandedly mentioned as the sadistic warden of The Royal Mint, a man who “was said to enjoy his ability to burn at the stake, hang, and torture coin counterfeiters” (7). Other household names like Erwin Schrödinger and Werner Heisenberg are entirely absent. Instead, physicists such as Vera Rubin, Jocelyn Bell Burnell, and Elmer Imes are foregrounded for their work, respectively, on galactic rotations (one of the earliest indicators of the existence of dark matter), pulsars (Bell Burnell was controversially overlooked as a co-recipient of the 1974 Nobel Prize), and infrared emission spectra (an early piece of evidence for the validity of quantum mechanics). Furthermore, Prescod-Weinstein purposefully reaches beyond the traditionally accepted domain of physics to incorporate the many generations of “Black women [who] have looked up at the night sky and wondered. Those women whose names I do not know … are as much my intellectual ancestors as Isaac Newton is” (7).

    Phase two, “Physics and the Chosen Few,” focuses on another of Prescod-Weinstein’s goals: “creating room for Black children to freely love particle physics and cosmology” (8). The first chapter in this phase, “The Physics of Melanin,” builds on their article for Bitch Media. This chapter not only discusses the molecule’s fascinating properties, hailing it as “the stuff of Afrofuturist techno-dreams” (108), it also interrogates the molecule’s artificial appropriation in the construction of race, noting that “our melanin—and our lack thereof—tells stories about what my ancestors endured” (110). The following chapter, “Black People are Luminous Matter,” will be of special interest to science fiction readers. Here, Prescod-Weinstein offers a compelling critique of Sheree Thomas’s analogy that “dark matter : Black people” (114). The analogy states that Black artists often shape the US’s cultural zeitgeist, yet rarely receive credit for this work. Prescod-Weinstein counters that Black folks are hypervisible in certain contexts, such as police brutality. They also worry about the potential for exoticization: “We know almost nothing about dark matter, but we know a lot about Black people” (116). They offer instead the analogy of weak gravitational lensing as a way of describing their experiences with racism. The gist of this analogy is that weak gravitational lensing, a complex astronomical phenomenon, is difficult to perceive unless one is well-versed in the appropriate modes of pattern recognition. The analogy is helpful, but Prescod-Weinstein’s strictly verbal description of the phenomenon itself feels like a missed opportunity to include another of Zainab Williams’s brilliant illustrations.

    Prescod-Weinstein shifts to a more autobiographical mode in phase three, “The Trouble with Physicists.” Some of this section’s critiques will be familiar to many self-conscious academics, such as the observation that “cultural, structural issues” do not “magically go away with admissions and diversity initiatives” (155). Others are disciplinarily specific: “every Black woman physics PhD I’ve discussed this with had someone in a position of authority and influence tell them that they weren’t cut out to be a physicist” (157). Queer theory also informs this phase, shaping Prescod-Weinstein’s discussion of the ways in which the physics community marginalizes trans experiences. Likewise, a materialist analysis of labor distribution leads to the critique that “progress in science happens not just because of the scientists in the room but because of how their presence in the room is made possible” (192). Prescod-Weinstein also advances the critical concept of “white empiricism,” which they describe as the “practice of ignoring information about the real world that isn’t considered to be valuable or specifically important to the physics community at large, which is oriented toward valuing the ideas and data that are produced by white men” (170). The phase’s final chapter, “Rape Is Part of This Scientific Story,” is emotionally powerful and theoretically rich. It explains how “rape forms a through line in [their] story” and unpacks how the aftermath of sexual assault continues to frustrate Prescod-Weinstein’s ability to practice physics (203). Out of respect for Prescod-Weinstein’s concern that “media coverage will only focus on this chapter rather than the whole book,” I’ll say simply that there is no shortage of scientists who would do very well to read this chapter (201).

    After unloading on the current state of physics, Prescod-Weinstein begins phase four, “All Our Galactic Relations,” with a question: “can we situate ourselves, collectively and humanely, in the universe?” (211). This phase features the critique of the Thirty Meter Telescope, which is informed by Indigenous theorists, scholars, and activists such as Winona LaDuke, Katie Kamelamela, Eve Tuck, and Wayne Yang. It also contains “Cosmological Dreams Under Totalitarianism,” which analyzes science’s entanglement with the militaryindustrial complex, pointing out that “science and totalitarianism … have typically had a pretty cozy relationship” (235). J. Robert Oppenheimer features centrally in this discussion. Prescod-Weinstein describes him as “a fascinating and terrifying figure,” yet expresses little sympathy for his tendency “to cling more to an institution than to his humanist values” (245). Other topics include problematic funding structures—”an inordinate amount of time in science is spent begging for money” (246)—and the involuntary human experiments performed at Holmesburg Prison and in Tuskegee. The phase’s final chapter, “Black Feminist Physics at the End of the World,” is rooted in ecocritical Indigenous scholarship, yet also draws from the transformative justice movement and from anarchist thought. Prescod-Weinstein asks if it’s possible to build “a community of scientists hell-bent on using our visionary imaginations” to reconfigure humanity’s relationship with the world (271). This chapter feels like a natural companion to the tales in Octavia’s Brood: Science Fiction Stories from Social Justice Movements, edited by adrienne maree brown and Walidah Imarisha. Here, brown and Imarisha develop the notion of “visionary fiction” to describe “science fiction that has relevance toward building new, freer worlds,” noting that “decolonization of the imagination is the most dangerous and subversive form there is: for it is where all other forms of decolonization are born. Once the imagination is unshackled, Imarisha and brown’s collection resonates strongly with Prescod-Weinstein’s hope of building a model of science that is “undergirded by a commitment to being in good relations with the world that is to come, and that requires imagination and a sense of wonder at the universe that is” (271). This final phase is followed by a deeply personal short letter from Prescod-Weinstein to their mother, which doubles as an epilogue.

    Scholars might wonder how The Disordered Cosmos compares to Karen Barad’s Meeting the Universe Halfway. Both texts perform feminist physics outreach, yet they do different work for different audiences. Barad’s book is primarily geared toward academics, and it pushes boundaries within the relatively niche field of quantum foundations; it foregrounds elaborate descriptions of experimental apparatuses and introduces ten-dollar terms like “ethico-ontoepistem-ology.” Certain readers—including myself—are enticed by such maneuvers, but others are alienated by them. Prescod-Weinstein casts a wider net, with the explicit aim of reaching those who’ve been excluded from the academy. This necessarily involves sacrificing some of the depth and jargon afforded by specialist discourse.7 Barad asks questions like, “What, if anything, does quantum physics tell us about the nature of scientific practice and its relationship to ethics?” (6). Though this is deeply entangled with the questions that Prescod-Weinstein asks—like “Who is a Scientist?” (131)—it provokes a different response. Both texts offer crucial perspectives on physics and philosophy, but it’s sadly telling that Prescod-Weinstein through physics but through [their] work in Black feminist science, technology, and society The Disordered Cosmos will receive a similarly lukewarm reception within the physics community, though it seems inevitable that Prescod-Weinstein’s text will make a substantial impact on the humanities.

    My only disappointment with The Disordered Cosmos is its relatively cursory engagement with disability. Prescod-Weinstein briefly discusses Linda Chavers’s writings on multiple sclerosis (123–4), and also talks frankly about some of their own disabilities,8 but these comments do not seem to warrant compilation within the book’s index.9 Even though Prescod-Weinstein’s engagement with disability feels offhand when compared to their fully integrated analyses of race, gender, and colonialism, they are light-years ahead of most scholars, who tend to be utterly ignorant of Disability Studies. Still, a phrase like “the biology of the disempowered” (106) craves the company of disabled thinkers like Nirmala Erevelles, Leah Lakshmi Piepzna-Samarasinha, Sara Acevedo, M. Remi Yergeau, and Therí Pickens.10

    In summary, The Disordered Cosmos is groundbreaking. In the words of Sylvia Wynter, Prescod-Weinstein has composed a “deciphering practice” for physicists that will “reveal their rules of functioning rather than merely replicate and perpetuate these rules” (Wynter 261).11 The text is brilliant, relatable, and eminently quotable—and it never pulls an upward punch. More broadly speaking, Prescod-Weinstein raises the bar when it comes to interdisciplinary investigation, and scholars who flippantly appropriate this buzzword (e.g. “my interdisciplinary close reading of Romantic poetry incorporates both historicist and Freudian methods!”) may wish to re-evaluate their own worthiness of the term.

    Sean A. Yeager is a doctoral candidate in English at The Ohio State University. Before joining Ohio State, Sean was an Assistant Professor of Physics and Mathematics at Pacific Northwest College of Art. Sean earned their M.Sc. in Physics from Texas A&M University by working as a data analyst for the Cryogenic Dark Matter Search. Sean earned their M.A. in Critical Studies from PNCA by performing a data-driven analysis of temporal structure in narrative. Sean currently studies contemporary literature through the lenses of narratology, digital humanities, and neuroqueer theory.

    Notes

    Acknowledgements:

    I am extremely grateful to Brian McHale, Amy Shuman, Ark Ramsey, Preeti Singh, Sean Downes, and Kortney Morrow for their feedback and support.

    1. See, for instance, P.W. Anderson’s influential 1972 paper, “More is Different.”

    2. Prescod-Weinstein uses both they/them and she/her pronouns professionally, but I stick to the former out of respect for their assertion that “I am genderless yet in my everyday life I am gendered by others” (175).

    3. Prescod-Weinstein proposes several alternatives, such as “‘invisible matter,’ ‘transparent matter,’ or ‘clear matter’” (34) as well as “non-luminous ether” (126), but I’m unsure that any of these more accurate choices will catch. The misnomer is simply too widespread – and has too much pizzazz. Physics has a long history of similarly misleading names, spanning everything from “electromotive force” to “the God particle.”

    4. Any physicist worth their salt, for instance, will laugh at Zainab Williams’s rendition of a spherical cow (30).

    5. Hawking famously joked that each equation in A Brief History of Time would halve his sales, yet he still included physics’ most famous equation, E = mc2. Prescod-Weinstein chooses one of Einstein’s more complex formulations, Gμν = 8πTμν, a tensor equation that describes the curvature of spacetime. A physicist’s favorite equation offers much insight into their character.

    6. But as a queer person who currently studies narrative temporalities, I worry that humanists will ascribe undue radicality to some of Prescod-Weinstein’s statements in the chapter “Spacetime Isn’t Straight.” For instance, their framing of the Palikur people’s curvilinear coordinate system as “more accurately describing the movement of stars across the night sky” than the Western framework feels somewhat misleading (49). So far as I can gather from Prescod-Weinstein’s source, Lesley Green and David R. Green’s Knowing the Day, Knowing the World, the two systems seem to predict the same stellar motion, though the Palikur’s curvilinear system might certainly be more efficient at describing it (much as long division is easier with Arabic numerals than with Roman). Regardless, I concur with Prescod-Weinstein that “intuition about space and time isn’t universal and that it has cultural and experiential context” (51).

    7. The difference in depth, however, is also partly due to a difference in page counts: Barad’s book is nearly double the length of Prescod-Weinstein’s.

    8. And yes, I too am disabled—or, to use the clinicians’ parlance for autism: “disordered.”

    9. Despite Prescod-Weinstein’s explicit discussions of disability on pages 108, 134, 243–4, and 252, the subject has less indexical presence than racist soap dispensers (314).

    10. And also, perhaps, the biologists Eva Jablonka and Marion Lamb. It’s worth mentioning too that Moya Bailey’s work is cited, but not within the context of disability.

    11. For an illuminating summary of Wynter’s richly complex theory, see Jackson’s forthcoming “Against Criticism.”

    Works Cited

    • Anderson, P. W. “More Is Different.” Science, vol. 177, no. 4047, 1972, pp. 393–96. EBSCO, doi:10.1126/science.177.4047.393.
    • Barad, Karen. Meeting the Universe Halfway: Quantum Physics and the Entanglement of Matter and Meaning. Duke UP, 2007.
    • Green, Lesley, and David R. Green. Knowing the Day, Knowing the World: Engaging Amerindian Thought in Public Archaeology. U of Arizona P, 2013.
    • Hawking, Stephen. A Brief History of Time: From the Big Bang to Black Holes. 10th Anniversary ed., Bantam, 1998.
    • Jackson, Zakiyyah Iman. “‘Theorizing in a Void’: Sublimity, Matter, and Physics in Black Feminist Poetics.” South Atlantic Quarterly, vol. 117, no. 3, 2018, pp. 617–48. Duke UP, doi:/10.1215/00382876-6942195.
    • —. “Against Criticism: Notes on the Decipherment and the Force of Things.” No Humans Involved, DelMonico Books/Hammer Museum, 2021.
    • Wynter, Sylvia. “Rethinking ‘Aesthetics’: Notes toward a Deciphering Practice.” Ex-Iles: Essays on Caribbean Cinema, edited by Mbye B. Cham, Africa World Press, 1992.

  • Pork to the Future

    Steven Ruszczycky (bio)

    A review of Florêncio, João. Bareback Porn, Porous Masculinities, Queer Futures: The Ethics of Becoming-Pig Routledge, 2020.

    It is difficult to overstate the impact that the HIV/AIDS epidemic has had on gay erotic culture. Whether one experienced life in the bathhouses before its outbreak or came of age in the chastened era of “safe sex” and antiretroviral therapy, for the past forty years HIV has served as the principal risk contouring not only gay men’s pleasures and intimacies but also their politics. However, as João Florêncio argues in his fascinating study Bareback Porn, Porous Masculinities, Queer Futures: The Ethics of Becoming-Pig (2020), the rise of new antiretroviral therapies, which effectively prevent the transmission of HIV between serodiscordant sexual partners, has catalyzed a significant change in that history. Comprising the second entry in Routledge’s new Masculinity, Sex, and Popular Culture series, which explores masculinities at the conjunction of texts and practices, Florêncio’s book provides a sophisticated account of the gay masculinities now proliferating in the bars, backrooms, and pornographies of Europe and North America, an account of erotic practices that echo the relational experiments that characterized gay public sex during the 1970s. While facing significant criticism both from national cultures that prefer their gay men sexlessly monogamous and from gay leaders who view pig sex as self-indulgent backsliding, gay “pig” masculinities, as Florêncio terms them, have enabled forms of queer world-making that harbor a potential for ethical and political transformation. Far from idealistic, Florêncio is in fact well aware that gay pig masculinities are inextricable from a mode of modern biopower that operates at the level not just of bodies and populations but also of hormones and molecules. Still, as he passionately and often convincingly argues, it’s in the pig’s creative use of antiviral drugs, and not in the screeds of Larry Kramer or the white papers of Mayor Pete, that many gay men have found what HIV and the phobic politics it inspired threatened to deny them: a queerer path to the future.

    So, what exactly is a pig? A pig is what a pig does, and what a pig does is revel in excess. More precisely, and unlike other subcultural subjectivities that entail the acquisition of appropriate apparel or a particular body shape, one never simply “is” a pig the way one might be a twink or a bear; instead, one engenders gay pig masculinity through erotic practices using those areas of the body most intensely policed by shame and disgust. As Florêncio succinctly puts it: “gay ‘pigs’ ground their masculinity in their holes” (79). Accordingly, the pig’s erotic repertoire includes not only rough fucking and fisting, but also—and perhaps more importantly—the ingestion of recreational drugs and the exchange of body fluids, including piss, shit, and cum. Yet gay pig masculinity isn’t about the egoinflating pleasures of pissing on others, as normative masculinities might have it; instead, it treats such practices as a means of self-augmentation that repeatedly overruns the imaginary boundaries of the body. Pig sex thus exemplifies the flows of Guy Hocquenghem’s deoedipalized “groups,” for which the anus and anal pleasure supplant castration as the privileged metaphor for the production of subjectivity (Hocquenghem 110). Put differently, gay pig masculinities eschew the phallus and its false promise of coherent identity for the disorienting uncertainties of becoming. In that regard, a pig’s work is never done; there’s always another stranger to welcome, another hole to penetrate, and another load to take. It’s in the practice of such a radical openness to the world that Florêncio locates an ethics of porosity that recalls and revitalizes the experiments in erotic relationality conducted among queers during the 1970s. While conditioned by the biopolitical management of HIV, becoming-pig enacts, borrowing from Michel Foucault, an “aesthetic of existence” that makes trouble for processes of normalization and control (qtd. in Florêncio 91).

    As one might expect given Florêncio’s background in art history and visual studies, the book’s archive consists primarily of moving-image pornography, yet it distinguishes itself from other works of porn studies by reading those videos in relation to a range of other materials, including Renaissance sculpture, avant-garde photography and video, pornographic novels, and classified ads. In a sense, Florêncio’s approach is as fluid as the subject he investigates, but this makes it exciting. The growth of porn studies as a field out of feminist film and media studies has meant that porn scholars tend to privilege moving images over other kinds of media, yet Florêncio shows that their histories cannot be so easily disentangled. Still, his study is not primarily historical but instead draws heavily on continental theorists, including Hocquenghem, Paul Preciado, and Peter Sloterdijk, whose efforts to think beyond a subject discreetly bound by its material embodiment inform his account of porn-mediated pig masculinities. In that regard, the book has more in common with the kinds of theory-heavy critiques that characterize much of European porn studies, including the work of Susanna Paasonen, Peter Rehberg, and Tim Stüttgen, than with the historical and sociological work more frequently produced by US-based scholars, many of whom, including Heather Berg, Angela Jones, and Mireille Miller-Young, are less interested in porn’s consumption than its production. However, Florêncio’s book also draws occasionally on interviews with subcultural participants and, less frequently, on autoethnographic accounts regarding his interactions with the subculture, and so the book delightfully eludes easy categorization in terms of the differences that may characterize porn studies’ various regionally and disciplinarily bound discourse communities.

    While the book’s omnivorous approach to its subject may irritate some readers, I consider it one of its principal virtues, particularly as it regards Florêncio’s analysis of gay pig masculinities as an international phenomenon stretching across North America and many parts of Europe. Much in the same way that scholars continue to privilege moving-image porn, they have also focused their attention on US pornographies and the material conditions informing their production. This is beginning to change for a number of reasons, including that proliferating internet and mobile digital technologies have decentered US-based studios as the primary means through which porn is made and distributed. The journal Porn Studies has also helped to highlight the ways in which porn, as editors Feona Attwood and Clarissa Smith observe, “[refuses] to be contained within strict cultural and social boundaries even if [it is] located within particular geo-economic regions” (5). In both its approach to its subject matter and in drawing on the work of scholars based in North America, Australia, and Europe, Florêncio’s book contributes to the goal that Attwood and Smith identify for their journal, yet it does not exactly herald a transnational turn for the field. For example, it provides little sense of how gay pig masculinities might depend on not only pharmacological mediation but also on the globalizing forces of the internet and the markets that have helped to establish places like Berlin as premier destinations for avant-garde erotic culture. That’s not exactly the question the book sets out to answer, but it’s nonetheless worth asking in order to encourage porn scholars to develop critical frameworks that may better account for the ways porn not only depicts flows but also itself flows—or doesn’t flow—across particular borders.

    In highlighting the various ways in which pornographers have represented pig masculinity on screen, Florêncio’s book makes a number of significant interventions. Perhaps the most notable is its effort to displace bareback sex and the attendant risks of HIV transmission as the central problematic of gay porn studies. Of course, it’s possible to find excellent studies of gay pornography that have little to do with the virus, but the bareback subculture and its pornographic representation have dominated the subfield for roughly the past decade, giving rise to monographs, special journal issues, and at least one edited collection on the subject.1 This focus is indebted to the practice’s inherently controversial status, and also reflects the influence of Tim Dean’s Unlimited Intimacy: Reflections on the Subculture of Barebacking (2009), which challenges the sociological and psychological literature that explained gay men’s deliberate abandonment of condoms in terms of shame or the failures of safer sex activism. In the era of Treatment-as-Prevention (TasP) and Pre-Exposure Prophylaxis (PrEP), Dean has updated his reading of barebacking to argue that what is now simply called raw sex engenders fantasies of unadulterated communion between subjects that troublingly elide their biopolitical mediation (Dean). Florêncio, by comparison, argues that such claims downplay technology’s potential for queer world-making projects. The difference between the two is a matter of emphasis. Both persons living with HIV and practitioners of pig sex remain vulnerable to intense stigmatization, often within the same communities in which they practice. That point is clearest in a fascinating interview in which a Berlin-based pig describes to Florêncio the mix of pride and shame he feels when exhibiting his anal prolapse during fisting orgies. Still, the crucial point here is that HIV transmission is no longer the principal problem contouring gay men’s lives. Under the current biopolitical regime, dimensions of such erotic practices once overshadowed by HIV can now become available for thinking.

    On that point, however, there is at least one subject in the book that feels a little too familiar. Florêncio devotes much space to the work and personality of pornographer Paul Morris, the notorious head of Treasure Island Media. Following Dean’s Unlimited Intimacy, which introduced the pornographer to many academics unfamiliar with his oeuvre, Morris has become an object of fascination in gay porn studies for his studio’s rejection of the safer sex protocols that shaped studio-produced porn for much of the 1980s and 1990s. The commitment to raw sex exemplifies the studio’s renegade ethos, which it proudly proclaims on its website, marketing materials, and varieties of TIM-branded merchandise, including a recently announced line of couture leather and fetish clothing (Adams). Morris is a significant figure in the history of pornography, yet Florêncio turns Morris into a modern-day philosopher who embeds big ideas in his porn for those clever enough to extract them. Morris is smart and charismatic, and he’s also a shrewd entrepreneur. Pig sex may thwart the “capitalisation of identity that [has] come to define neoliberalism” (Florêncio 6–7), but what are we to make of its capture and mediation by an international porn studio? It’s on this question that Preciado’s notion of pharmacopornographic power seems underutilized, insofar as the term diagnoses not just biopower but also “biocapitalism” (Preciado 54). In order to understand the political potentials of gay pig masculinities, then, we need a clearer sense of their relation both to the masculine subjectivity that provides the ground for neoliberal politics and to the mode of capitalism for which pleasure, intoxication, and the production of subjectivity are key elements.

    How might porn scholars in general be a bit more piggish about their work? My misgivings about the status accorded to Morris aside, Florêncio’s book can serve as a model, albeit an imperfect one, for the rest of us. Like pig sex, porn draws one’s attention to thresholds, as Attwood and Smith suggest, and it tends to generate the most consternation in those moments when it threatens to overrun the boundaries that contain it and give it stable definition. One of the most basic yet important insights of porn studies is that porn isn’t a single thing; hence, the frequent tendency among porn scholars to speak not of pornography but of pornographies. That pluralization entails a recognition of different forms and histories that may or may not overlap with each other. A further compounding issue, as Anirban K. Baishya and Darshana S. Mini explain, is that the concepts, methods, and histories developed within Euro-American porn studies may require significant modification—when not abandoned altogether—before they can be useful to thinking about the pornography and erotic culture produced elsewhere in the world. Porn scholars’ fascination with US pornographies may be as much a matter of the global hegemony of US culture as of the styles of reasoning that inform Euro-American scholarship. “Translating porn studies for each historical and cultural location,” Baishya and Mini argue, “must start from places of contact and exchange, mutations and borrowings” (8). I sense potential common ground between their description of translation as a mediated, self-reflective, and multi-directional flow of ideas and Florêncio’s ethics of porosity derived from the joyful and sociogenic fluid exchanges of pig sex. If one does it right, then one should not expect to walk away from such exchanges unchanged or uncontaminated by the ideas of others.

    On that last point, one of the most interesting yet inchoate points in Florêncio’s book is the extent to which gay pig masculinities are irreducible to the kinds of embodied subjects historically defined as “gay.” Most of the bodies described in Florêncio’s study remain largely codable as cis gay male, yet by my lights one of the book’s most interesting examples of gay pig masculinity appears in Fuck Holes 3 (2015), which stands out as “the first Treasure Island Media production to feature not only cis gay men but also a trans and a cis woman” (79). While a big deal for TIM, queer porn producers have been producing videos that feature a diverse array of bodies for some time, as Florêncio notes, yet the decision not to engage further with that archive seems a missed opportunity. That thought reoccurred to me when reading Florêncio’s subsequent explication of Tom of Finland clones in the Catacombs, the famous San Francisco sex club devoted to fisting. That space, Florêncio observes, “[brought] gay men together and catalyz[ed] forms of intimacy and more or less lasting bonds that cannot be fully captured by the normative discourse of ‘rights’ that has come to dominate LGBTQ+ politics since the 1990s” (134). However, while gay men may have comprised the bulk of the Catacombs’ patrons, butch lesbians and trans men also participated in its erotic culture. The elision of just how un-clonelike the Catacombs could be makes it harder to grasp one of the more crucial points of Florêncio’s analysis: that pig sex and gay pig masculinity are not synonymous with gay men.

    One of the more important pornographer-cum-documentarians of that history is not Paul Morris but the writer Patrick Califia. For example, Califia’s short story “Holes” recollects his experience as a butch dyke cruising the Catacombs only to wind up fisting a hunky deaf muscle queen named Jim. The unusual pairing forms the basis for Califia’s meditation on the queer intimacy produced during a night working his fist into Jim’s welcoming asshole. “I was amazed yet again by the power and generosity of an unabashed bottom,” Califia recounts. “I’ve never understood how someone can do that, simply let go and invite me into their psyche and their orifices” (250). At the story’s conclusion, Califia mourns not only the loss of her friend to AIDS but also the loss of the erotic culture that brought the two together: “The Catacombs has been closed for decades. And I find that it is pretty difficult for me to go looking for another grinning, good-natured sex pig to wear for a bracelet” (256). Jim’s death is unredeemable, but erotic pig culture may survive, albeit radically transformed in the ways that Florêncio describes. Yet if one were to find in that history a means to “build a new speculative ethics of co-habitation” (Florêncio 162), then such a project may be best served by devoting time and attention to practices of masculinity that allow very different kinds of subjects to share with one another not only space but also their bodies.2 While there are moments when Florêncio’s book feels a little too familiar, there is much to be excited about, including a valuable framework and a useful set of conceptual tools with which to take porn studies and masculinity studies into the next decade.

    Steven Ruszczycky is Assistant Professor in the department of English and a member of the Polytechnic State University, San Luis Obispo. He is the author of Vulgar Genres: Gay teaching faculty in the department of Women’s, Gender, and Queer Studies at the California Pornographic Writing and Contemporary Fiction (University of Chicago Press, 2021).

    Footnotes

    1. For an example of the influence of Dean’s Unlimited Intimacy and a sampling of the current conversation regarding barebacking, see Varghese.

    2. In making this suggestion, I’m inspired by the work of the trans theorist Nicholas Clarkson.

    Works Cited

    • Adams, J. C. “Treasure Island, Spitfire Leather Launch Fetish Clothing Collection.” XBiz.com, 30 Apr. 2021, https://www.xbiz.com/news/258890/treasure-island-spitfireleather-launch-fetish-clothing-collection. Accessed 31 May 2021.
    • Attwood, Feona, and Clarissa Smith. “Porn Studies: An Introduction.” Porn Studies, vol. 1, no. 1–2, 2014, pp. 1–6. Taylor & Francis Online. doi:10.1080/23268743.2014.887308. Accessed 31 May 2021.
    • Baishya, Anirban K. and Darshana S. Mini. “Translating Porn Studies: Lessons from the Vernacular,” Porn Studies, vol. 7, no. 1, 2020, pp. 2–12. Taylor & Francis Onlinedoi:10.1080/23268743.2019.1632540. Accessed 31 May 2021.
    • Califia, Patrick. “Holes.” Hard Men, Alyson Books, 2004, pp. 242–56.
    • Clarkson, Nicholas. “Sexing Trans Theory.” National Women’s Studies Association Conference, San Francisco, CA, November 14–17, 2019.
    • Dean, Tim. “Mediated Intimacies: Raw Sex, Truvada, and the Biopolitics of Chemoprophylaxis.” Sexualities, vol. 18, no. 1–2, 2015, pp. 224–246, Sage Journals. Accessed 31 May 2021.
    • Hocquenghem, Guy. Homosexual Desire. Translated by Daniella Dangoor, Duke UP, 2006.
    • Preciado, Paul (Beatriz). Testo Junkie: Sex, Drugs, and Biopolitics in the Pharmacopornographic Era. Translated by Bruce Benderson, The Feminist Press, 2013.
    • Varghese, Ricky, editor. Raw: PrEP, Pedagogy, and the Politics of Barebacking. U of Regina P, 2019.
  • Patterns within Grids

    Susanna Paasonen (bio)

    A review of Roach, Tom. Screen Love: Queer Intimacies in the Grindr Era. SUNY Press, 2021.

    What would follow from detaching considerations of hookup apps from simplistic, pessimistic diagnoses of neoliberal commodification and exploitation, and from coupling critiques of the data economy with a potential queer ethics of relating instead? These are some of the questions that Tom Roach asks in Screen Love: Queer Intimacies in the Grindr Era. The approach of the book is that of both/and: it addresses the destructive, expansive, and intrusive dynamics of neoliberalism, while also arguing, in response to Audre Lorde, that the master’s tools might just be used to dismantle the master’s house (127). That is, the dynamics of neoliberal capitalism—where all subjects are seen as ultimately replaceable cogs in the machine, and where social media platforms treat their users as data points visually represented within horizontal grids foregrounding sameness—can bring forth a queer ethics premised on fungibility and shared alienation. Roach’s doesn’t shy away from complexities and ambiguities that make culture, society, and the self. This approach is refreshing, not least because much contemporary analysis of social media tends to be more unequivocal when outlining what apps and platforms do, and can do. The lines of argumentation are rich, and the examples and comparisons drawn often surprising. For me, Screen Love reads as a welcome invitation to think about networked sexual screen culture through the logic of both/and.

    The founding argument of Screen Love suggests that, by presenting individuals seeking company as horizontal elements of an endless grid, m4m (“men seeking men”) media such as hookup apps Grindr and Scruff foreground nonidentical sameness and equivalence in ways disinterested in personal connection or inner depth. In so doing, m4m media allow for escapes from their own neoliberal logic. Working with and through Leo Bersani in particular, Roach argues that treating social media users as fungible—both in their visual representation as profile pictures within a grid, and structurally as data points used to aggregate broader patterns of tastes and preferences for targeted advertising—is at once a neoliberal operation of power and an opportunity to foreground an ethical, nonidentical equivalence between people that makes it possible to see life as mattering only as part of a larger composition (17, 22, 50).

    In presenting users as types (“the jock,” “the daddy,” “the bear,” “the twink,” etc.) rather than as unique characters, m4m media, Roach agues, hollow out personality and perceived individual uniqueness in favor of anonymised, depersonalised patterns. Roach here thinks against or at least beyond most standard analyses of objectification, which see the reduction of people into things as a violent dehumanization that intensifies social hierarchies and relations of exploitation and that is to be resisted at all costs. This does not entail blindness about historical or present practices of racial dehumanization within which fungibility operates as a means of denying the value of an individual person or life. For Roach, fungibility as equivalence does not undo hierarchical relations or stand for equality insofar as in a fungible structure different bodies and data points are differently valued (57). Rather, fungibility becomes an exercise in self-lessening: attending to sameness—from which differences sprout—so that a given self could, by and large, just as well be someone or something else.

    Screen Love is at its strongest in mediating something akin to thinking in action, as examples, anecdotes, and theoretical flights spring out of and intermesh with amalgamations where Marcel Proust meets the interface design of Grindr, and where Aristotle’s takes on philia (brotherly love) frame promiscuous cultures of cruising. Some comparisons and analogies—such as thinking about the grid-like design of Grindr in relation to the NAMES Project AIDS Memorial Quilt (107–109) that treats all deaths with equal weight regardless of a person’s fame, or Andy Warhol’s soup cans that repeat so that gradual differences emerge from similarity (144–148)—are likely to rub critics who would foreground the contextual specificity of cultural objects the wrong way. This, however, is not a line of critique I wish to pursue here: in terms of aesthetics and design, the analogies stand.

    The book is less strong in tackling the politics, forms, and shapes of social media and the data economy within which apps such as Grindr operate. This is not primarily a media studies book, and it is something of a tired gesture to critique a volume for what it does not argue, cover, or achieve. At the same time, its focus on hookup apps and social media and its engagement with research on these topics do make it a media studies book. The comparison that Roach draws between queer kink cultures and social media interaction options in terms of their codes and forms of action—for example, suggesting that in their protocols, S&M dom and sub roles are like Twitter’s 280-character limit, and that hanky codes are governed by protocols in the way Facebook’s “like” interaction button is (101–102)—fails to grasp their fundamental differences. A like button may be used to express affective alliance in routine fashion but, functionally, it is a key marker of attention within the data economy, and is used in analyses of patterns of preference for the purposes of targeted advertising (advertisers arguably being the actual customers of social media). A Twitter character limit undoubtedly delimits action and impacts the style and form of interaction in concrete ways. Yet a feature engineered by design, resulting from the choices of a tech company, cannot be compared easily with the roles of play within sexual subcultures, even without considering the mercurial possibility of a switch in S&M. It is undoubtedly productive to think about queer sexual cultures and social media in tandem; it is, however, also crucial to understand the operating logic of social media.

    Rather than uncoupling this logic or pointing to scholarship that does, Screen Love uses social media from Facebook and Twitter to Grindr, Scruff, and Tinder as something of a metaphor or symbol for neoliberalism. Roach frames social media as “‘the language’ of neoliberalism, efficient, utilitarian” (6), where clarity of expression is valued over opacity or ambiguity, and users, wrapped up in self-promotion, performance, brand-management, and endless competition, fight over visibility and popularity. This coupling of neoliberal politics and ethos with social media allows for clarity of argumentation, as it engages, if only partially, Jodi Dean’s notion of communicative capitalism. For Dean, “obligatory transparency and expressivity” (Roach 154) do not characterize the logic of communicative capitalism. Rather, the optimized flow and circulation of data for the purposes of monetization lie at its heart, so that content—let alone clarity of expression—ceases to matter. In Dean’s analysis, data streams decouple messages and updates from senders and recipients, politics and agendas, so that communicative capitalism ultimately eschews meaning and so limits social activism on social media platforms (58). This argument is not too distant from Roach’s interest in the “sensual nonsense” of m4m media that operate outside of and that resist neoliberal norms of clarity (162), yet it also runs counter to it in resisting the exceptionalism of such platforms. Furthermore, ambivalence, nonsense, and absurdity abound in online cultures within and beyond social media—communicational transparency is hardly the general norm and never has been (Phillips and Milner).

    Roach’s take on social media is more optimistic than Dean’s, although it would be inaccurate to identify it as optimistic overall. It is similarly concerned with the invasive powers of capitalism. In fact, neoliberalism becomes nearly synonymous with contemporary U.S. culture and its societal and economic dynamics in ways that make it difficult to consider other neoliberalisms, or neoliberalisms differently played out, in tandem with the neoliberalism discussed in the book. What would a queer ethics of fungibility look like in a neoliberal society with universal health care—say, Canada—operating according to similar ideological tenets yet with different principles, such as to safeguard the value of and rights to life? Fungibility may be key to neoliberalism, but it is also differently yet profoundly key to socialism and communism, although socialist and communist societies have historically rarely advanced, respected, or acknowledged gender diversity or sexual rights. Without meandering further along this path, there are crucial differences between fungibilities pertaining to ideology, economy, and the struggle for social equality. It is a virtue for cultural inquiry to be specific in focus and with regard to its material, yet further discussion is needed to see how neoliberalism and U.S. culture shape and condition each other, and to discover what follows from conflating neoliberalism with a specific national context.

    In its call to consider cruising—online, offline, and in between—a practice of learning from strangers wherein one remains receptive to the foreign while also acknowledging the fundamental sameness of individual subjects, Screen Love bears some similarity to João Florêncio’s 2020 book, Bareback Porn, Porous Masculinities, Queer Futures: The Ethics of Becoming-Pig, which maps out a queer ethics based on sexual communion with and receptivity and generosity to strangers. Unlike Florêncio, who foregrounds the material intensities and dynamics of sexual pleasure in the making of queer male sociability, Roach does not engage with the notion or practices of pleasure, operating with Foucault’s declaration that sex is boring instead (62). Here, Screen Love contributes to a longer debate on the role and centrality of sexuality in queer inquiry, as advanced in the 2011 anthology After Sex, edited by Halley and Parker exploring the decoupling of queer inquiry from the topic of sex. Seemingly paradoxically, this is done by exploring hook-up apps.

    This chosen line of argumentation is noteworthy in that it is easy to identify the unproductive excess of sex and sexual pleasure as fundamentally resistant to neoliberal norms of productivity and the optimization of performance. If seen as autotelic, sexual pleasure is an end in itself, requiring no instrumental purposes or interests (although it may of course be tethered to these, as well). Considered in this vein, the issue is not one of positioning sexuality as a “truth” concerning the self, nor of exaggerating the importance of sexuality in terms of identity or community so as to pin down the assumed meaning of sex or indeed of the self. Sexual desire and pleasure both make and unmake the self within and across categories of identity, so that there are myriad ways to conceptualize their importance and transformative potential well beyond the potential boredoms involved in analyzing what people do, how, why, or with whom (even though I can personally think of much more tedious intellectual tasks). Thinking further with Kane Race’s discussion of experimentations across screen media and sexual likes could have opened up further avenues for considering the ethics of promiscuity as rooted in pleasure.

    Despite its title, Screen Love is not centrally concerned with a notion of love beyond the general framing of philia as an ethical claim. Intimacy, another key term in the book’s title that gestures toward Tim Dean’s Unlimited Intimacy, weaves through the different chapters even as there is notably little conceptual work done with it. Intimacy is left to point somewhat ephemerally toward or to stand in for sexual exchanges, while also suggesting something else. If, following Lauren Berlant’s critique of couple normativity and its heterosexual economies, intimacy involves “connections that impact on people, and on which they depend for living” (284), then intimacy comes steeped in vulnerability, suggesting the centrality of others to the making of the self. Furthermore, this formulation suggests that such connections are not merely of the human kind, so that an app such as Grindr—assembling interface design with avatars standing in for people, platform vernaculars connected to interaction forms and styles of writing, and invasive forms of data extraction—can impact lives in important ways.

    For Roach, an ethics of fungibility emphasizes vulnerability (22, 54), yet he does not quite explain how it does this. If fungibility entails fundamental horizontality such that any individual (or their screen profile) can be replaced with any other, then contact between individuals—be it an in-app reply or a fuck date—is ultimately either meaningless or only meaningful as one node in a broader pattern of exchanges devoid of personal traits. It would then seem that it would not matter if one were to get no reply or to be rejected on a dating app. If ethical intimacy means not connecting on a personal level and being indifferent “to the sexiness of psychological depth” (15), does this not do away with vulnerability in such encounters? If one contact is the same as any other, what spaces are there for vulnerability in the connections on which we depend for living?

    That a book invites its reader to think and question is, by default, a sign of its merits. In its partly open-ended and lively conversational style, interspersed with conceptually dense and neatly sculpted sentences, Screen Love achieves the difficult task of showing that, however powerful the dynamics of neoliberalism, it is crucial to hold on to spaces that enable alternate understandings of those dynamics and their implications. The book outlines pockets and patterns of possibility, virtualities that may or may not actualize, but which greatly matter.

    Susanna Paasonen is Professor of Media Studies at University of Turku, Finland, and author of Carnal Resonance: Affect and Online Pornography (MIT Press 2011), Many Splendored Things: Thinking Sex and Play (Goldsmiths Press 2018), and NSFW: Sex, Humor and Risk in Social Media (with Kylie Jarrett and Ben Light, MIT Press 2019).

    Works Cited

    • Berlant, Lauren. “Intimacy: A Special Issue.” Critical Inquiry, vol. 24, no. 2, 1998, pp. 281–288.
    • Dean, Jodi. “Communicative Capitalism: Circulation and the Foreclosure of Politics.” Cultural Politics, vol. 1, no. 1, 2005, pp. 51–74.
    • Florêncio, João. Bareback Porn, Porous Masculinities, Queer Futures: The Ethics of Becoming-Pig. Routledge, 2020.
    • Phillips, Whitney and Ryan M. Milner. The Ambivalent Internet: Mischief, Oddity, and Antagonism Online. Polity, 2017.
    • Race, Kane. The Gay Science: Intimate Experiments with the Problem of HIV. Routledge, 2018.
  • No Country for Old White Men: Living at the Boundary of Blackness

    Sharon P. Holland (bio)

    A review of Bennett, Joshua. Being Property Once Myself: Blackness and the End of Man. Harvard UP, 2020.

    Jackson, Zakiyyah Iman. Becoming Human: Matter and Meaning in an Antiblack World. New York UP, 2020.

    No one will dispute that the SARS-CoV-2 virus has set the stage for deeper engagements with our collective feelings about racial disparity and the natural world. Black scholars are at the forefront of thinking through these perilous times into a future that might, finally, be able to hold us. In Joshua Bennett’s spare and gorgeously written Being Property Once Myself, we are asked to begin this journey through “a black aesthetic tradition” that “provides us with the tools needed to conceive of interspecies relationships” (4). He asks: what are the ethical concerns that come forward from negated personhood, legally and philosophically? The title of Bennett’s book is taken from a Lucille Clifton poem in which kinship with the natural world produces black life. Zakiyyah Iman Jackson travels brilliantly in the same psychic life of blackness in Becoming Human, which shares similar objects and theoretical underpinnings; both texts explore the impactful nature of an antiblack world. As Jackson states in her “Introduction,” she wants to take note of “our shared being with the nonhuman without suggesting that some members of humanity bear the burden of ‘the animal’” (12). Her text strives to unmake the terms of the debate itself, offering up even its title as an oxymoron in black thought, as the works of African American, African, and Caribbean literary and visual artists “displace the very terms of black(ened) animality as abjection” (1).

    Bennett’s work reads across the canon, and reimagines sociality, interiority, and feeling through the prism of black studies, ecocriticism, and affect theory as he engages in extensive and rewarding readings of literature, focusing on the ways in which these authors “render animal life” (9). His text is not interested in the “undertheorized plight of nonhuman animals.” Rather, Bennett’s analysis wants to draw attention to animal life as “a site of recognition and reckoning” (11). Each chapter is devoted to thinking with animal life as a figure for a remapping of black interiority. The first chapter, “Rat,” explicates Richard Wright’s attention to animal life as a mediation of black death. Beginning with Tara Betts’s poem, “For Those Who Need a True Story,” Bennett deftly navigates the complexity of non-human animal life and black life and the significance of the language of pests, infestation, and vermin that demonstrates the meaningful co-habitation of black human and animal life. Students of Wright’s work will immediately understand the originality of Bennett’s reading as he utilizes Wright’s purposeful foreclosure of sympathy for Bigger as a way to understand what actually subtends an antiblack world. In this reading, Bennett is quick to remind us that we judge Bigger’s actions as his “natural inclination toward cruelty” rather than as a “sociological problem.” Wright wants to lay bare this problem in writing about Bigger’s predicament: “Bigger is more violent than he is kind, and that is precisely the point. He is in the world and of it” (39). His reading of Wright’s literary critics is nothing short of brilliant. Along the way, he exposes the flawed infrastructure obscured by a one-to-one correlation between Bigger and the rat: that the relationship between these two beings is one of contestation. That contest is at issue in Bennett’s work. In this theatre, rat and human co-create—out of contestation, perhaps, but what then happens to that ethical life as a potentiality for the kind of kinship, rather than objectification, that Bennett seeks to engage? If Bigger’s future might be bound with the symbol of the rat but the rat’s future cannot be seen or told, does the consideration of non-human animal life still rest upon a contestation that produces a human/animal distinction? This is the deeper problem of representation that Bennett’s reading yields and that proponents of pessimism engage: “relation always occurs within representation” (Wilderson 315). And in this scene of contestation, of animal life, of black feeling, I wonder too about Bessie—the black female who cannot be taken with Bigger or left behind, and whose death is made in the reflection of the primal “pest” that begins Wright’s narrative. Nevertheless, the chapter ends with a stunning reading of Wright’s unpublished Haiku, where the imaginary landscape for the insurgent figure of the rat imagines a world otherwise, “an open space” as “respite from the unrelenting danger of the domestic sphere” (65).

    Perhaps the gnawing feeling left in the wake of Bessie’s death propels itself into Bennett’s substantial contribution to masculinity studies in the chapter titled “Cock.” Here, he is “interested in working through and against discourses that imagine little else for black men beyond the grave.” Forging “a theory of the black masculine,” Bennett begins with one of the authors of our collective interiority, Toni Morrison (67). As he reminds us, Morrison’s works—Sula, Song of Solomon, Tar Baby, and particularly Beloved—reveal a noticeable gendering of the “properties of animals” (68). Following on the theorizations of the affective life of blackness in works like Kevin Quashie’s The Sovereignty of Quiet, Bennett explores “unreciprocated affection” and “burden without release” (73), beginning with Morrison’s insurance agent in Song of Solomon, Mr. Smith. Remarkable in this chapter is the way Bennett demonstrates that he is both a critic in the pessimist tradition and a critic of it, as he turns to forms of embodiment in black literary production—like Milkman’s limp and his relationship to his own physicality—opening up a space where the body and its affective life can and do count. Quoting from a 1977 interview with Morrison in which she cites her interest in black men “almost as a species” (100), Bennett crafts this distinction in Morrison as primarily one of masculinity’s relationship to property—the provenance of whiteness. In doing so, Bennett’s argument leaves room for the ways in which this “white-supremacist patriarchy acts differently … on black men and black women” (107). Bennett is right to emphasize a persistent problem in black literary criticism: that gender difference (politically speaking) is elided so that the project of black uplift can cohere. One of the chapter’s most compelling arguments is actually left unspoken: Bennett doesn’t try to parse his use of the term “cock,” preferring instead to compel us to be smart(er) about this male figure and fantasy as he tracks black male feeling.

    In many ways, Bennett continues this work on gender in his chapter on “Mules,” recalling a representation of the mule in Zora Neale Hurston’s work as a representation of “invisibilized interiority” in “a black feminist apositionality” (117). There is an important reading of Hortense Spillers (“Mama’s Baby, Papa’s Maybe”) in this chapter that parses “flesh” and its relationship to culture—to the “vestibulary” nature of the black female’s place in the ordering of gender and of animal life. Bennett observes: “ungendering is also a transformation at the level of species; it is how one is forcibly removed from the province of the human and placed elsewhere” (122). This particular argument has great implications for black feminist praxis and moves the dialogue about human/animal relation forward. What it also brings to the fore is the nagging presence of suffering as a kind of mutual bond in the dreamscape of ethical relation. This is a component of utilitarian praxis embedded in Animal Studies that produces the animal as object through a simile that cannot hold if ethical action is our stated goal. Nevertheless, Bennett comes closest to unraveling this dialectical trauma when he ends with this thought: “there is no communion to be had with the animal without the possibility of death” (139).

    Bennett’s study ends with the chapters “Dog” and “Shark.” His readings of Jesmyn Ward’s Salvage the Bones and the trope of the Middle Passage in African-American creative thought only add to the stunning arguments laid out in previous chapters. To say that Being Property Once Myself is an achievement is an understatement. It is a paradigm-shifting work that does justice to the stuff, the stardust from which all being emerges.

    In Becoming Human, Jackson’s thoroughgoing argument is that those African-descended peoples who traffic in representations of blackness are neither striving for a bankrupt humanity nor negotiating a set of terms upon which their humanity will be recognized; instead, they gesture to another way of being altogether. I couldn’t agree more with this assessment, and scholars in Animals Studies should take note that a much more interesting engagement with animal life is here to stay. This study destabilizes the dominance of philosophical and scientific thought on the animal by taking seriously “alternative conceptions of being” in Africanist thought (3). The focus here is more decidedly on “black female flesh … as the limit case of ‘the human’” (4). Jackson’s is the most systematic critique of the ways in which philosophical texts persistently misread blackness and are unclear on the effects of sex/gender upon modes of worlding since Charles Mills’s The Racial Contract.

    By positing a renewed theory of plasticity, Jackson changes the terms of the playing field. She offers us a critique of plasticity that sees its “somatic potential” in the ability to mold a substance while maintaining some form of life as grounded in the work of antiblackness and the black form as “infinitely mutable” (11). And there is no other work more important to this prevailing negation than that of producing terms like “mother,” “woman,” or “female body” (11). We are reminded here that the biopolitical is the substantiation of the thought that the African is animal, and not the commonly held idea that the African symbolizes the animal (14). While I do not think that many critics would balk at this pronouncement, claims that “animalizing discourse that is directed primarily at people of African descent” might become ungrounded if we think of colonization across other regions and peoples of the globe (15). Despite these more universalist claims for the study of blackness, Jackson’s necessary critique settles on the controversy, debate, and dissention of an assumed and settled humanity (16). She sees the question of whether the black is a human being as fundamentally flawed, and asks instead: “If being recognized as human offers no reprieve from ontologizing dominance and violence, then what might we gain from the rupture of ‘the human’?” (20). For Jackson the discourses of animality and antiblackness forge each other so that we cannot talk about animal life without giving way to antiblack thought, and her precise readings of Hume, Hegel, Jefferson, and Kant bear fruit on this point.

    In the chapters that put these arguments and theories at play, Jackson beautifully articulates a grounding movement in black thought: we strive to “transform” rather than “assimilate.” Taking on the human as a heuristic model, Jackson’s reading of Morrison and Douglass is a masterful articulation of a mutually constituted sentimental and identity-based understanding of ethical engagement. Central to this work is the following understanding: “New World slavery established a field of demand that tyrannically presumed, as if by will alone, that the enslaved, in their humanity, could function as infinitely malleable lexical and biological matter, at once sub/super/human” (47). Jackson clearly articulates the brutality of demanding a simultaneity in blackness, giving “form to human and animal as categories” (48). Reading Beloved against Derrida’s musings in The Animal that Therefore I Am, Jackson offers “that blackness is the missing term” (59) in his analysis, as his query into philosophical bestiary, a matter of origins, falls short of what it needs to understand itself. Derrida’s text may itself play with what is missing without naming it, just as the biography of the philosopher himself cuts through the text, submerged as it is in what he and his compatriots cannot see. Taking a look through the gaze of Mister (a rooster) and Paul D in Morrison’s text, the staging of ethical relation here is always already at the site of hum/animal relation—it is an ethics that looks outward for its muse. From this discussion we come to the importance of the slave’s “infinite malleability” (72), where plasticity gets its most sustained attention. Jackson’s point is that “trans-species correspondence, rather than oppositional difference,” is the mode of black thought (73).

    The next chapter, “Sense of Things,” soars as Jackson confronts the messy obligation to nothingness that blackness seems to secure. Seeing blackness as a “profound intensification” of “a politics of sex-gender” (85), her readings move through the constructions of a hierarchical world in philosophical thought, rendering them bankrupt and noting some equivocation in Heidegger’s strict parsing of ontological boundaries. Central to the argument at this stage of this shape-shifting book and to her explication of Nalo Hopkinson’s speculative novel Brown Girl in the Ring is that we cannot understand black relationship to the subject/object paradigm without taking into consideration “black peoples’ fungibility with objects” (112)—to consider blackness in this regard is to remake prevailing aesthetic arrangements. Indeed, “the nature of reality itself” is always already at stake (112). And the argument in this chapter and the next, “‘Not Our Own,’” where Jackson considers the importance of Octavia Butler’s work, rests upon what and how black womanhood figures for this artificial separation of subject and object, as she attempts to illuminate the ways in which the structured relationship of black femaleness to settled and archetypal philosophical ruses represents a kind of telling “inoperability” (117).

    The move to Octavia Butler’s speculative fiction is well-timed. It opens up a realm of possibilities for work on flesh, matter, and meaning. Jackson notes that “Butler’s fiction. … radicalizes and transforms the aesthetico-affective-cognitive politics of embodied difference rather than attempt to overcome (the movement of) differentiation” (129). Her reading of Bloodchild and the “unusual accommodation” (qtd. in Jackson 149) made for a male character’s pregnancy is masterful, and when we land on “an articulation of embodied subjectivity that is typified by receptivity rather than mastery,” the stakes of the project deepen. At this point readers will perhaps want Jackson to move through the “network of relations” (150) outlined here—what are the terms of our being that cannot be dictated by the figure, presence, or will of the human? Instead, we move to a philosophical unpacking of the project of symbiosis across feminist and science fiction and its uncomfortable marriage of race and species. There is no race without species, no species without race. Perhaps the most interesting phrase in this stunning examination is “directionless becoming” (157)—but the queerness promised in this chapter’s reading of sex/gender and reproduction is a thread that still requires untangling at its close.

    In the end, we have “body” and “flesh” (194) in the last chapter of the book, “Organs of War,” which focuses on Lorde’s Cancer Journals and the visual-cultural terrain of Wangechi Mutu’s work. Jackson saves her reading of Spillers’s most important and oft-cited moment in her famous 1987 essay for last, departing from some received understandings of “flesh” in Spillers’s thought as that which comes before the imprint of culture. This cultural lexicon allows Jackson to take on the medicalized language of health care, which does not meet its stated objective at all, in both Lorde’s and Mutu’s approach to the body’s shattered materiality. Again, what makes this work queer—besides the stated sexuality of the author(s) studied—remains at stake, and I can only imagine that Jackson’s next body of work will take up this important thread.

    The animal as a trope or a symbol or even relation must be reimagined. Bennett and Jackson remind us that such reimagining has already taken place. There is no single event, only a process, and the time has come for philosophy and, yes, science to take a look beyond the scrim that has obscured even the terms of their forgetting. Taken together, these two books obliterate the literal ground upon which humanity or the humane gain purchase on and access to thought. They offer much needed and welcome insight into the complexity of black thought and our manner of engaging it. No discourse about hum/animal difference, alignment, or liberation can move forward without moving through the work of these scholars. And for that, I am exceedingly glad.

    Sharon P. Holland is the Townsend Ludington Distinguished Professor and Chair of American Studies at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. She is the author of Raising The Dead: Readings Of Death And (Black) Subjectivity (Duke UP, 2000), and co-author of a collection of trans-Atlantic Afro-Native criticism with Professor Tiya Miles (American Culture, UM, Ann Arbor) entitled Crossing Waters/Crossing Worlds: The African Diaspora in Indian Country (Duke University Press, 2006). She is the author of The Erotic Life of Racism (Duke University Press, 2012), a theoretical project that explores the intersection of Critical Race, Feminist, and Queer Theory. Her next book, an other: a black feminist consideration of animal life, is under contract with Duke University Press. You can see her work on food, writing, and all things equestrian on her blog, http://theprofessorstable.wordpress.com.

    Works Cited

    Wilderson, Frank B., III. Red, White & Black: Cinema and the Structure of U.S. Antagonisms. Duke UP, 2010.

  • My Mother’s Bones: The Photographic Bodies of Camera Lucida and Halving the Bones

    Chelsea Oei Kern (bio)

    Abstract

    This essay brings together Roland Barthes’s Camera Lucida and Ruth Ozeki’s documentary Halving the Bones in order to situate the conceit of maternal photography within discourses of social and racial reproduction. Although Barthes’s theory of photography neglects race, it prepares the ground for a logic of maternal reproduction through photography that is not realized within Camera Lucida. Ozeki extends Barthes’s theory of photography-as-mothering to posit film as a medium that meets the needs of a contentious, mixed-race Asian body—both to escape narratives of race as enforced through the photograph, and to ensure the continued visibility of that body.

    We approach the young woman from behind, creeping up on her as she sits at a desk in a cluttered room. As the camera shifts to capture her face, the narrator explains, first in Japanese and then in English, “This is Ruth. She is half” (00:01:47–50). Half American and half Japanese, that is: two parts of a whole, but somehow still only “half.” This first scene of Ruth Ozeki Lounsbury’s (hereafter Ozeki1) autobiographical film Halving the Bones (1995) opens on Ruth in her apartment, sorting through old photographs of her grandparents. The narrator is a young woman with a thick Japanese accent who later identifies herself as Matsuye, Ruth’s maternal grandmother. As Matsuye continues to speak, the camera follows Ruth’s movements around the room in a series of shaky close-ups: her hands, her face, the photographs and documents that she looks at. It is an intimate perspective, and Ruth seems entirely unaware that she is being watched. Then, just a moment before the scene ends, she looks into the camera and smiles. With this move, Ruth transforms the film from biography to autobiography. By looking at the viewer directly, Ruth prevents the film from participating in an external representation of her character and violates the conventions of fictional film.2 To Matsuye’s assertion that “This is Ruth. She is half,” Ruth replies in her upbeat American accent: “My name is Ruth, but I don’t like it” (00:04:05–10). As she takes over from and contradicts the previous narrator, she begins the process of undermining other representations of her by a medium that would view her as “half,” or as anything else that Ruth can claim she does not “like.” Seizing control of the filmic medium, she leverages it as a tool of autobiography against the ordering narratives of photography and family history.

    Halving the Bones is about mothers, photography, and film—and about the power that each can exert over daughters. The film tells the story of Ruth’s journey to give her grandmother Matsuye’s cremated bones, which she has saved for several years in a small tea can, to her mother, Masako, from whom she has grown apart in recent years. The first part of the film presents Matsuye’s life in her own words, ostensibly from an autobiography that she wrote before she died, and through photographs and home movies shot by her husband in Hawaii. Ruth’s grandfather and Matsuye ran a photography business together until World War II, when her grandfather was taken to an internment camp, his photographic equipment confiscated. As this section closes, however, Ruth makes a confession: the autobiography never existed, and the movies are fabrications, with Ruth playing the part of her own grandmother in order to recreate the films that were destroyed during internment. The documentary thus takes a turn toward fiction even as it represents the true history of Ozeki-as-Ruth and her family as they negotiate being Japanese in America during and post-World War II. The construction of their race as a visual quality—communicated through photographs and other visual propaganda such as the government-issued How to Spot a Jap (1942)—shapes the narratives of their lives, and Ruth’s. At the same time, the demands of white supremacy continually attempt to erase the Japanese and mixed-race bodies of the film. From the mandate to have an English name that turns out to be unpronounceable by her Japanese relatives, to the confiscation of her grandfather’s photographic and filming equipment (and the destruction of his films) during his internment in WWII, to her white father’s hope that Ruth will be an “All-American kid,” visible Japanese-ness is continually under attack. While Ozeki develops an autobiographical response to the external construction of her body through photography, she is also invested in asserting the valued presence of a racialized body that is always contested.

    At its heart, Ozeki’s film is concerned with questions about authenticity and reproduction in photographs, which she asks with an understanding that the search for the meaning of photography is a search for her mother. So, too, in Camera Lucida (1980), perhaps the most well-known inquiry into photographic meaning, Roland Barthes entwines his search for the meaning of photography with maternal longing following the death of his own mother. Barthes’s most telling reflections on photography come about because of the Winter Garden Photograph, a picture of his mother as a child in which Barthes “finds” her, but which he never produces in the text. Like Ozeki’s false home movies, Barthes’s missing maternal images are the centerpieces of his theory of photography. Both Halving the Bones and Camera Lucida thus hinge on the absences of a mother and a photographic or filmic object that are nevertheless integral to the works. The formal similarity of recantation (Barthes’s “palinode,” Ozeki’s confession) also organizes both the film and the book. The unsteadiness of this model (revising, going back, confessing) underlies the oblique autobiographies that these texts produce as they waver between self and mother. The convergence and thematic resonance of these two autobiographical texts occasion my reading of their meditations on photography, film, and mothers.

    This essay reads Halving the Bones alongside Camera Lucida in order to explore how these two works grapple with and subvert the idea of photography as a documentary, truth-telling form that is metaphorically and even literally tied to motherhood. A photograph is procreative like a mother, Barthes suggests, because it produces bodies out of itself through the indexical relationship to the photographed subject. While Barthes’s insistence on the indexicality of the photograph has been hugely influential in subsequent photography theory, less attention has been paid to his more bizarre and personal claim that photographs not only indexical but also maternal. Highlighting photography’s mothering role inscribes photography with a familial significance that is always personal as well as theoretical. Camera Lucida and Halving the Bones share this interest in maternal photography as an intimate heuristic for thinking through visual representation of bodies. Much of the criticism on Camera Lucida has taken a psychoanalytic approach to the work, drawing on Barthes’s own engagement with Freud and the text’s focus on the mother as a structuring figure. While this scholarship also underpins some of my analysis, and while Barthes’s text is a place where psychoanalytic concepts and methods make themselves felt, I focus instead on how mothers, bodies, and their representation in photographs provide insight not into psychoanalytic relations but into the social contexts of such terms. This essay examines the connection of photographic indexicality on a social scale to the personal experience of being and creating photographic bodies as the child of a mother and a family. A mother, in my reading, is not merely the resonant childhood home of psychoanalysis but also the sociallydetermined body that produces new bodies and family histories: she is the mechanism through which racial difference propagates.3

    Despite their different provenances, I bring Ozeki’s and Barthes’s works together in order to situate the conceit of maternal photography within discourses of social and racial reproduction. Fred Moten and others have shown that Barthes’s theory of photography inadequately addresses the racialized body. Here, I follow Moten’s essential observation that Barthes performs a violent “disavowal of the historical in photography” when his work leans on images of racial difference only to “justify a suppression of difference in the name of (a false) universality” (Moten 203, 205). But of course, photography, with its presumed indexicality, has played a central role in the construction of race as a visual marker, contributing to what Alessandra Raengo calls the “photochemical imagination” of racialized bodies (23). Despite Barthes’s failure in this regard, I argue that his theory of maternal photographic reproduction prepares the ground for a logic of social reproduction through photography that is not realized within Camera Lucida. I revisit Barthes’s claims in order to bring together discourses of the mother in photography with the conversation on photography as a technology of race. If the photograph is both personal and social, then it is also part of the way that individuals negotiate their own autobiographical representation through visual media.

    Ozeki, extending and expanding Barthes’s theory of photography-as-mothering, posits film as a medium that meets the competing needs of a contentious, mixed-race Asian body—both to escape socially-determined narratives of race as enforced through the photograph and to ensure the continued visibility of that body in visual media, asserting its historical presence against the erasure of white supremacy. Nicholas Mirzoeff writes of the potential for photography to intervene in the visual construction of race with an attempt “to make the indexicality of race incoherent to the point of failure” such that it “might become the document of the complexity of lived, embodied experience” (125, 126). Ozeki troubles the indexicality of the photograph by filtering it through film, where indexicality falters so that individual embodied experience can come to the fore. And yet, Ozeki’s work with photography still recognizes that social context through the double function of the mother as an individual mother and as a reproducer of socially legible bodies. Barthes is often ambivalent about film. For him it is variously “in opposition” to photography, but still impossible to separate from it, “not … hav[ing] completeness,” not being “‘normal,’ like life,” or “an illusion … oneiric” (CL 3, 89, 90, 117). As Neil Badmington shows, however, film underpins many of the reflections on photography in Camera Lucida, including the central concept of the “punctum.” Ozeki’s engagement with the medium in both Halving the Bones and her fiction takes up this ambivalence to use film as an in-between space: moving and still, referential but fictive, ordered but not ordering. Ruth’s grandmother Matsuye and mother Masako emerge as the simultaneously present and absent mothers who at once create and suffer from the racialized bodies of the family as they are represented in photographs. In shuttling between photography and film throughout the work, Ozeki makes space for the inherited and personal experiences of racialized, photographed bodies. Ultimately, manipulating her representation in photography and film allows Ozeki to both claim and escape from the ordering narratives of race that her mothers and history have created for her.

    Photographic Bodies

    In both Halving the Bones and Camera Lucida, photography becomes linked to mothers through their shared ability to create bodies out of themselves, a connection that I take up to situate photography as a reproductive technology within the context of social and family history. For Barthes, the photograph is remarkable among other forms of art for its ability to certify the existence of its subject. Unlike painting, sculpture, or literature, Barthes argues, photographs have actual, chemical relationships to the objects they depict. This indexical relationship makes the photograph a record, rather than just a representation, of its referent. Because photographs are a way to capture the emanation of light from real objects, “the ‘photographic referent’ [is] not the optionally real thing to which an image or a sign refers but the necessarily real thing which has been placed before the lens, without which there would be no photograph” (CL 76). What we see in a photograph must exist, Barthes says, as the photograph’s existence is contingent on the existence of the thing in the picture, which emits the rays of light that the camera’s mechanical and the darkroom’s chemical processes capture: “The photograph is literally an emanation of the referent. From a real body, which was there, proceed radiations which ultimately touch me, who am here” (80). Due to its relationship to its referent, then, “the Photograph is never anything but an antiphon of ‘Look,’ ‘See,’ ‘Here it is’” (5).

    Because of this indexical relationship, Barthes says, photographs produce bodies when they make the self, once immaterial or fluid, legible as a body. Speaking about his aversion to being photographed, Barthes writes, “I feel that the Photograph creates my body or mortifies it, according to its caprice” (11). Photographs of people fix the body in place, and in doing so, produce it as a body, “heavy [and] motionless,” rather than the self, “which is light, divided, dispersed” (12). Portraits produce bodies out of selves by forcing the unfixed, immaterial sense of self to become an unmoving image. But this process is not limited to pictures of people. All photographs, because of their relationship to the real objects that they depict, become linked in Camera Lucida to the human body as a marker of their materiality. The abiding connection between photography and the body appears in Barthes’s intent to begin with a series of photographs that are meaningful only to him: “Nothing to do with a corpus: only some bodies” (8). From the figurative corpus, Barthes moves to an etymological pun, and in doing so claims a bodily nature for all photography.

    As Elissa Marder writes, “because photography, unlike all other modes of communication, can only assert the real and necessary existence of its (prior) material referent, it resembles biological reproduction more than it does artistic representation” (“Nothing to Say” 31). This is the basis of Barthes’s intriguing claim that photography is procreative in the same way as mothers: it produces bodies out of itself. Barthes explains: “No doubt it is metaphorically that I derive my existence from the photographer … with the anguish of an uncertain filiation: an image—my image—will be generated” (CL 11). The photographer who generates the image (the body) through the medium of the photograph is an individual who passes on traits, as a mother might, to the child-image that the photograph depicts. But it is the photograph itself, not the photographer, that has the power to fix bodies in space, and thus exerts this procreative force—literally rather than metaphorically. Produced through the body of the referent, the photograph is a “a process of reproduction that, like the mother, gives birth to a series of images—through chemical means—which create, preserve, and destroy their subjects” (Cadava and Cortés-Rocca 25).

    This capacity for mortification, preservation, and destruction points to the overwhelming power of photography’s maternal role in Camera Lucida. By coercively producing bodies, photography becomes an almost oppressive force that precludes individual agency to selfdetermination within the larger social structure. Through its referential insistence on the photographed body, Marder writes, the photograph “endows the modern subject with a social, codifiable, collective body” (25). This body, unlike the light and dispersed “self” that Barthes imagines for himself, is beholden to the rules of social and family life. Barthes describes how photography operates on revealing “likeness” between a photograph and its referent, but “more insidious, more penetrating than likeness: the Photograph sometimes makes appear what we never see in a real face … : a genetic feature, the fragment of oneself or of a relative which comes from some ancestor” (CL 103). In this way, the photograph “gives a little truth, on condition that it parcels out the body. But this truth is not that of the individual, who remains irreducible; it is the truth of lineage” (103). This “truth of lineage” causes some confusion: Barthes reveals that he sometimes mistakes another mother and child for himself and his own mother, or a photograph of his father for himself or his grandfather. While the individual is “irreducible” in photographs due to the undeniable presence of the referent, photography also reveals the existence of a larger structure that forms and informs each individual. That larger structure, as Barthes’s confusion indicates, can in fact cast the specific individual into doubt by blurring her into the faces of those who have come before, trapping her in the preserved body of the image. It is for this reason that photography’s genetic function is “insidious”: it reveals the usually hidden ways in which each referent—each individual—relies entirely on the reproductive power of the mother andher social and genetic roles, and therefore on the reproductive power of photography too.

    “…making a family album?”

    Halving the Bones also begins with photographs. While Matsuye’s voice narrates, Ruth goes through a box of photos and other items taken from her late grandmother’s apartment. In one little sleeve, labeled “Snapshot Memories,” she finds several photographs of her grandfather in Hawaii: a Japanese man standing with arms folded in a field of sugarcane, dressed in a threepiece suit. The camera is shaky, positioned partially behind Ruth’s head, and the glare on the glossy paper makes it difficult to see the photos properly. And yet, these blurry images, along with the bones themselves, are the seeds for the film’s exploration of Ruth’s maternal family. As in Camera Lucida, photography is at once a welcome vehicle for memory and a threatening presence in the family archive, one that aids in the construction of their bodies as othered Japanese bodies.

    Throughout the film, a family history of photography haunts each generation like a persistent genetic trait. While both her father and mother were invested in photography, Ruth’s mother Masako notes:

    Interesting, this interest in photography skipped me, but the strange thing is that my daughter [Ruth], to whom I have never introduced photography, somehow picked it up! And the camera and the movie machine that my father sent me she took an interest in them and now she’s interested in photography enough to make that her profession! So it’s very interesting it should jump a generation and develop this way.(00:29:36–30:16)

    “Awakening in me the Mother”

    Although the mother figure is in many ways a threatening or controlling one, both Camera Lucida and Halving the Bones revolve around the search for an absent mother. For Barthes, this is both the actual mother who has died and the “universal theory of Photography” that she implicitly represents. To explain his attraction to a landscape photograph, Barthes remarks: “Freud says of the maternal body that ‘there is no other place of which one can say with so much certainty that one has already been there.’ Such then would be the essence of the landscape (chosen by desire): heimlich, awakening in me the Mother” (CL 40). The mother is the original home, and Barthes finds himself attracted to these landscapes which conjure up for him the maternal sense of being-at-home.6 It is to this home, which is both literal and photographic, that he wishes to return through the writing of Camera Lucida. As Ruth notes near the beginning of Halving the Bones, her name in Japanese (留守) means “not at home,” and thus the absent mother who should provide that home forms part of her character from the very beginning (00:04:33). The film itself is a search for the composite mother figure whom Ruth hopes to understand in order to make some sense of her family’s difficult history.

    Both works “find” this elusive mother through visual mediums that come to stand in for the original. And yet, both also maintain a conspicuous absence of the images that would actually constitute a “certificate of presence” that Barthes claims is a necessary part of every photograph. This absence is an attempt to regain control over the image and move away from the socially-determined body that it produces. The Winter Garden Photograph is Barthes’s great “rediscovery” of his mother as a child, and he devotes the second half of Camera Lucida to exploring photography through this single image. Throughout this process, he fails to produce the actual photograph, even though the text includes many of the other photographs that Barthes discusses. “I cannot reproduce the Winter Garden Photograph. It exists only for me,” he says (73). Unfortunately, this failure to provide the photograph to readers makes its absence suspect. Perhaps it really does only exist for him.7 Barthes stresses the truth-telling power of the photograph by contrast to writing: “It is the misfortune (but also perhaps the voluptuous pleasure) of language not to be able to authenticate itself” (85). Language, unlike photography, is always separate from its referent, which may or may not exist somewhere else. Thus, when Barthes says, “Here again is the Winter Garden Photograph. I am alone with it, in front of it,” we cannot know for sure (90). Instead, Barthes constructs the photograph through language—what Marder calls his “photographic writing,” or E.L. McCallum terms the “verbal photograph” (Marder, “Dark Room” 251; McCallum n.p.). This strategy “cannot show anything directly; it animates a potential field of associations through which the time ‘before’ is awakened otherwise and, when read, brings the ‘déjà vu’ of a possible, impossible future to life” (Marder, “Dark Room” 251). Like a photograph, photographic writing can invoke the “prick” of time, the impossible history before the self. But unlike photography, this writing cannot “authenticate” itself—it instead activates a form of history that does not include the fixed, socialized photographic body of the subject.

    Thus, instead of relocating his lost mother, Barthes’s attempts to find the mother actually reinforce her absence and subsequently take her place through the process of procreative reproduction. His procreative power over the subjects of the photograph (who do not have a “certificate of presence” exterior to this language) positions Barthes himself as a mother figure who is able to produce bodies as mothers and photographs do. The particular photograph is important, as “it is the concrete and particular photograph of Barthes’s mother as a little girl that promises mythically to resolve death by extending the fantasy of reversing not just life but also birth order and the life cycle, giving Barthes the sense of ‘engendering his mother’” (Casid 110). By producing the linguistic image of his mother as a small child, Barthes the adult takes the position of the mother figure who produces the infant. Barthes in fact characterizes the entire process that Camera Lucida describes as one of reproduction: “Photography thereby compelled me to perform a painful labor; straining toward the essence of her identity, I was struggling among images partially true, and therefore totally false” (CL 66). Barthes represents his search as “labor,” at once pointing to the difficulty he encountered and punning on “labor” as related to birth and motherhood.8 The process of writing Camera Lucida thus becomes his metaphorical pregnancy, the Winter Garden Photograph (and the mother therein depicted), the child. In becoming a photographer (through writing), Barthes becomes a mother—his own mother. By producing the image of his mother in the Winter Garden Photograph he produces the image of himself. The photograph becomes, in other words, a mode of autobiography, despite its alleged subject.

    Furthermore, Barthes’s full control of the Winter Garden Photograph returns the photograph to the realm of aesthetics, where it can be controlled and manipulated to serve whatever purpose Barthes desires. Namely, the turn to language allows Barthes to escape photography’s power to produce and fix bodies in time and space. Previously, he relegated the photograph to a realm outside of art because “Whatever it grants to vision and whatever its manner, a photograph is always invisible: it is not it that we see” (CL 6). Photography as a medium, as a category of artistic representation, does not register for the ordinary viewer. Instead, Barthes argues, photographs simply are what they represent. Unlike the other photographs in the text, however, the Winter Garden Photograph does not have a concrete referent that hides its medium. It exists only as language. This strategy, Erin Mitchell argues, “protects the text from the uncontrollable excesses and hermeneutic possibilities of the image qua image” (326). If images, as Barthes explains extensively, always exceed their medium to point to the real, “Writing photography, then, privileges the voice and writing above the image, even as it acknowledges the frailty of words, the necessary failures of attempts to represent a human life” (Mitchell 326). In other words, by presenting the Winter Garden Photograph only through language, Barthes prevents the (potentially) real photograph from “fill[ing] the sight by force” through its almost violent insistence on the presence of its referent (Barthes, CL 91). Barthes wants to claim the photograph for art. But he cannot do so because of its abiding relationship to the body, which insists upon its singularity and resists abstraction into symbol or icon. On the other hand, language is never a guarantee of its referent. As Barthes says, “No writing can give me this certainty” (85). Rendering the Winter Garden Photograph (which, like all photographs, threatens to produce a “heavy, motionless, stubborn” body) in words rather than image frees Barthes from the tyranny of the body so that his “light, divided, dispersed” self, his “neutral, anatomic body, a body which signifies nothing” can stand in its stead (12). The missing Winter Garden Photograph and its construction through language thus allows Barthes to recover the photograph as a site of potential personal inscription.9

    But what does Barthes mean by a “neutral, anatomic body, a body which signifies nothing?” How could such a thing ever come about, and who can have one? For Barthes, Leslie Hill argues, the body is outside of all possible theorizing or ideology; it is exhausted in “the arabesques of its own singularity … like a handful of dust … like some indeterminate remainder” (125). The body is utterly singular, slippery. Such a reading of bodily presence is, I would suggest, only possible for a white body. And yet, as Jonathan Beller also points out, Camera Lucida is full of Black bodies: the Richard Avedon photograph of William Casby, Born a Slave, and the James Van Der Zee portrait of the Black family, among others both pictured and not pictured (107). But the fact of race is for Barthes never the point (the prick). Instead, the disappearance or irrelevance of the context of race is what allows for the development of the punctum that truly touches him. The “discursive disappearance of slavery establishes the facts of photography” for Barthes, Beller writes (109). Margaret Olin points out the strange elisions and mistakes that Barthes commits when discussing the Van Der Zee portrait: transforming a pearl necklace into a gold one, for example, which allows Barthes to identify the Black woman in the photograph with his own aunt (105). This is a process in which Barthes “colors himself and his Aunt Alice under the darkness of the woman,” Carol Mavor writes. “Nourished by the blackness” of the photograph, Barthes seeks his own singular ties to it (48). The bodies here—Barthes’s and the Black subjects of these photographs—become the occasion for Barthes’s aspirational self-reflection. The ease with which Barthes “colors himself,” however, is a kind of racial slippage available only to those for whom race is an affectation—a costume—rather than a binding social reality.10 His neutral body can go wherever it pleases, light and dispersed, as he “pass[es] off the position of the objectified onto others” (Smith 103). For this reason, Barthes’s maternal theory of photography falters where it could be the most provocative. Can we instead imagine photography as a way to acknowledge, dwell within, and resist the coercive narratives of social and genetic lineage?

    Home/Mother Movies

    To move forward on the promise of personal inscription while attending to the lived experience of racial difference, I turn to Halving the Bones, where Ozeki balances autobiography with history. It is through the mother that Ruth inherits her socially legible, racialized, visibly Japanese body, produced in the confluence between photography and reproduction. Understanding this complicated family history is the rationale for Halving the Bones, which organizes photographs and films into a documentary. However, like Barthes, Ozeki engages in a key deception about these materials: Matsuye’s alleged autobiography and home movies turn out to be fictions. Ruth’s belated confession reveals them both to be fabrications:

    Up until now I haven’t been 100% accurate. There are a couple of things that I made up. Like my grandmother’s autobiography for example. She never really wrote one, so I made it up from the real family stories I’d heard from her and also from my other relatives. I did sort of the same thing with these home movies. I’d seen a photo of my grandfather holding a movie camera, so I know he really did make movies, but his cameras and films were all confiscated after Pearl Harbor. I made up these things because I never really knew my grandparents, and now they’re dead and I didn’t really have much to go on. I thought I would understand them better if I just pretended to be them. Anyway, I just wanted to set the record straight, even though I made up the way I represented them, the facts of their lives are all true, and I did have my grandmother’s bones in my closet for the last five years, and now they’re in the car and I’m going home to deliver them to mom.(00:21:58–22:55)

    In light of Ruth’s recantation, the presence of the movies and Matsuye’s voiceover merely points to the now more conspicuous absences of the actual mother figure whom they are meant to represent. These absences complicate the narrative of “found” mothers that structures the resolution of the film. Instead, Halving the Bones offers up film as a fitting replacement for the absent mothers of Ruth’s family. Whereas Barthes retreats from the photograph as image, taking control through language to avoid being made into a body, Ruth turns to film as her alternative to photography, extrapolating from the photographs she has in order to fabricate the absent autobiography and home movies.

    What is at stake in this turn to film? In Ozeki’s 1998 novel My Year of Meats, the protagonist, a mixed-race Japanese American woman named Jane, works as a documentary filmmaker for a television program called My American Wife! At the outset, her goal is to “make programs with documentary integrity, [portraying] a truth that exist[s]—singular, empirical, absolute,” and she sets about her work with a sense of righteous purpose (176). Soon, however, she and her crew encounter the paradoxical reality of documentation: “It’s a lie” (29). In one early show, a single rump roast is basted over, and over, and over again, the happy housewife in question has recently been left by her husband, and the reunion kiss at the end was shot before their marital disaster struck. Even the recipe, the centerpiece of the program, is a sham: instead of Coca-Cola, “It’s Pepsi … Not the real thing at all” (30). Though the people, objects, and actions that they film are real enough, something shifts between the initial filming and the finished product. Editing intervenes in the middle, where individual frames and scenes are pieced together into a narrative whole. Jane’s editing process weaves together real moments into something unreal as she finds herself “taking out the stutters and catches from the women’s voices, creating a seamless flow in a reality that was no longer theirs and not quite so real anymore” (179). As opposed to photography, then, My Year of Meats suggests that film slips loose from its chemical, referential origin in photography and gains the capacity for narrative.11

    Though a film’s “raw material is photographic” (Barthes, CL 89) and thus participates in the same reproductive mechanisms as photography, Christian Metz points out that film involves the added dimension of progressing through time with the illusion of continuity, “so that the unfolding as such tends to become more important than the link of each image with its referent” (Metz 82). Because film develops over time, it moves beyond the original moment that captures a body in image: it is “protensive,” as Barthes says, always moving forward (CL 90). As a film progresses, Metz argues, the photographic guarantee of the real in each frame paradoxically functions in service to the unreal narrative of the whole, just as on a broader level Jane’s editing in My Year of Meats weaves together the real shots of Pepsi and a housewife into a narrative about the familial bliss of Coca-Cola-basted rump roast. Through the addition of time and movement, a film straddles the boundary between the concrete referentiality of photography and the mechanisms of painting, language, and other representational art, which portray but do not reproduce the objects they depict. In this sense, film undoes the embalming work of photography, which produces static bodies that have been arrested in time. Instead, film proceeds “in a stream of temporality where nothing can be kept, nothing stopped” (Metz 83). Both Metz and Barthes argue that whereas photographs resist interpretation through their continual insistence on the preserved body of the referent, film includes these bodies in every frame but also moves past and through them in each moment. Therefore, film is able to transform Jane’s housewives’ “stutters” into “a seamless flow” that is “not quite so real” (Ozeki MYM 179). For this reason, both Metz and Barthes note that film participates in the “destruction” or “domestication” of photography’s reproductive excess (Metz 85; Barthes CL 117).12

    Choosing film as her medium for narrating a history of photography, Ozeki both insists on the body’s presence and transforms that presence into something productive rather than stultifying. The materials that Ruth provides as parts of her grandmother’s autobiography and home movies become suspect, as noted above, once Ruth makes her recantation. The home movies, which mostly show “Matsuye” walking in a forest behind a screen of vegetation, are easy to take at face value upon first viewing. They are grainy and discolored, and demonstrate the interest in both botany and his wife that Ruth’s grandfather supposedly had. Matsuye herself is frustratingly elusive in the clips. We never see her face, and for good reason, since Ruth soon reveals that it is not Matsuye on the screen but herself attempting to recreate the lost films. As Barthes says, “it is always something that is represented” in a photograph (and by extension, in film, as Metz has noted), because a photograph “can lie as to the meaning of the thing, being by nature tendentious, never as to its existence” (CL 28, 87). Although Matsuye is not in fact featured in the films, there is someone in these clips: Ruth. Through this substitution, Ruth takes her grandmother’s place as the referent of the movies and thus becomes the grandmother that she has lost. In “pretending to be” her grandparents (Matsuye through impersonation, and her grandfather through shooting the movies in the first place) Ruth, like Barthes, takes over the role of mother figure in a literary and photographic sense. Her deception restores the loss of her grandfather’s work in film, but with the added benefit of self-representation—self-mothering.

    Similarly, the bones of Halving the Bones, which would seem to assert the true referent of the grandmother through her bodily remains, in fact become an assertion of Ruth’s presence rather than Matsuye’s. The bones are the original catalyst for Ruth’s family inquiries, and, as the only physical remains of her grandmother, serve as the most convincing evidence that Matsuye Yokoyama did and to some extent still does exist in the world. Like Barthes’s photographic referent, the bones are physical objects that assert their presence through the filmic medium, proof that “‘That has been’” (Barthes CL 77). The title of the documentary is a pun on “having” the bones: because Ruth has the bones, her grandmother remains present and alive despite her absence. Until the final few scenes of the film, the bones remain hidden within their tea cannister, allegedly present, but as yet unproven, like Barthes’s Winter Garden Photograph. The moment of revelation, when Ruth gives the bones to her mother, is doubly significant as a moment of poignant family emotion and photographic proof (00:53:55–55:36). When Masako opens the can and sees the bones for the first time, her surprise, delight, and discomfort are all apparent. “My mother’s bones,” she says again and again, “Isn’t it pretty?” Masako’s first look is our first look as well, in a close-up where the bones and the reflective interior of the can fill the entire screen. The bones become real and present, as undeniable as the photographic referent. But Ruth does not let this moment last for long before she reminds us that “The bones I have are hers [Matsuye’s], but they’re not the same as the ones she had here [in the home movies]” because bones change and grow along with a person as they age, not to mention that by the time Ruth can carry them around in a can, Matsuye’s bones have been through fire and more (00:14:00–04). The bones are not the same because Matsuye is no longer a young woman—but they are also not the same because Matsuye never was “here.” The movies to which Ruth refers are of course the fabricated ones that feature Ruth herself as her own grandmother. Through this deception, the bones instead come to stand again for Matsuye’s absence rather than her presence, and allow Ruth to take Matsuye’s place as the original young woman.

    By doing so, Ruth successfully evades photography’s control over her body, the control that traps her within a racial and familial narrative set into motion far before her birth. And yet, film’s vexed relationship with bodily presence allows her, unlike Barthes, to insist on the relevance of that social body while retaining influence over its deployment in her own life. Barthes prefers the retreat into language as a way to remain bodiless—”light, divided, dispersed; like a bottle-imp,” or at least with a “neutral, anatomic body, a body which signifies nothing” (CL 12). But for Ruth, a neutral, anatomic body is neither possible nor desirable: her experience of racial difference, her desire to be a daughter to her Japanese family and to explore her “halfness,” demands a body. Film allows her to exploit its ambivalent relationship with bodies to insist on the importance of the racialized body in Ruth’s experience, while also freeing her from its grip over her reproduction in images.

    In a last act of filial piety, Ruth reinforces her own role as a mother—her own mother. Near the end, Ozeki’s film imagines a future in which Ruth takes over for her mother(s) when it presents footage of Ruth throwing what we must assume are both Matsuye’s bones and Masako’s ashes into the Hawaiian surf. The scene is overlaid with Masako’s narration, recorded during the earlier interview in which Ruth presents her with the bones. “What do you want to do with them?” Ruth asks, and Masako hesitates before answering:

    I would like to keep them. I would like to keep these bones with me until I die. And I hope that I can somehow get myself cremated. And then the bones—well, it might be different in America, but it doesn’t matter. Maybe it’s all ashes. Have my ashes put into a container like this. And then, I would like you to go back to Hawaii sometime, and throw both of them into the ocean. (1:00:51–02:24)

    As Masako speaks these words, Ruth walks through a field of grass and to the edge of a cliff overlooking the sea. The narration ends as she tosses handfuls of something into the ocean. The implication is that Masako has died, and Ruth is carrying out her wishes for her ashes and the bones. But the credits reveal that Masako was still alive and well as of the film’s release. This scene stages a desire, not necessarily for the death of the mother but for the moment when the daughter will be able to become fully independent through the mother’s absence.

    In the next moment, Matsuye’s voice returns to describe Ruth: “My only grandchild came to visit me at the nursing home today. She is a very big girl, and seems to take after her father. She does not visit me often, which is perhaps due to the name she has been called … She takes after her mother and me in this way” (1:02:46–03:23). Matsuye’s words reinforce the separation of the mothers and daughters (“she does not visit me often”), but in the same moment the viewer’s knowledge of Ruth’s earlier deception turns the moment into one of reconciliation, self-determination, and autobiography. As we will soon learn in the credits, Matsuye’s voice is Ruth herself, speaking with a false accent. In this moment then, just after Ruth has staged the scattering of her mothers’ ashes, she makes her mothers speak her. That is, Ruth’s character—her traits and her name—comes out of Matsuye’s mouth, which is also Ruth’s own mouth. The replacement of the mother figure allows Ruth this moment of autobiography, when, as Barthes does in Camera Lucida, she is able to temper the photograph’s excess to take control of the representation of her own body.

    In the last scene of Halving the Bones, another “home movie” shows Ruth’s father rolling a baseball to a toddler Ruth, who picks it up and then clumsily kicks it back. The girl is not Ruth and the man is not her father, as the credits will reveal, but nevertheless the scene seems to provide some kind of closure to the tension set up in the beginning: “This is Ruth. She is half.” Yes, Ruth is half, and here is the other half. Ruth’s father becomes important as a resolution within the maternal lineage structured around loss and absence. And yet, Mr. Lounsbury, too, is absent, even more so than Matsuye (who at least has her photographs) and Masako (whom we meet face-to-face). Once again, film is given an aura of authenticity due to its placement in this autobiographical narrative but presents a false face. “He wanted me to be an All-American kid,” Ruth intones before the frame freezes on the little girl, turning her into an impromptu photograph (1:06:51–52). Here we encounter another structuring family desire, one that imposes photography upon the girl’s moving form in order to capture her in this moment along with America’s favorite pastime. But the preceding hour of footage, which spells out exactly how complicated Ruth’s All-American identity has become, frustrates this desire. Compounded with the actors standing in for the supposed referents, the conflict between Ruth’s All-American and Japanese identities makes it clear that Ruth is in full filmic revolt against her photographic family. But this last image of the girl sits uneasily between photography and film, highlighting again the complex relation between them.13 Who is really depicted here, and why? What does this body, which exists, tell us about the narrative of All-American Ruth, who does not? In its wavering between these two mediums, Halving the Bones, like Camera Lucida, interrogates the truth-telling properties of both photography and film. Each of them, with their demonstrated ambivalence towards reality and fiction both, allows for this kind of blurring to take place. The unstable images and the bodies that they display are malleable, open for the kind of impersonation—the kind of mothering—that Ozeki and Barthes perform. In Ozeki’s not-home movies, in Barthes’s falsely ekphrastic language, the absent mother can be found, and spoken through as an affirmation of the self. As Ruth’s turn to the camera in the very first scene signals, these explorations of photography and film are autobiographical projects, ones that inhabit the past’s bodies in order to claim them.

    Chelsea Oei Kern is an ACLS Leading Edge Fellow with the Community of Literary Presses & Magazines, where she leads projects related to diversity, equity, inclusion, and access. She earned her doctorate from the University of California, Los Angeles in 2021. Her research focuses on contemporary literature and its relation to digital technologies.

    Footnotes

    1. Halving the Bones was written, directed, and produced by Ozeki, who released it under the name Ruth Ozeki Lounsbury. Ozeki has since become well-known for her novels as Ruth L. Ozeki. I will refer to her as Ozeki for this reason. Though the distinction between Ozeki and the autobiographical character of Ruth whom she plays in Halving the Bones is often slippery, I use Ozeki to refer to the filmmaker and Ruth to refer to the character represented in the film.

    2. Her direct smile departs from Roland Barthes’s assertion in Camera Lucida (1980) that “the Photograph has this power … Of looking me straight in the face” but “in film, no one ever looks at me: it is forbidden—by the Fiction” (111).

    3. See, for example, the work of Elissa Marder on both mothers and photography in Barthes in “Dark Room Readings: Scenes of Maternal Photography” and “Nothing to Say: Fragments on the Mother in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction.”

    4. For more on these four photographers, see Robinson in Elusive Truths. Lange’s uncensored photographs were published in Impounded: Dorothea Lange and the Censored Images of Japanese American Internment in 2006. Adams’ work was published as Born Free and Equal: The Story of Loyal Japanese-Americans in 1944 (following a gallery show of the same name). An overview of Toyo Miyatake’s work appears in Toyo Miyatake Behind the Camera, 1923-1979 (1984).

    5. Barthes frames his perceptions of his father through his mother, one step removed: “The father, dead very early (in the war), was lodged in no memorial or sacrificial discourse. By maternal intermediary his memory—never an oppressive one—merely touched the surface of childhood with an almost silent bounty” (RB 14). In Camera Lucida, the father is a figure of metaphorical connections, rather than the bodily connections that characterize the link to the mother. Photography is haunted by the ghost of painting, Barthes says, and “it has made painting, through its copies and contestations, into the absolutely, paternal Reference, as if it were born from the Canvas … At this point in my investigation, nothing eidetically distinguishes a photograph, however realistic, from a painting” (Barthes, CL 30–31, emphasis added). Painting is paternal to photography in the sense that it is visually related: photographs and paintings can look alike, nearly identical. The link, however, turns out to be false: “it is not (it seems to me) by Painting that Photography touches art, but by Theater,” which shares with photography the connection to reanimated bodies (31). Compared to the maternal connection, paternal relationship is merely a distraction, a false connection that does not have the weight of the maternal body.

    6. Marder notes that this landscape is one of several photographs in Camera Lucida that Barthes describes in detail but does not include in the text. “Instead of writing about the image, he writes on it, inscribing it with diverse kinds of written texts, thereby transcribing the visual components of the image into a new composite form of writing (“Dark Room” 234–235). As I explore below, this method of writing is crucial to Barthes’s negotiation of the maternal, fixing capabilities of the photograph.

    7. Barthes’s Mourning Diary, written in the two years following his mother’s death and published in 2009, reveals that Barthes did encounter a photograph that matches this description prior to beginning work on CL (Mourning Diary 143). However, Badmington points out that in CL Barthes reports the date of this discovery as occurring in November, shortly after his mother’s death, whereas his diary entry puts it more than six months later, on June 11, 1978. This move, according to Badmington, adds “further weight to the claim that the book on photography can be read, at least in part, as a work of fiction. In simple terms, the decision could be seen as an aesthetic one” (309). The “real” Winter Garden Photograph then does not affect our reading of CL‘s absent version of the same.

    8. “La photographie m’obligeait ainsi à un travail douloureux; tendu vers l’essence de son identité, je me débattais au milieu d’images partiellement vraies, et donc totalement fausses” (Barthes, La chambrè claire 103). The French “travail” imparts the same double meaning as the English “labor.”

    9. For more on autobiography in Camera Lucida, see Dyer xii, Olin 104, and Tsakiridou 284.

    10. As Mavor writes, it is easy to read Barthes’s description of the Van Der Zee photograph as a narrative of “patronizing racism” that casts the family portrait as a “naïve” grasp at “the White Man’s attributes” (Mavor 29; Barthes CL 43). Barthes’s relation to race is “Neither racist nor not racist” (Mavor 44), except, of course, in the sense that as a white man writing about Black people his every word is inflected with his relation to race. Mavor also points out that Barthes’s other sensitive and incisive critiques of Western imperialism and racism demonstrate his ability to engage with race with nuance. The point here is not to condemn but to note that if photography is an art form / an artistic medium that produces bodies, it of course must reckon with what a body is: who is allowed to own them, look at them, hide them, keep them?

    11. My Year of Meats also deals extensively with the politics of women’s reproduction as/versus production in film. For more, see Shameem Black, Leigh Johnson, and Cheryl Fish.

    12. Film has its own kind of excess. As Dana Polan writes, “The inexorable flow of images through the projector creates a force that, for Barthes, is beyond analysis, beyond any possible demythologizing or demystifying stance” (42). As opposed to the overwhelming real, Barthes identifies the overwhelming experience of encountering film, which buries the referential qualities that could form the basis of analysis.

    13. Louise Hornby writes of the freeze frame that in these moments “film imitates photographic stillness, but as a way to reassure us of its difference and distance” (45).

    Works Cited

    • Adams, Ansel. Born Free and Equal: The Story of Loyal Japanese-Americans. U.S. Camera, 1944.
    • Alinder, Jasmine. Moving Images: Photography and the Japanese American Incarceration. U of Illinois P, 2009.
    • Badmington, Neil. “‘Punctum Saliens’: Barthes, Mourning, Film, Photography.” Paragraph, vol. 35, no. 3, 2012, pp. 303–19. JSTOR, doi:10.3366/para.2012.0061.
    • Barthes, Roland. Camera Lucida. 1981. Translated by Richard Howard, Hill and Wang, 2010.
    • —. La Chambre claire: Note sur la photographie. Gallimard, 1980.
    • —. Mourning Diary: October 26, 1977–September 15, 1979, edited by Nathalie Léger, translated by Richard Howard, Hill and Wang, 2010.
    • —. Roland Barthes by Roland Barthes. 1977. Translated by Richard Howard, U of California P, 1994.
    • Beller, Jonathan. “Camera Obscura After All: The Racist Writing with Light.” The Message Is Murder: Substrates of Computational Capital, Pluto Press, 2018, pp. 99–114.
    • Black, Shameem. “Fertile Cosmofeminism: Ruth L. Ozeki and Transnational Reproduction.” Meridians, vol. 5, no. 1, 2004, pp. 226–56. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/40338656.
    • Cadava, Eduardo, and Paola Cortés-Rocca. “Notes on Love and Photography.” October, vol. 116, 2006, pp. 3–34. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org.ezproxy.library.uvic.ca/stable/40368422.
    • Caniff, Milton. “How to Spot a Jap.” A Pocket Guide to China, U.S. Government Printing Office, 1942, pp. 65–76.
    • Casid, Jill H. “Pyrographies: Photography and the Good Death.” Women & Performance: A Journal of Feminist Theory, vol. 22, no. 1, Mar. 2012, pp. 109–31. Taylor and Francis+NEJM, doi:10.1080/0740770X.2012.685397.
    • Dyer, Geoff. Foreword. Camera Lucida, by Roland Barthes, 1981, translated by Richard Howard, Hill and Wang, 2010.
    • Fish, Cheryl J. “The Toxic Body Politic: Ethnicity, Gender, and Corrective Eco-Justice in Ruth Ozeki’s ‘My Year of Meats’ and Judith Helfand and Daniel Gold’s ‘Blue Vinyl.’” MELUS, vol. 34, no. 2, 2009, pp. 43–62. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org.ezproxy.library.uvic.ca/stable/20532678.
    • Hill, Leslie. “Barthes’s Body.” Paragraph, vol. 11, no. 2, 1988, pp. 107–26. JSTOR. www.jstor.org/stable/43151665.
    • Hornby, Louise. Still Modernism: Photography, Literature, Film. Oxford UP, 2017.
    • Johnson, Leigh. “Conceiving the Body: Sandra Cisneros and Ruth L. Ozeki’s Representations of Women’s Reproduction in Transnational Space.” Transformations: The Journal of Inclusive Scholarship and Pedagogy, vol. 19, no. 2, 2008, pp. 32–41. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org.ezproxy.library.uvic.ca/stable/43505849.
    • Lange, Dorothea. Impounded: Dorothea Lange and the Censored Images of Japanese American Internment. Edited by Linda Gordon and Gary Y. Okihiro, 1st ed., W.W. Norton, 2006.
    • Marder, Elissa. “Dark Room Readings: Scenes of Maternal Photography.” Oxford Literary Review, vol. 32, no. 2, 2010, pp. 231–70. JSTOR. http://www.jstor.org.ezproxy.library.uvic.ca/stable/26288312.
    • —. “Nothing to Say: Fragments on the Mother in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction.” L’Esprit Créateur, vol. 40, no. 1, 2000, pp. 25–35. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org.ezproxy.library.uvic.ca/stable/26288312.
    • Mavor, Carol. Black and Blue: The Bruising Passion of Camera Lucida, La Jetée, Sans Soleil, and Hiroshima Mon Amour. Duke UP, 2012. DOI.org (Crossref), doi:10.1215/9780822395461.
    • McCallum, E.L. “Toward a Photography of Love: The Tain of the Photograph in Anne Carson’s Autobiography of Red.” Postmodern Culture, vol. 17, no. 3, 2007. Project MUSE, doi:10.1353/pmc.2008.0008.
    • Metz, Christian. “Photography and Fetish.” October, vol. 34, 1985, pp. 81–90. JSTOR, doi:10.2307/778490.
    • Mirzoeff, Nicholas. “The Shadow and the Substance: Race, Photography, and the Index.” Only Skin Deep: Changing Visions of the American Self, edited by Coco Fusco and Deborah Willis, Harry N. Abrams, 2003, pp. 111–28.
    • Mitchell, Erin. “Writing Photography: The Grandmother in Remembrance of Things Past, the Mother in Camera Lucida, and Especially, the Mother in The Lover.” Studies in 20th & 21st Century Literature, vol. 24, no. 2, June 2000, 325–339. doi:10.4148/2334-4415.1488.
    • Miyatake, Atsufumi, et al., editors. Toyo Miyatake Behind the Camera, 1923–1979. Bungeishunju, 1984.
    • Moten, Fred. In the Break: The Aesthetics of the Black Radical Tradition. U of Minnesota P, 2003.
    • Olin, Margaret. “Touching Photographs: Roland Barthes’s ‘Mistaken’ Identification.” Representations, vol. 80, no. 1, 2002, pp. 99–118. JSTOR, doi:10.1525/rep.2002.80.1.99.
    • Ozeki, Ruth L. My Year of Meats. Penguin, 1998.
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    • Robinson, Gerald H. Elusive Truth: Four Photographers at Manzanar. Carl Mautz Publishing, 2002.
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    • Zryd, Michael. “Ironic Identity Frames and Autobiographical Documentary: Ruth L. Ozeki’s Halving the Bones and My Year of Meats.” Literary Research/Recherche Littéraire, vol. 18, no. 35, 2001, pp. 120–32.
  • Mediating Neo-Feudalism

    Travis Workman (bio)

    Abstract

    This essay discusses contemporary film and media in relation to the political economic concept of neo-feudalism. Questioning the application of a science-fiction dialectics to these media and the tendency to see them as symptoms of the rise of neofascism, the essay rather connects their themes, narratives, and visual styles to Marxist (Dean) and classical (Hudson) discussions of capitalism’s transition to neo-feudalism, as well as to the affect of ressentiment as a means of “governing by debt” (Lazzarato). It then turns to the films of Bong Joon-ho, including Parasite (2019) and Okja (2017), to show how they critique neo-feudalism while also remaining limited by ressentiment and individual acts of revenge. The final part reads the more complex treatments of identity and performance in Jordan Peele’s Us (2019) and Boots Riley’s Sorry to Bother You (2018) through the connections they make between neo-feudalism and racial capitalism (Robinson).

    Fascism or Neo-Feudalism in Contemporary Media?

    A number of films and television series of the last decade address social class in what appears to be a simplified fashion. They focus on the affective aspects of exploitation by politicizing performances, attitudes, and behaviors of class, and their intersections with race, rather than providing an exposition of the structures of productive labor processes. They depict apocalyptic scenarios, violent resentment, and revenge as the available responses to injustice, rather than suggesting the possibility of transforming social and economic conditions for the general public good. They create allegorical worlds of entrenched social and spatial hierarchies by including fantastic elements, instead of confronting the everyday symptoms of capitalist crisis in a descriptive manner. They may give the impression that they are merely updating the welltrodden dystopic worlds of science fiction, including classic invocations of the specter of historical fascism, and speculating about a future return to primitive forms of economic and political power. Although interesting as popular culture, they might seem inadequate for a political economic analysis of capitalism that is focused on the commodification and alienation (Entfremdung) of productive labor power as the primary form of exploitation. However, the emphases of these films and television series on affect and direct appropriation rather than production and consumption, and on vengeful violence instead of revolution, are not simply an effect of a reductive social analysis. They are both diagnostic and symptomatic of the contemporary transformation of neoliberal capitalism into an even worse system: what some political economists, both classical and Marxist, call neo-feudalism. Though conscious of the social process of what Jodi Dean refers to as “capitalism turn[ing] in on itself” in neo-feudalism (“Neo-Feudalism” 11), they largely repeat its structures, affects, and moral worldview by depending on individuated revenge narratives and their foreclosure of space for collective resistance. They take the lack of an outside in the communicative and neo-feudal mode of capitalism as a sign of an infinite cycle of exploitation and ressentiment, and thereby tend to reinforce its modes of division and control.

    Bong Joon-ho’s Okja (2017), which I discuss in detail below, depicts the global range of the sovereignty of corporations and the limits of their ability to address ecological issues. The events in Bong’s Snowpiercer (2013) take place on a continuously moving luxury train after an attempt at climate engineering has gone wrong, instigating a second ice age. The train is divided between luxury cars in the front inhabited by the elite, and horrific tail cars inhabited by the destitute masses; passage between the two sections is prevented until the rise of an insurgency. Although fantastic elements are more limited in his Oscar-winning Parasite (2019), that film also depicts a bifurcated world of wealthy elite families and working-class families living a precarious life of semi-basement apartments and temporary gigs and cons. Joker (2019), The Handmaid’s Tale (2017–), The Man in the High Castle (2015–19), Years and Years (2019–), and many episodes of Black Mirror (2011–) also use allegorical worlds to represent class opposition, entrenched spatial hierarchies, and apocalyptic scenarios. As I discuss in the final section of this essay, other treatments of neo-feudalism present more incisive critiques of its political economy, because they confront the intersection of race and class within it: Jordan Peele’s Us (2019) takes up the doppelgänger motif to present an uncanny version of neo-feudal race and class relations, and Boots Riley’s dark comedy Sorry to Bother You (2018) deals with the governing power of debt and affective labor.

    The popularity and lucrativeness of these globally distributed dystopias, which have an aura of intellectual and political seriousness lacking in most previous apocalyptic blockbusters, suggest that real neofascism and the popular democratic critique of its politics have entered into mainstream popular media. Because of this popularity and the generic science fiction and fantasy elements of these media worlds, it is tempting to analyze them through a familiar science fiction studies framework, such as Darko Suvin’s theory of science fiction utopias as “estrangements” of the mundane, empirical present. From that perspective, projections of speculative worlds and their dialectical relation with naturalist representations would contain the kernel of the texts’ political meanings. Likewise, common liberal or neoliberal readings of such worlds see them as allegorical and speculative warnings against the possibility of fascism, posing the question: if X were to happen, then what countervailing force, or resistance, could prevent the economic and political order from devolving into fascism? The scenarios themselves sometimes purposefully represent fascism as the obverse of liberal democracy. Years and Years begins with the premise of a second Donald Trump presidential term, as though democratic electoral politics could prevent the many horrors that ensue. Although more astute as political critiques, Us and Sorry to Bother You still represent the biological engineering of new slave classes through fantastic elements, and reference contemporary prison labor in the US only indirectly. The Handmaid’s Tale imagines a decisive victory of the most fervent evangelicals in a second American Civil War as a liberal warning against extremism. Snowpiercer imagines a climate engineering catastrophe and the resulting disappearance of class mobility, but within a cartoonish version of the future. The Man in the High Castle takes up Philip K. Dick’s premise in the original novel: what if Nazi Germany and the Empire of Japan were victorious in World War II? Only this series includes direct references to historical fascist states, and the reversal of the typical geographical location of fascism reveals Dick’s insights into the science fiction genre in the US in 1962, which tended to repress the fascist or authoritarian tendencies internal to US politics by projecting them outward onto various external or futuristic others.

    Each of these works poses the problem of a return to fascism by speculating about its future iterations. Because they can be read as warnings about normative liberal society’s future return to fascism, they can carry a mass appeal in societies that remain, for the time being, supportive of neoliberal capitalism and liberal democracy. That these media worlds incorporate the supposedly alien aesthetics, politics, and cultures of historical fascism emphasizes their exceptionality to a normative neoliberal system. In Snowpiercer and The Handmaid’s Tale, elements of the mise-en-scène are obviously drawn from the motifs of historical fascism and their remediations. Although the equisapiens are darkly comical hybrids, through them Sorry to Bother You raises the specter of biological racism and the engineering of a new man (as does Us). These works’ tendency to turn to historical fascism highlights the ingenuity of Dick’s premise when he formulated it in 1962: what if fascism is not something external that has been defeated by US liberal capitalism and Pax Americana, but rather something internal to and repeated within it? The specter of fascism and its influence on the science fiction and fantasy genres do not provide a sufficient explanation of the speculative politics and economies represented in these films and series. Just as expressed fears of a return to fascism among liberal intellectuals and media commentators tend to ignore fascism’s origins in capitalism, reading these media according to a traditional science-fiction dynamic between normative liberal democracy and the speculative return of fascism obscures their engagement with contemporary political economy and its transformations.

    Fascism took shape within industrial capitalism in its monopolistic and imperialist stage, and reappeared in different forms during the era of developmental dictatorships and Cold War anticommunism. Considering the development of the service, communicative, and financial sectors of the capitalist economy, and the intensification of finance- and debt-based exploitation and accumulation, it is necessary to reconsider the iterations of authoritarian rule being projected in media worlds and experienced in everyday life as no longer conditioned primarily by the industrial and imperialist form of capitalism of the early twentieth century (even though media reference that period obsessively). We should consider whether or not the resurgence of the specter of fascism in contemporary media, including in film and television, should rather be understood as a political response to a new stage of capitalism, understanding that no stage completely displaces earlier forms. A new stage is rather the emergent aspect within an uneven and overdetermined structure (as Althusser has argued). If the enabling economic and social basis for the contemporary political resurgence of right-wing ideologies differs significantly from the imperialist capitalism analyzed by Rosa Luxemburg, Vladimir Lenin, and, eventually, Nicos Poulantzas, then, despite the quotation of historical fascism in these works, returning to an analysis of the history of fascism could be of limited value for contemporary political economic analysis or for an understanding of the projection of speculative authoritarian regimes in media cultures today—the media of neo-feudalism.

    The primary political question posed by these films and series is not if normative liberal democracy will be able to resist the rise of a new form of fascist hegemony. It is instead: What political and economic forces are at play in contemporary intensifications of exploitation? As Jodi Dean has argued in “Communism or Neo-Feudalism,” describing the primary conflict of the contemporary moment as one between democracy and fascism obfuscates the economics underlying the politicization of democratic societies to the Right:

    capitalist democracies are dictatorships of the bourgeoisie, systems of rule arranged for the benefit of capital and the enjoyment of the powerful. …

    To view our present in terms of democracies threatened by rising fascism deflects attention from the fundamental role of globally networked communicative capitalism in exacerbating popular anger and discontent. The rhetoric of fascism prevents us from considering why ostensibly democratic societies appear to be turning to the Right.(9)

    “Globally networked communicative capitalism” differs from early twentieth-century industrial capitalism, as well as from the network of Cold War dictatorships, particularly in the way that political affects—including anger, discontent, resentment, and other mass moods—are disseminated through digital media platforms rather than by centralized news and propaganda organs. For Dean, the way the contemporary Right articulates itself through digital platforms, and particularly through social media, means that revived liberal critiques of fascism cannot adequately address transformations in economy and mass politics.

    When the film and television series I discuss in this essay call to be read as allegories of a possible fascism, and infuse their narratives with ressentiment by way of limited revenge scenarios, they reproduce the bourgeois morality underpinning neo-feudalism’s governing by “infinite debt” (Lazzarato). It is in this sense that the allegories in these narrative works mediate neo-feudalism through a reductive kind of Hegelian theater. They play out neo-feudalism’s contradictions while offering idealist modes of sublation, such as moral and melodramatic representations, that are symptomatic of its cultural and economic systems. In the following section I discuss some of the primary characteristics of neo-feudalism according to both Marxist and classical economists, and connects these to narrative representations of debt and morality in the films of Bong Joon-ho. The final section connects Us and Sorry to Bother You to Cedric J. Robinson’s theory of racial capitalism to show how they complicate neo-feudal allegory by reflecting on the consequences of racial differentiation in affective labor and the reproduction of class exploitation under conditions of infinite debt.

    Bong Joon-ho and Ressentiment

    In order to understand the political economy as well as the affective and cultural dimensions of neo-feudalism, it is necessary to connect the neo-feudal institution of infinite debt as the dominant form of governmentality to the narrative and aesthetic forms of neo-feudal media. Transformations in political economy will be discussed through Dean and Hudson, which I connect to affect through Maurizio Lazzarato’s Nietzschean reading of infinite debt and bourgeois morality. In their foregrounding of ressentiment rather than revolution, these media of neo-feudalism—which are in many ways diagnostic and critical of the neo-feudal mode of capitalism—can nonetheless become symptomatic of the affects and narrative logics that reinforce it. Although a fuller analysis would go deeper into the formal and visual qualities of these works—including their hyperreal violence, their mimicking of the aesthetics of online media, and their creation of uncanny worlds through special effects—the following readings focus mainly on narrative in order to establish a ground of comparability between the films of Bong, Peele, and Riley by way of their allegorizing of neo-feudal social relations. This attention to narrative and allegory also opens up points of comparison with the extensive scholarship on the literatures of neoliberalism and financialization, which is particularly significant as streaming film and television have become more literary in their narrative structuring of abstraction and affect (Smith; Shonkwiler).

    Dean asserts that neo-feudalism “is characterized by four interlocking features: 1) the parcelization of sovereignty; 2) hierarchy and expropriation with new lords and peasants; 3) desolate hinterlands and privileged municipalities; and, 4) insecurity and catastrophism” (2). By “the parcelization of sovereignty” she means that monopoly corporations and financial institutions assert sovereignty over the people without granting them even the illusion of the individual autonomy granted by the liberal bourgeois state. Political and economic authority blend together, and corporations and wealthy elites control increasingly fragmented and localized domains, largely through the power of primitive accumulation, debt, and rent. Although Dean admits there is no full analogy between neo-feudalism and feudalism proper, under neo-feudalism society is increasingly divided between “lords” who own and govern physical and digital domains, and “peasants” who live in debt-peonage and must rent access to liquid, fixed, cultural, and social capital. The centrifugal character of finance capital and the digital economy creates hinterlands, exacerbating the stark urban-rural divide we see in contemporary US party affiliations, for example. Finally, environmental and epidemiological catastrophes exacerbate the effects of inequality and create a deep sense of insecurity that leads to apocalyptic worldviews.

    The degree of reality of the “theoretical object” of neo-feudalism remains to be seen (Althusser, Balibar, et al., 351; Shonkwiler x). However, the concept has currency beyond theoretical Marxists such as Dean or media theorist McKenzie Wark. Since the financial crisis of 2007–2008, the term neo-feudalism has been applied to the US economy by self-described “classical” economists such as Michael Hudson, who are not concerned with revolution, but rather with reestablishing the power of the productive economy and the sanctity of contracts in the face of the domination of an autonomous financial sector and the reemergence of debtpeonage. Reflecting on finance capital’s complete absorption of the social conflicts of industrial capitalism, Hudson wrote in 2012:

    Industrial capitalism’s familiar class conflict between employers and wage labor is now being overwhelmed by financial dynamics. It is appropriate to speak of debt pollution of the economic environment, turning the economic surplus into debt service for leveraged buyouts, real estate rents into mortgage interest, personal income into debt service and late fees, corporate cash flow into payments to hedge funds and corporate raiders, and the tax surplus into financial bailouts as banks themselves succumb to the economy’s plunge into over-indebtedness and negative equity. (5–6)

    Hudson warned that the total debt overhead cannot be paid and that “the question is, just how will it not be paid?” (20). In other words, governments’ failures to enact debt write-downs and the continued selling and gambling on enormous debt bundles will “permit massive foreclosures to tear society apart and reduce debtors to neo-serfdom” (20). He suggested that a neo-feudal system could result:

    Unlike serfs, debt peons are free to live wherever they wish—or at least wherever they can afford. They may buy land by taking out a mortgage and paying its rental value to the bank. But wherever they live they take their debts with them, from student loans to credit card debt.(21)

    Even classical economists who see the capitalist system as redeemable analyze the economic system emerging in the last decade as a more exploitative and unstable system. Its reduction of workers and consumers to neo-serfs and its massive, unregulated marketization of debt means that the production of profit has been increasingly delinked from productive labor and surplus value and linked to what Marx calls the realization of “surplus profit” (751–950). In contrast to surplus value, surplus profit is not appropriated and realized through the production and exchange of commodities, but rather gained from financial speculation on debt and the proliferation and intensification of forms of ground rent, from access to landed property to digital domains and intellectual property. Hudson’s desire to return to a manufacturing economy with regulations and honored contracts downplays the severity of crisis in the circuits of production and consumption prior to the hegemony of communicative and financial capitalism. Hudson is equally aware, however, that the rise of debt-peonage was a result of capital seeking to create new sources of profit as the US industrial manufacturing sector shrank.

    As Lazzarato explains in Governing by Debt, politics, economy, and ideology blend together through the modes of subjection and governmentality enabled by spiraling debt at all levels of the global economy, from individuals to nation-states. In place of the Protestant work ethic described by Max Weber at the height of industrial capitalism, according to Lazzarato’s Nietzschean reading (83-90), the masters of contemporary capitalism subject their servants, or neo-serfs, through the slave morality of indebtedness, which, as Hudson argues, follows them wherever they may move. Neo-feudalism marks a difference in modes of subjection. Wage labor remains a site of exploitation in neo-feudalism, but the percentage of that labor performed in the service industries, and as affective labor, has increased greatly alongside the creation of massive debtor classes. If work ethic and the fetishization of labor were the primary modes of subjection operative in industrial capitalism, debt has now become a significant, if the not the primary way of creating subjects of capital. In a critique of David Graeber’s conflation of Adam Smith and Nietzsche, Lazzarato explains why a Nietzschean philosophical and psychological approach to subjection makes sense for the morality of the debtor economy, and therefore provides a way into the relation between spectator and the commodified image that centers on a set of affects somewhat distinct from fetishism and alienation. For Lazzarato, the “slave morality” of bourgeois culture is the mode of governing that allows for a society based on debt to reproduce itself, and the primary affect of this morality is ressentiment. In the 2007–2008 economic crash, after which Hudson warned of the rise of neo-feudalism, the massive buying and selling of debt, especially bundles of poorly rated subprime loans, was premised on the notion that either enough neo-serfs would remain psychologically committed to servicing their debt eternally or that the government would intervene to finance the loans once they went into default (as the US government essentially did when it bailed out the banks that owned the debt). Ressentiment is an essential affect for producing surplus profits out of debt. In order to be lucrative, making loans, as well as purchasing and selling debt, both require a general culture in which individuals desire to be good debtors with a high credit score and consistent income and define themselves against evil debtors—the defaulters—who take loans without the intention or the capacity to pay them back. Ressentiment is directed both inwardly and outwardly, operating as a mode of selfgovernment and as a way of shaming the other and oneself. In relation to state social programs in the US, this kind of shaming has its roots in Reagan-era global neoliberalism, as does the debtor economy as a whole (Harvey). Rachel Greenwald Smith argues that narratives of neoliberalism frame negative affects, including resentment, as the moral responsibility of the individual (7). The media of neo-feudalism narrate the intensification of the negative affects of the neoliberal self, introducing a circuit between the increasingly mystified context of the political-economic whole and often violent revenge against the conditions of debt. The self becomes a narrative and affective mirror to absolute subsumption.

    Ressentiment is the most prevalent affect of neo-feudal media to the degree that it is difficult for narratives to contain it within a single frame, ideology, or worldview. In neo-feudal media, good and evil appear around relations of debt, service, affective labor, and the expropriation of life and bodies. On the exploited side of the economic ledger, resistance to the system of debt more often takes the form of revenge against the masters rather than a revolution that has specified goals or is grounded in alternative ideas for society. A truly transformative, heroic, or noble response to debt would be a political deed: the abolition and non-payment of debt. However, in lieu of that possibility, particularly in platformed media productions that are complicit in the neo-feudal economic system that they critique, individual revenge or payback against the master serves as a temporary relinquishment of debt by way of messianic violence. Without having the space for a discussion of the anti-Semitic undertones of Nietzsche’s discussion of the slave morality of Abrahamic religions, I wish to draw from the connection he makes between the affect of ressentiment and the desire for values and revenge, which is pertinent to neo-feudalism’s institution of infinite debt and political responses to it: “This slave revolt in morality begins when ressentiment itself becomes creative and gives birth to values: the ressentiment of natures that are denied the true reaction, that of deeds, and compensate themselves with an imaginary revenge” (36). Conversely, the same bourgeois morality based in ressentiment can also pathologize the other’s revenge, cynically presenting its violence as part of a cycle of immorality: an eternal return without difference, as opposed to Gilles Deleuze’s version of Nietzsche’s eternal return as intensive and differential (Difference and Repetition 222–61).

    Revenge has always been an important plot element in socialist and anticolonial literature and film, but the media cultures of neo-feudalism find it difficult to articulate an ideological framework for revenge. Due in part to its history of Cold War military dictatorship and chaebol capitalism, South Korean films of the last two decades, and Bong Joon-ho’s films in particular, have been ahead of the curve in mediating neo-feudalism. “Hell Joseon,” a satirical term of ressentiment popular since 2015, refers to the feudal Joseon period and is directed at educational and economic systems that disguise class privilege as meritocracy while subjecting young adults to grueling college entrance exam preparation, post-graduation unemployment, overwork, and debt (Nahm). Tellingly, both the political Left and the political Right use the term. Hell Joseon has nothing to do with the notion of feudal remnants, or other stagist historical explanations for the fascist form of East Asian capitalism in the twentieth century. As with the term “neofeudalism,” Hell Joseon rather creates analogies between feudalism proper, the contemporary intensification of neoliberalism, and the turning inward of real subsumption. Already in 2007, leading up to the global economic crisis, Rob Wilson identifies the social relations appearing in the major mode of South Korean film exports, including Park Chan-wook’s Vengeance Trilogy, as “killer capitalism.” Contrasting representations of killer capitalism to more minor, independent modes in South Korean film, Wilson connects “vengeance” (boksu) and the spectacular violence that enacts it to a Pacific Rim economy formed through a layered history of genocidal colonialism, war, and rapid capital accumulation.

    Bong’s insights into economic relations and his critical focus on social class in the context of US imperialism have proven refreshing to viewers who have grown tired of the occlusion of class in Hollywood cinema. Bong’s willingness to address class is in part responsible for Parasite‘s popularity and its Best Picture win at the 2020 Oscars, as evidenced by the somewhat overblown credit he gets for recognizing that the social effects of global capitalism supersede those of local national contexts. In an interview with The Black List, he says: “After Cannes, I was at the Sydney Film Festival, Munich, Telluride, Toronto—the reaction was all the same everywhere. I think maybe there is no borderline between countries now because we all live in the same country, it’s called capitalism.” Bong understands rightly that the class themes of the film have allowed it to travel more easily; however, the film also does not move beyond the vengeful violence typical of revenge dramas in South Korean film. During the melee at the end of the film, the father of the poor family, Kim Ki-taek, murders the wealthy Mr. Park after Park recoils from the smell of Geun-se, who had been living secretly in Park’s basement for many years. The film’s use of olfactory affects as class markers is no doubt an interesting and meaningful element that connects Ki-taek to Geun-se at that moment even though they are at odds for most of the film. However, Ki-taek’s violence is represented as a momentary, psychotic response to class discrimination, in line with the rest of the film’s moral ambivalence about the criminal way the Kim family responds to their oppression. Caught in a cycle of ressentiment, no one in the film is capable of formulating an alternative morality to the bourgeois morality of good and evil. After his escape, Ki-taek simply takes the place of Geun-se, living as a near nonhuman in the mansion’s basement.

    What, then, are the characteristics of this “same country of capitalism,” and how are Bong’s films embedded within it? In the cycles of apolitical ressentiment endemic to neofeudalism, more than one article on Parasite points out the irony that the film was bankrolled and produced by CJ Group and its vice chair Miky Lee, an ultrawealthy heiress to the Samsung Corporation who was on stage at the Academy Awards to accept the Best Picture award along with Bong. Making an obvious comparison with the house of the Park family in Parasite, a Dirt.com article includes an aerial photograph of the Lee family’s 8-acre Beverly Hills estate and its two mansions (McClain). It is possible to read such contradictions as ironies or hypocrisies at the level of the individual, but they also have bearing on the limits of class politics in Bong’s films and on the media cultures of neo-feudalism more broadly. These antagonisms suggest what is obvious: we do not all occupy the same positions within capitalism, even if we all live there. Just as cinema and television of the broadcast era struggle to self-consciously address their own often exploitative conditions of production and consumption, the cinema and streaming media of neo-feudalism contain these antagonisms within their narratives and visual modes.

    Let us take Okja as another example of the insight and the limitations of the representation of neo-feudal economic relations in Bong’s films. The world of this film seems like a popular cinematic and televisual prefiguration of Jodi Dean’s theory of neo-feudalism. The cartoonish opening sequence utilizes web-style aesthetics in its critique of Grandpa Mirando’s old industrial factory: Lucy Mirando (Tilda Swinton) says that the Mirando Corporation committed atrocities against working people and the environment. She claims that in order to overcome that history, the Mirando Corporation will feed the world with non-GMO, eco-friendly super pigs derived from a super piglet discovered on a Chilean farm. In a competition that is later revealed to be an exercise in greenwashing, she says that the Mirando Corporation has given out a super piglet each to local farmers in twenty-six countries where it has offices, and each farmer will raise it “honoring traditional techniques unique to their respective cultures.” Whoever raises the biggest and most beautiful super pig over ten years will be given an award at an event in New York City where the twenty-six super pigs will be unveiled. After the opening credits, the film cuts to a rural mountain farm in South Korea ten years later, where a young girl, Mija (Ahn Seohyun), and her grandfather (Byun Hee-bong) have raised one of the super pigs, Okja. Television zoologist Johnny Wilcox (Jake Gyllenhaal), the face of the Mirando Corporation, shows up with a television crew and a scientist who has been monitoring Okja’s vital signs remotely through a digital black box attached to Okja’s ear. But when Okja is en route to New York City, the Animal Liberation Front (ALF) captures the pig and inserts a camera into the black box, which eventually records the inside of Mirando’s highly secure New Jersey factory farm where the super pigs are bred en masse for slaughter. Mija follows Okja to New York, and with the help of the ALF breaks into the factory farm, where with a gold pig statue given to her by her grandfather she purchases Okja from Lucy’s twin sister, the more cutthroat CEO Nancy Mirando, and returns the super pig to her family farm.

    The parcelization of sovereignty under neo-feudalism appears in the film in Mirando’s control and surveillance over the twenty-six super piglets in the countries where it has offices. Nation-state borders and regulations are circumvented by the capital of corporations, and by the digital technologies that connect the various local farms and allow the corporation to surveil its property in the hinterlands. The launch at the beginning of the film invokes the apocalypse of overpopulation and food shortage as a tool of governing, because it couples the fear of impending ecological disaster with the marketing of a greenwashed commodity solution. The lords of Mirando expropriate the farm family’s affective and physical labor for ten years, solely with the purpose of creating a digitally reproducible spectacle of competition. Mija is under the impression, created by the grandfather, that Okja belongs to the family, an illusion that is shattered when Mirando comes to repossess the super pig after the ten-year rental. The exploitative relation of rent is tied to Mija’s and her grandfather’s physical and affective labor of loving and caring for the animal. Mija sees ownership as care, whereas the corporation (and the grandfather) see it in terms of capital and control over rent and competition. The grandfather is reconciled to his relation as debtor to Mirando, remaining morally loyal to an unequal contract that only promises the family temporary capital and temporary digital connection to the global economy, as well as the speculative possibility of future earnings. Mija however refuses to feel that indebtedness or to recognize its contract, and is driven solely by her desire to save Okja from being made a cultural commodity or, worse, slaughtered. Her refusal to participate in the economy of care and indebtedness set up by Mirando makes her the hero of the film and distinguishes her from the activists of the ALF, all of whom reveal their moral limitations at some point.

    Like Bong’s earlier monster film, The Host (2006), Okja grafts a political critique of the negative social and ecological effects of the US military and corporations onto blockbuster-style genre, action, and melodrama. It also engages in penetrating ways the new forms of sovereignty, class relations, spatiality, and apocalypticism that have emerged with neo-feudalism. However, like Parasite, Okja does not address the political question posed by Dean: How can the Left respond to neo-feudalism without simply reinforcing its tendencies? It would be naïve to expect that streaming media such as Okja could be politically self-conscious in an exhaustive way, yet the ending of the film exhibits a common limitation of the media cultures of neo-feudalism. The antagonisms and contradictions in the film are resolved through melodrama, which naturalizes the neo-feudal system as an unbreakable cycle and represents political conflict as an expression of individual ressentiment. Dialectics are replaced with individual redemption. The melodramatic mode presents a Manichaean moral universe structured by Nietzsche’s “bourgeois morality”—inner goodness and innocence are contrasted with an external evil and are redeemed by way of an allegorical magic. The origin of the grandfather’s gold pig is unknown, but it is so valuable that Nancy Mirando accepts it as payment to release Okja, who is back on Mija’s family farm at the end of the film. On the one hand, the gold pig is a humorous symbol of the value of family heirlooms and provides for a purposefully anticlimactic and microcosmic conclusion to the conflicts, reminiscent of a fairy tale. However, the gold pig is also magic capital, seemingly from nowhere, that brings order, normalcy, and comfort to the weighty issues of sovereignty, class exploitation, marginalization, and even apocalypse. The individual debt is paid, the family pet rescued, and the small Korean farming family can remain good; however, the system of genetic engineering, animal abuse, and exploitation is undeterred.

    The social and economic issues in Okja are perhaps too large, pertinent, and encompassing for us to feel satisfied with a melodramatic (and comedic) conclusion that dissolves all of the film’s fascinating conflicts while expressing hesitancy about the effectiveness of organized political action. Although the ending of Parasite is more tragic in tone than is Okja‘s, the gold pig and the return of Okja to the family farm serve the same narrative function as Ki-taek’s revenge killing of Park and his exile in the basement of the mansion. They both present as intractable the power of neo-feudalism and its corporate sovereigns, lords, and elites to individuate collective social and political conflicts through its technological sovereignty and control of space. Ressentiment detached from deeds transforms into a desire for values, revenge, and a moral feeling of security. Under neo-feudalism, such desires are prevalent on both the Left and the Right. If nothing can really change, at least good and evil, self and other, can be clarified, and the identity of the individual maintained. Bong’s films, and much of the media of neofeudalism, express both the repressiveness of capitalism’s contemporary transformations and present in alienated form those affects through which indebtedness and the moral order reproduce themselves.

    Perhaps the idea of “mutual aid” of Peter Kropotkin, who supported the liberation of his family’s serfs in 1861, has regained such widespread use and effectiveness in contemporary political and social movements because it is one antidote to the ressentiment of lords and serfs and the fallacies of Social Darwinism (ix). The interspecies connection between Mija and Okja is based in an affection of mutual aid, or cooperation in Kropotkin’s original naturalist formulation, that occurs outside cycles of debt and exchange (notwithstanding that Kropotkin himself largely remained tied to the notion of species). So the film does hint at a political response to neofeudalism but stops short, in its allegorical fairy tale, of articulating this response more fully outside the framework of individual morality, ownership, and vindication.

    Racial Capitalism within Neo-Feudalism: Us and Sorry to Bother You

    Although they sometimes deal with the US military and corporate occupation and sovereignty over South Korea, Bong Joon-ho’s films are not particularly nationalistic. Okja ends with the super pig returned to the family farm in the remote mountains of South Korea, but it would be a stretch to claim that the ending of Okja presents a clear political contrast between an idyllic and pastoral Korean hinterland and the evils of US capitalism. Bong largely stays true to his statement that we all live in a single country called capitalism and addresses US empire not by asserting Korean national identity, but rather by engaging creatively with Hollywood genres in order to critique various intersections between capital, empire, and the nation-state. There are moments when this critical play with genre brings to light political and social perspectives that would not appear in a typical Hollywood film, and other more typical moments of return to identity, security, and individuation, by way of ressentiment and revenge.

    Jordan Peele’s Us and Boots Riley’s Sorry to Bother You are also revenge narratives of a sort. However, these films disrupt the more sanguine, cyclical representation of neo-feudal exploitation by reintroducing the problem of racial capitalism, a term of Cedric J. Robinson’s that has increased in popular political usage with the growth of the Black Lives Matter movement. These films present fantastic worlds that are divided into lords and serfs and reproduced through indebtedness. Rather than melodrama returning the characters to their individuality and their proper morality, however, they remain what Deleuze calls “dividuals”—the effect of multiple techniques of control and multiple performances and mutations of class, race, and species (“Postscript”). It is Bong’s tendency to universalize that occasionally gets him into trouble when he humanizes his characters without recognizing the irreconcilability of the multiple positions of the dividual. By virtue of his revenge murder of Park and his exile in the basement of the mansion, Ki-taek’s and the family’s double identities are resolved, just as Mija returns to her family farm through her magic payment of her debt. In both Us and Sorry to Bother You, in contrast, characters are at least double throughout, and actually multiple. What do the doppelgänger motif in Us and the hybridity of the equisapiens in Sorry to Bother You have to do with racial capitalism under neo-feudalism? Why do the two worlds of these films remain open at the end, rather than being defined by mythical cycles of exploitation and revenge?

    In contrast to Peele’s earlier Get Out (2017), which depicts wealthy, mostly White liberals luring Black people to the countryside to hypnotize them and sell them as slaves, Us does not refer directly to slavery or to the origins of American capital accumulation in racial capitalism. Every American, regardless of race, seems to have a tethered double who lives underground and is eventually organized by Red (Lupita Nyong’o)—who we later find out is actually Adelaide—for the revolution of untethering. Dressed in red jump suits and wielding scissors, they go above ground to kill their doubles and enact their own version of Hands Across America, an event in 1986 when Red attacked Adelaide and switched places with her. (Presumably, Hands Across America was one of impressionable Adelaide’s last memories from her life above ground). The relation between above-ground Americans and their tethered doubles seems to be primarily an allegory of class, of lords and serfs. The government initially created the tethered doubles to control their originals, but the program was unsuccessful. The tethered are driven underground and mechanically act out the actions of their originals, because they share a single soul with them, and many go mad because of their lack of freedom. According to this spatialized “double-consciousness (Du Bois, The Souls of Black Folk, 13), the materialistic and shallow bourgeoisie cultivate their commodities and their superficial appearances above ground while the tethered below are forced to perform these same labors with none of their affective meaning or value.

    In his theory of racial capitalism, Cedric J. Robinson complicates the economic determinism of the Marxist understanding of slavery, showing that slavery was neither an effect of nor was ended by capitalist development and the formation of a proletarian class of wage laborers. Slavery was rather born of the racialist worldview of Western civilization, which informed all political defenses and critical responses to industrial capitalism and its immiseration of society—the liberal, conservative, socialist, nationalist, and eventually fascist politics of the European bourgeoisie—from the eighteenth century to the present (Robinson 1–70). Racist state and civil institutions, including nation-states as racial states, cannot be understood by economic or historical determinism, nor can the history of capitalism be considered without regarding them as fundamental.

    The fantastic horror world of Us presents an allegory of a double consciousness of both Black and White characters, which is in line with Du Bois’s understanding of it (he did, after all, also give the Hegelian treatment to White people in the “The Souls of White Folk”), and also introduces divisibility into the representation of subjects and their control. In the hall of mirrors Adelaide enters in 1986, that leads to the world of the tethered, there is a sign pointing to the entry door: “Vision Quest: Find Yourself.” Of course, being a horror film, this vision quest does not lead to the hominess of the self and family, but rather to a confrontation with the uncanny, that is, the foreign and the strange in what is supposedly the most familiar. (Freud spends a number of paragraphs in “The Uncanny” on the doppelgänger motif.) Once the tethered are above ground, enacting their violent uprising, Peele uses the uncanny aesthetic to full effect, showing that when enslavement is no longer a matter of ownership of Blacks by Whites and the direct conflation of skin color with economic and political rights and power, then the dividing of the self into multiple intersecting racial, class, and gender identities as a technology of control is essential to the reproduction of capitalism. When Red (Adelaide) states that “we are Americans,” it is obvious that “we” and its correspondent Us refer to both family and nation, and that the divided selves of the characters refer to two or more Americas, to the multiple positions within the same country of capitalism. Prior to the insurrection of the tethered, this dividing of racial subjectivity is already in operation. The Wilsons’ consumer life is a cheaper version of the Tylers’, and Gabe is jealous of the White family’s commodities. Meanwhile, Kitty Tyler hates her husband, gets plastic surgery, and is jealous of Adelaide’s beauty, and the twins Becca and Lindsey Tyler call Jason Wilson “weird” when they talk to Zora on the beach.

    In often comedic ways, the insurrection of the tethered magnifies this racialized ressentiment between the two families. After the Wilsons escape their tethered, they go to the house of the Tylers, who have already been killed. There the Wilsons have to defend themselves against the White family’s tethered. Because they are fighting the zombie versions of the White family, they can express their built-up aggression toward them—Gabe symbolically leads Tex (Josh’s tethered) to Josh’s boat and shoots him with the flare gun; a low angle shot captures Zora as she beats a twin’s double overzealously with a golf club. Jason, who is often suspicious of his mother, watches disturbed as Adelaide (Red) finishes off Dahlia (Kitty’s tethered). The scenes at the Tylers’ house are particularly uncanny and humorous. The Wilsons show that they are capable of brutal violence, and their actions blur further with those of their doubles.

    Neo-feudalism is an intensified capitalist system, and the capitalist system is a racialist system. In the aftermath of the 2007–2008 financial crash, it became apparent that the predatory lending practices of subprime loans were made disproportionately to Blacks (G. White). The explanation is clear and documented: lower credit scores, lower income, and smaller down payments and collateral—all effects of centuries of unequal capital accumulation—mean higher interest rates and more expensive mortgages. Through predatory lending and other financial practices that exploit racial minorities, the financial sector of neo-feudalism, with its dependency on the marketization of debt, reproduces class inequalities in a racialized manner. Attention is rightfully given to police brutality and the prison industrial complex—including prison labor and the exploitative cash bail system—in contemporary analyses of American racial capitalism, but the uneven distribution of debt and credit along racial lines is equally important. Within Us‘s myth of neo-feudal class relations, the animosity that the Wilsons harbor for the Tylers is not racially neutral.

    Borrowing is a mode of impersonation that splits consciousness. On the one hand, people gain access to the accoutrements of middle-class life, such as houses, cars, and boats; on the other hand, they lose their future freedom from work and their freedom of movement, because they must service the debt that makes their impersonation of class mobility possible. The degree of wealth inequality in the US would be impossible to maintain without the governmentality of debt. While Us does not address financial debt directly, the division of America into creditors and debtors, lords and serfs, is certainly in the background of the film’s mythology. Debt creates a duplicity between the consuming self and the working self, a duplicity that is structurally distinct from commodity fetishism because of the intermediation and primacy of finance capital rather than of production in the splitting of the subject. Unlike in Okja, in Us none of the characters returns to a stable individuality through ressentiment, not only because we find out that Adelaide is actually Red but also because the conflict with the tethered is not a Manichaean one that would allow for the reestablishment of a stable sense of good and evil through revenge or magic. Neo-feudalism is a system of control that governs through multiple divisions of the subject that occur differentially according to racialized positions within capitalism, and dividuals inhabit the country of capitalism according to their multiple connections to racial violence and disenfranchisement. One strength of Us is that it tracks these multiple political relations while foregoing any final determination of “us” and “them”—racial positions are differentiated by class, and class positions are differentiated by race.

    Sorry to Bother You is one of the more radically anti-capitalist mainstream American films to come out in the last decade and pinpoints several characteristics of neo-feudalism and its modes of subjection. As his fellow workers at the telemarketing company Regalview organize and strike for better pay and benefits, the aptly named Cash Green (LaKeith Stanfield), who makes huge sales as a telemarketer using his “White voice” (played by David Cross), gets promoted to the elite upstairs offices of Powercallers, where he makes million-dollar deals in slave labor for Worryfree (a company dealing in human [variable] capital that signs its workers to lifetime contracts while housing and feeding them in massive cramped dormitories). Cash’s success pits him against the labor movement, his friends, and eventually his girlfriend Detroit (Tessa Thompson), and is directly connected to the housing crisis and the gentrification of Oakland. His primary motivation is to pay off the mortgage of his uncle Sergio (Terry Crews), who says he is going to default on the loan and work for Worryfree. Cash’s debt to Sergio and Sergio’s debt to the bank drive Cash to use his White voice technique, taught to him by older Regalview employee Langston (Danny Glover), in order to move up the corporate ladder until his job is to sell workers into the very slavery from which he manages to spare his uncle. Just as Us explores the uncanny horrors of impersonation created by indebtedness to an invisible other, Cash’s friends react with queasiness when he uses his White voice outside of the workplace (e.g. at the bar), when his alienated and racialized affective labor blurs into the sphere of consumption and comradery.

    Like Okja, Sorry to Bother You takes up the problem of the parcelization of sovereignty, but even more negatively. Worryfree is not simply a multinational corporation but also a sovereign that replaces the social contract of citizenship with lifelong labor contracts whereby workers trade in their worry about the future for enslavement as human capital. Interestingly, Steve Lift (Armie Hammer), a casual Bay Area bro, says that his company Worryfree will “save America” from the very phenomena that Marx discusses in Volume 3 of Capital before Marx gets to the discussion of surplus profit: an overproduction of goods, unemployment, and decreases in consumer capacity and in relative surplus caused by increases in the efficiency of capital and the immiseration of the proletariat, as well as the concomitant tendency for the rate of profit to fall. More than any other work of neo-feudalism, Sorry to Bother You points to the contemporary economic crises within which Right and Left political positions emerge and disseminate. On one side, you have a response to capitalist crisis that insists on the intensification of the biopolitics of neoliberal governmentality, the transformation of Gary S. Becker’s “human capital” into new forms of serfdom or even slavery (Worryfree’s slave labor is not a speculative proposition if we consider private corporations’ use of prison labor not as some sort of rehabilitative response to crime, but rather as a neo-feudal response to capitalist crisis) (Becker; Foucault 226–30). Responding to capitalist crisis, corporations devise new ways to produce profit by institutionalizing marketable debt and controlling access to capital through rent. At the economic bottom you have forms of subjection embedded in racial capitalism and the affectations required (e.g. White voice) for Pyrrhic success in the service economy. On the other side, there is a desire to return to the social-democratic nation-state as a protector of workers’ rights against the excesses of capital.

    Sorry to Bother You does not present its politics without self-reflection. It also points to the interventions of the technologies of neo-feudalism, including the fascist mediation of violence symbolized by the fictional TV show I Got the Shit Kicked Out of Me and the meme of a striker hitting the scab Cash in the head with a soda can, as well as the engineering of human capital in the creation of the equisapiens—horse-human hybrids that serve as chattel slave labor. By showing Cash literally falling into people’s living rooms when he makes his telemarketing calls, the film directs our attention to a problem that also concerns Jodi Dean. If social space is now dominated by communicative capitalism to the degree that there are no more outside spaces, then even modes of resistance to neo-feudalism can very easily reinforce its modes of division and control. Cash depends on the mediation of mass communication in order to hide his blackness. If the cinematic fantasy of equisapien revolution at the end of the film has any bearing on the real problems that Sorry to Bother You analyzes, it would need to be more than a fantasy of revenge that only amounts to a temporary catharsis of ressentiment. After all, such catharsis is readily and continuously available through the very digital platforms that reproduce the relations of debt. In so far as the nation state remains an agent of racial capitalism, imperialism, and ecological ruin, a revolution beyond revenge would also need to avoid being contained by the national borders of electoral politics and social democracy. The fantastic elements and revenge sequences of the more lucrative media cultures of neo-feudalism lead us to realize that global revolutionary politics are both beyond their narrative scope and exceed the political economy of their production and distribution.

    Travis Workman is Associate Professor in the Department of Asian and Middle Eastern Studies at the University of Minnesota, Twin Cities. His recent work includes essays on humanism and area studies and a forthcoming volume of translations of Korean literary and cultural criticism. He is finishing a book on North Korean and South Korean film melodrama of the Cold War era and starting one on neo-feudalism and contemporary media.

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  • Breakpoints and Black Boxes: Information in Global Supply Chains

    Miriam Posner (bio)

    Abstract

    Supply chain management (SCM) deals with the procurement and assembly of goods, from raw material to the consumer. With the growing prevalence of offshore manufacturing and suppliers’ reliance on “just-in-time” inventory management, SCM has become both astoundingly complex and critical to companies’ competitiveness. This essay examines how data works in global supply chains, focusing on SAP SCM, the huge but hard-to-access SCM software with the greatest market share. It argues that SCM is characterized by two countervailing tendencies: the demand for perfect information about goods and movement, and the need to erect strategic barriers to the fullest knowledge about supply chains. Counterintuitively, this selective obscurantism is what makes supply chains so fast and efficient.

    In March 2020, as it was becoming clear that COVID-19 was going to seriously disrupt our lives, the necessities of American life—toilet paper, cleaning solution, paper towels—began disappearing from supermarket shelves, for days at a time. It was hard enough to find flour; forget about N-95 masks, hand sanitizer, and other personal protective equipment (PPE). The predicaments of individual consumers were magnified, with much higher stakes, at hospitals around the country. Without access to the basic equipment they needed to do their jobs, health workers were swathing themselves in garbage bags and jury-rigging CPAP machines. The photos and stories are surreal.

    But perhaps they shouldn’t be. The disruptions to the global supply chain didn’t surprise people who had been watching closely. To most American consumers, the global supply chain looks like a firehose: goods just keep coming and coming, lots of them, all the time. But to those professionals immersed in the day-to-day work of supply-chain management, the firehose looks more like an assemblage of garden hoses, each one springing new leaks as fast as previous ones can be patched. We designed it that way. Or perhaps we didn’t not design it that way. Many global supply chains, under normal conditions, are ruthlessly efficient. But their speed and efficiency are the products of some of the same conditions that make them vulnerable. Global supply chains, to a startling degree, are highly uncoordinated, even those of the largest corporations. Both their speed and their vulnerability are the result of constant, unceasing, untraceable improvisation. For all the talk about the internet of things and QR-coded merchandise, no one has any idea, in most cases, what a supply chain looks like in its entirety—least of all the companies whose labels are on the box.

    Consider the iPhone. A complex product like a smartphone is assembled from hundreds of separate parts, most produced in disparate offshore locations, each of which needs to get from a supplier to a manufacturer through a distribution channel and ultimately to a customer as fast as possible. The ubiquity of offshore manufacturing, combined with the practice of just-in-time production and rapid cycles of obsolescence mean that managing an intricate supply chain, like that of an iPhone, is astoundingly complicated.

    In fact, the term “chain” is misleading; many supply networks more closely resemble rivers or neural pathways. Rather than a single stream, the network takes the form of multiple tiny tributaries that begin where components are mined or produced, leading into larger canals where they are assembled, and then to even bigger channels where they are shipped overseas. When commentators discuss Apple’s supply chain, they often focus on its Foxconn assembly plants in China. But these large manufacturers are only part of the story. The iPhone’s components, like those of many complex products, come from all over the world. And these supply pathways are never static. As we will see, large companies’ supply chains can change on a dime, triggered by global economic conditions or events on the ground. It is hard to take a snapshot of a supply chain because it moves too fast. Many companies have no clear idea themselves which vendors comprise the entirety of their distribution network. Like most consumers, corporations themselves are often at least partly in the dark. How did we get to this point, where companies can choreograph their supply chains with exquisite timing and precision, but still (truthfully, as I will argue) claim to be ignorant about the conditions of their products’ assembly?

    I am not the first to ask. As the implications of the modern global supply chain have played out in politics and in our daily lives, numerous journalists and scholars have turned their attention to understanding and explaining the logistics industry. The website Fusion published an eight-part audio documentary about global supply routes, and The Box, Marc Levinson’s history of the shipping container, became an unexpected bestseller. Within the fields of geography, media, and the history of infrastructure, a number of scholars, most notably Deborah Cowen, have examined the routes mapped out by supply chains, as well as the physical infrastructure necessary to support these networks (Cowen, Deadly Life; Lichtenstein, Wal-Mart). Ned Rossiter and John Durham Peters have each examined the relevance of logistical infrastructure for the field of media studies. Scholars in Black studies, such as Christina Sharpe, Stefano Harney, and Fred Moten, have described the inseparability of logistics from slavery. Separately, anthropologists and historians have conducted research at manufacturing plants and port cities, helping to shed light on the lives of the people whose labor keep the supply chain moving (Thomas; Chu; West; Ngai and Chan). These studies inform a body of theoretical work that seeks to understand the implications of globalization for capitalism, politics, and human understandings of the world. These scholars of “critical logistics” argue for an understanding of logistics as “a calculative rationality and a suite of spatial practices aimed at facilitating circulation—including, in its mainstream incarnations, the circulatory imperatives of capital and war” (Chua et al.).

    For all that has been written about logistics, however, we still know very little about how information moves along the supply chain and what that movement can tell us about the way data interacts with global capital. And yet, supply chains of course consist of information as much as they are composed of shipping containers, cranes, and ports. How else would companies be able to choreograph deliveries with such astounding speed and accuracy? This essay, then, investigates the ways that supply chains use data by focusing on one question in particular: how is it that supply chains can be so dependable, in the sense that we know exactly when our Amazon package will arrive, and yet so unknowable, in the sense that both suppliers and consumers have only the vaguest idea of where the package comes from?

    I argue in this essay that global supply chains work as efficiently as they do only because of strategic gaps in our knowledge about them. A supply-chain expert might find this observation surprising, since “visibility” and “transparency” are watchwords of the profession: with each new technological innovation comes new promises about more and increasingly complete data. Yet a thorough investigation of the structure and function of supply chains reveals that these circuits of commerce depend on black boxes and omissions as much as they depend on access to information. These strategic uncertainties are part of the appeal not just of global supply chains, but also of algorithmic decision-making in general. The truism that we live in the age of big data evokes visions of avalanches of information from all over the globe, synthesized and processed in order to arrive at unprecedentedly precise solutions. But, as I show here, a critical hallmark of what scholars have called “algorithmic life” is a pattern of strategic uncertainties that serve to elide precisely those moments in which our most important decisions get made (Amoore and Piotukh).

    I highlight this peculiar informational zone—this dance between omniscience and ignorance—as a critical feature of supply-chain software and the industry at large. Drawing on instructional materials, industry literature, and an analysis of supply-chain software, I argue that logistical capitalism’s enabling condition is a careful disavowal of particular information, even as the supply chain ravenously consumes other data. I connect this state of knowing-while-notknowing to defining moments in the supply chain’s emergence, most notably in the calculations that characterized the maritime slave trade. Seeing like a supply chain depends upon and reinscribes some of the key assumptions of colonialism, both about human difference and about the way value can be captured and transmitted.

    Efficient as they are under normal conditions, a major global disaster like the COVID-19 pandemic can bring large parts of the system to a halt. As we look closer at supply chains, we see how the constant alternation between knowing and not-knowing introduces hidden cracks and fault lines into global trade routes. Like scratched glass, the supply chain’s cracks are shallow enough, under most conditions, that the glass remains intact. But when struck with an event of sufficient force, these fault lines have the ability—as we have seen—to compromise the entire structure.

    Fantasies of Omniscience

    Understanding how supply chains use data requires us to contextualize and historicize the industry itself. Logistics (the term is often used interchangeably with “supply-chain management”) has always been, and still is, intimately tied to military activity (Cowen, Deadly Life). Logistics as a field began in earnest following World War II, when military veterans applied to business the lessons they had learned about transporting wartime materials. The name “logistics” is in fact a military export to the private sector, just as many corporate logistics experts started their careers in the military (Bonacich and Hardie).

    The 1943 propaganda film Troop Train, produced by the United States Office of War Information, contains many of the elements that would continue to define rhetoric about logistics throughout the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. In the “nerve center” of a troop-transfer operation, military personnel busily make notes and phone calls before a wall painted with a map of the United States rail system, which resembles a giant semiconductor. A sequence of phone calls, flipped switches, and a battalion of typists creates the impression of an information epicenter, from which logistics personnel can monitor the movement of people and goods with seamless speed and accuracy. Troop Train depicts logistics headquarters as a zone of perfect information, where monitors keep tabs on conditions with flawless efficiency.

    And yet, even as “nerve centers” attempt to monitor every movement of resources, a countervailing tendency has also characterized supply chains: that of the black box, the zone where information is disavowed in favor of efficiency. Its most visible emblem might be the shipping container, whose modularity allows it to travel the world with unprecedented speed, even as its contents remain shrouded in interchangeability. It, too, is a wartime invention, deployed in quantity for the first time to run goods between California and Cam Ranh Bay during the Vietnam War. The shipping container’s main selling point was its modularity: by standardizing the container’s dimensions, shipping companies and manufacturers began to regularize, automate, and impose order on what had been a relatively unpredictable industry (Levinson).

    As companies expanded and logistics professionalized in the 1950s and 1960s, a steady drumbeat sounded in the literature about distribution: the demand for information. Logistics experts demanded more information from every tributary of the supply chain. Only in this way could specialists provide the precise information about supply levels and location that modern corporations demanded. Yet despite their critical role, logistics professionals complained, corporations failed to recognize the importance of what they did.

    It was in this spirit that Peter Drucker, the well-known management expert, wrote “The Economy’s Dark Continent,” often cited as one of the founding documents of modern supplychain management. American companies, Drucker claimed in 1962, were completely failing to embrace the possibilities of modern logistics. Distribution, he wrote, constitutes “the economy’s dark continent. We know little more about distribution today than Napoleon’s contemporaries knew about the interior of Africa” (103).Drucker’s rallying cry was echoed by a number of contemporaneous logistics experts, who saw in Drucker’s article a reflection of the frustrations they experienced. (I take up Drucker’s colonialist metaphor later in this piece, for it reveals some important facets of supply-chain logic.)

    In its modern incarnation, supply-chain management emerged in the context of increasing competition from Japanese manufacturers, and particularly Japanese innovations in just-in-time (or “lean”) manufacturing, in which a supplier aims to keep the absolute minimum inventory on hand to fulfill demand. With just-in-time manufacturing, the supplier can avoid tying up capital in unsold inventory. But this mode of distribution also means that information about demand needs to be near-perfect and near-instantaneous in order to avoid product shortages (Lichtenstein, “Supply Chains”). When a company maintains very low levels of inventory, it cannot deliver goods to consumers effectively if any component gets stalled at any station along the supply chain. Japanese companies pioneered these techniques in the 1960s through the 1980s, and American companies quickly followed suit, outsourcing goods to a patchwork of suppliers in order to maximize speed and profit.

    In the twenty-first century, supply-chain management techniques have evolved to respond with extraordinary subtlety to consumer demand. If a Wal-Mart store begins to run low on a certain brand of diapers, for example, that information is automatically communicated to a supplier who initiates the restocking process, all with very little human intervention. This shift from “push” to “pull”—that is, the tendency for manufacturing and delivery to be “pulled” into an outlet by retailers rather than “pushed” in by suppliers—means that suppliers must be prepared for a high degree of volatility in demand. Gone are the days when a manufacturer could plan stocking levels according to the season or even the month (Lichtenstein, Wal-Mart).

    Sixty-five years after Troop Train, the information nerve center reemerges within the interface of SAP SCM, the most widely used supply-chain management software, which I describe in more detail below. The Supply Chain Cockpit, the highest-level view of a company’s supply chain, depicts distribution centers, shipping routes, and manufacturing locations, all arrayed on a map, as though they can be monitored from above. In fact, however, this vision of perfect information has always been a fantasy. The Supply Chain Cockpit is not real-time; it is a forecast. Conditions on the ground can easily supersede the vision planners have laid out, and neither the Cockpit nor most actors in the supply chain will register the change. Despite planners’ pleas for more information, however, this selective obscurity is not a bug but a feature: supply chains could not be as efficient as they are if they were centrally coordinated and observed.

    In his essay on the geopolitics of capitalism, David Harvey lays out a model for understanding the relationship of space and capital that is startling for the way it seems to presage an interface like the Supply Chain Cockpit (Harvey). For a capitalist economy to function, Harvey explains, capital has to keep moving. It can’t ever stop, and an economy must always grow. But as capital increases, it must be reabsorbed. If it can’t be reabsorbed and recirculated, it accumulates, and this causes a crisis. If, for example, goods pile up in a warehouse, they’re not circulating, and they lose their value. Because capital needs to find more and more places to go, the system of global capital has devised what Harvey terms the “spatial fix”: it expands outward, looking for ever more ways to keep capital moving. But the fix Harvey describes is a double-edged sword: like a junkie’s fix, it is temporarily satisfying but ultimately insufficient. Capitalism, according to Harvey, is structurally compromised by this internal contradiction between the need to grow and the need to absorb, and it must at some point confront this contradiction.

    When Harvey describes the spatial fix, he means physical infrastructure and building plants. The spatial fix explains why North American cities teem with empty luxury condos, while millions of people go unhoused. But perhaps this need to keep capital moving can also describe the Supply Chain Cockpit, the event handler, and the optimization algorithm. Capital’s need to circulate unceasingly has been translated into a software suite that—at least in theory—addresses potential crises with marvelous speed and sophistication. No potential accumulation can take place without triggering a solution, and models borrowed from the structure of our brains chart paths designed to eliminate even the slightest latency. Yet even as the spatial fix seems to reach the apogee of its elaboration, it’s pushed toward ever greater heights of information speed and efficiency.

    In a complex supply chain, some waystations might be large, easily identifiable plants, such as the Foxconn facilities that make Apple products. But the components of goods must themselves be procured from another vendor, and those from another, and so on, until we reach the site where the source materials themselves are mined, extracted, or farmed. Some of these nodes may be no more than garages retrofitted into small workshops. It is only a node’s neighbors, not a central planner, that must be aware of its existence. Should something happen to one of these workshops, such as a labor strike or natural disaster, the neighboring stops on the supply chain might easily substitute a replacement, without anyone else being aware of the change. This tangle of procurement is compounded in industries with high product turnover, such as the apparel industry. Supply-chain nodes might number in the thousands, and vendors are continuously swapped out and replaced. To attempt to coordinate this activity would mean slowing it down, potentially endangering a company’s ability to bring products to consumers with the speed that the market demands.

    This decentralized arrangement works well for commerce under normal conditions. A broken link can easily be popped out and replaced with another supplier. But this assumes that a battalion of suppliers are standing at the ready, waiting for the word to take their new place. This was not the case during the COVID-19 pandemic. The disease knocked out (at least temporarily) not just a smattering of suppliers but suppliers everywhere, and no one was available to plug these gaps. Had large companies been aware of potential weaknesses in their supply chains, they could have analyzed trade routes, prepared for disruption, and created redundancy within the supply chain. But of course they didn’t know about these weaknesses, since they could not obtain that information without compromising the terrific speed of the system on which they depend (Choi et al.).

    This is not to say, however, that all supply-chain data eludes manufacturers. Operations within the facilities a manufacturer itself controls may, in fact, be closely planned and monitored. And yet even within these monitoring operations, strategically placed barriers and black boxes prevent any individual onlooker from viewing the supply network in full.

    Breakpoints and Black Boxes: Inside SAP

    The industry standard for monitoring business operations—everything from sales projections to transportation to human resources—is a suite of software called SAP (the acronym stands for Systemanalyse und Programmentwicklung, or System Analysis and Program Development) (Pollock and Williams). SAP was founded in 1972 by five German ex-employees of IBM (Pollock and Williams). Its conception was part of the push toward “systems integration” that characterized management thinking of the period. Under this systems integration concept, businesses focus not on one single functional unit of a business at a time, like distribution or marketing, but on the throughline that connects each part of the product’s travel through the company, from idea to the customer’s hands. For the modern corporation, this is the supply chain. This crosscutting approach to a company’s operations demanded software that could integrate information from every aspect of the business (Cowen, “Logistics’ Liabilities”). SAP emerged to fill that role.

    SAP is not the only software for business operations, but it is the system with the most market share. Although few laypeople have dealt directly with an SAP interface, it is one of the largest software companies in the world, earning $22 billion in revenue in 2016 (Plunkett et al.). SAP software handles a wide variety of businesses’ functions, from human resources to financial planning, inventory control, and invoicing. Over its four decades in existence, SAP has grown rapidly in size and ambition. Its current initiatives include a push toward cloud-based computing (in which businesses outsource their functions to an offsite server, rather than manage everything in-house), machine learning, and its own proprietary database software.

    As one might imagine, a business system designed to handle a product’s journey from idea to raw material to the customer requires highly complex software. In fact, the term “software” is misleading, for SAP’s product is not a single application, but a suite of tools joined together through a shared database. This model of database-driven software integration is a clear outcome of the push for systems-integration that characterized the late 1960s and ’70s; only if managers conceive of a business as a continuum of interlocking information would a shared database be desirable.

    Modularity, in which highly complex functions are “black-boxed” so that an engineer need only deal with one set a time, is a key feature of SAP software. The SAP suite is subdivided into numerous products, called “components,” which are then subdivided into function-specific “transactions.” SAP professionals usually specialize in one of these larger components, passing a job over to another professional when it enters the domain of another component. For example, an SCM (supply-chain management) specialist can manage production and transportation planning, but will look to an ECC (Enterprise Resource Planning Central Component) specialist to modify and maintain the suite’s master data. Depending on a company’s needs, SAP engineers can link various modules together to form a continuous suite of software.

    In a company that makes use of an integrated SAP suite for supply chain planning, planners pass data along a chain. The data begins as a months-long forecast and moves, with increasing granularity, down the line, until it reaches workers on the factory floor. Planners forecast product demand in the Demand Planning (DP) component, and then pass that information to a Supply Network Planning (SNP) specialist, whose job is to ensure that production is timed and organized to meet the demand plans. The SNP specialist produces a plan, with necessary output keyed to particular dates and locations, and passes that plan to a specialist in Production Planning and Detailed Scheduling (PP/DS). The PP/DS specialist breaks the SNP plan into smaller units of time and space, determining workers’ shifts, lot production, and product movements, in intervals as small as one second. The three specialists thus work in different time scales, or “time horizons,” in the parlance of SAP: DP forecasts demand at the level of months; SNP works in weeks; and PP/DS breaks time into units as small as one second (Knolmayer et al.; Snapp; Wood).

    At each point in the process, a planner has the ability to make use of predictive or optimizing algorithms. SAP’s DP component incorporates several types of regressions, with which a planner can take into account seasonal variability, sales promotions, and historical trends. Within the SNP component, a planner can make use of tools SAP classifies as “heuristics,” “capacity leveling,” and “optimizers.” SNP’s heuristic function distributes production across dates in order to meet the targets identified in the demand plan, while capacity leveling considers the constraints of available materials, plant capacity, and labor in order to ensure that the plan is feasible. Finally, the optimizing algorithm incorporates storage, transport, and labor costs, iterating rapidly through multiple scenarios to generate a production plan that minimizes cost and maximizes profit. PP/DS likewise makes use of heuristics and optimizers to ensure that labor and production is optimized to furnish the desired quantities of goods at the lowest possible cost.

    The information chain within SAP is composed of a combination of explicit data and production imperatives derived from obscured algorithms. The locations of warehouses, the number of available machines, the length of time it takes to get from one place to another are all sensible, if sometimes elusive, data points from the business perspective. But the process by which these values are converted into concrete production plans is more mysterious. The algorithms used to make these calculations are derived from work published in journals of supply-chain management, but few supply-chain specialists can be expected to grasp them fully. (Indeed, that is why the algorithms are implemented within the software interface, rather than manually calculated.) Thus, the process of moving from knowable business values to actionable production plans always involves an algorithmic black box. At each interval within the planning process, a specialist passes a set of data through a breakpoint, where her expertise ends and another specialist’s begins. The data package transmitted between specialists contains the information necessary to begin that stage of work, but not the underlying data from which the plan was derived. Thus, a production planning specialist, for example, could not understand the data basis of a supply network planner’s production calendar, even if she wanted to. A worker at a manufacturing plant feels the effects of this modularity keenly. Should she object to outrageous work demands, this person’s supervisor might wield in his own defense a PP/DS plan, sent to him by someone who worked with a different set of data, produced by someone else entirely. A forecaster, meanwhile, can, with some justification, disclaim responsibility for factory conditions, since she produced only a high-level prediction about demand.

    As Andrew Russell and others have demonstrated, modularity has particular effects on the communication and synthesis of information. Because no single person working on a modular system has access to all of the information contained within the circuit, it is possible for every person in the system to disclaim responsibility for the system’s particular effects. Modularity is, as Russell puts it, a supremely useful “means for confronting and managing complexity in a dynamic and systemic context” (258), but it also strategically obscures knowledge.

    The “bullwhip effect” is a mainstay of supply-chain management theory. First described by Jay Forrester in 1958, the effect refers to the way information about demand is distorted as it travels from a distribution site to the manufacturer (Forrester). As a whip amplifies a flick of the wrist, so do supply chains’ information networks inflate consumer demand as it travels from person to person. A store manager, noting that a product’s stock levels are low, may order more cases than he thinks he needs immediately in order to avoid a shortage. The manager of a regional warehouse similarly nudges her numbers up, and so on, until the several-times-inflated number reaches the manufacturer. Meanwhile, consumer demand has not actually increased, so the manufacturer’s product languishes on the shelves.

    SAP’s market forecasting functions are designed to mitigate the bullwhip effect, but as they do so, they produce another kind of whipping motion. Small tweaks in forecasts and pricing travel through SAP’s circuit of components. As the data moves, it is systematically scoured of any latency, as one might press down on an air mattress to squeeze it into the tightest possible roll. As the time horizons move from months, to weeks, to days, and finally to seconds, the demands for productivity become increasingly concrete and inexorable. The predictions meet reality only when they are conveyed to workers on assembly lines, where small increases in predicted demand are translated into longer working hours, lower pay, or unsafe working conditions.

    The speed of manufacturing networks is sure to increase in the years to come, even as these networks maintain their distinctive combination of perfect detail and perfect ignorance. In the last five years, SCM software like SAP has incorporated machine-learning algorithms to help managers run supply chains more efficiently. In a supply chain, machine learning can work in two directions: “demand forecasting,” in which corporations attempt to calibrate supplies to consumer behavior; and, on the other end, requisitioning supplies from the appropriate vendors. Demand forecasting may be relatively familiar to most people: a large company can derive predictions from actual consumer behavior and then use those predictions to determine how many and what kind of goods to have on hand. For example, the retailer Target famously uses predictive analytics to guess, with eerie accuracy, whether a customer is pregnant (Duhigg).

    But machine learning can work on the other end, too: to devise and revise supply routes for manufactured goods. These techniques can be applied in several different ways. In one approach, companies use neural networks (a kind of machine learning) to assign a degree of risk to individual suppliers based on “training data” composed of information about suppliers’ past performance. The algorithm can then devise a critical path—that is, an optimized sequence of steps—to hand the raw materials through the stations of the manufacturing cycle (Teuteberg).

    Another approach is based on a “multi-agent system” (MAS) model: a bundle of “agents” that interact with each other with little human intervention. An agent is really a piece of software designed to mimic a function of the supply chain. Each is programmed to act independently of its fellow agents in accomplishing its designated tasks. The “disruption management” agent monitors an incoming flow of data. When it detects an abnormality—such as slower-than-expected delivery times—the agent is programmed to trigger a solution, such as switching suppliers or reconfiguring products. The agent can then coordinate with the other agents in the system to adjust the entire model to accomplish its solution. This pool of potential solutions is itself refined and ranked in terms of desirability based on machine-learning algorithms. Over time, the MAS learns to favor those solutions that lead to optimal outcomes. In theory, at least, these agents can build, reconfigure, and optimize supply chains without the need for any ongoing human guidance (Giannakis and Louis). In this scenario, as in SAP’s SCM components, no one holds all of the information. Rather, the supply path is created through machine-learning protocols into which no individual person can really claim full insight.

    Machine learning is a data-hungry field: “Data is the sole nutrient in a machine-learning diet,” as one SAP white paper puts it. “Algorithms need to binge on it constantly to lead a healthy and successful life” (Wellers et al., 8). And yet, logistics professionals’ pursuit of perfect data is (and always has been) much more dream than reality. Even though industry newsletters tout the precision and power of machine learning, SCM depends in reality on a great deal of “noisy” data and human intervention: invoices transmitted as PDFs, rather than machine-parsable data; vendors who disclose imperfect information; humans who scan the wrong barcodes; suppliers who prefer to conduct business over the phone. Yet, the fantasy of what companies call “end-to-end visibility” remains hugely compelling.

    It is clear, however, that even what business managers call “visibility” is actually strategic obscurantism. Were one to view the supply network in its entirety, its complexity would likely make it illegible. Moreover, the “perfect data” that supply-chain managers demand is put to use in algorithms that apportion labor and resources in ways that SCM software is designed to obscure. From the way a T-shirt manufacturer swaps out a cotton supplier, to the way an optimization algorithm delineates workers’ schedules, the supply chain is fine-tuned to produce speed and efficiency by way of strategically-placed lacunas. This algorithmic no-man’s land, this realm of both knowing and not-knowing the details of what transpires, is the subject of the next section of this piece. How and when did we authorize this informational regime in which it is possible to think about capital, movement, and human life in the terms offered by the supply chain?

    Heavy Weather: Cargo, Capital, and Data

    The slaver ship Zong set out in September 1781 from West Africa, carrying 440 enslaved African people. Three months later, near to port but faced with illness and a shortage of water, the Zong‘s crew made a calculation: if the enslaved people were to die onshore, the ship’s owners would not recover their cost. If they were to die onboard of “natural causes,” their value to the enslavers would likewise be lost. The ship’s insurance, however, did cover the jettisoning of cargo. So, over a period of three days in November 1781, the crew of the Zong threw 133 men, women, and children into the sea, where they perished.

    The Zong became a flashpoint for the abolitionist movement because it so baldly exposed slavery’s unthinkable inhumanity. Christina Sharpe observes that the Zong also has other layers of significance (Sharpe, ch. 2). The Zong makes clear that globalized logistics is impossible without the systematic oppression of those who are racialized as other. The death and enslavement of millions of people are not the unfortunate byproducts of global capital, but the necessary condition for it. In this light, Peter Drucker’s offhand reference to the “interior of darkest Africa” is perceptive: supply chain logic has always depended on depriving some of liberty in order to create capital and consumer products for others. Examining the hold of slave ships, Stefano Harney and Fred Moten write: “Modern logistics is founded with the first great movement of commodities, the ones that could speak. It was founded in the Atlantic slave trade, founded against the Atlantic slave. … Modernity is sutured by this hold” (92–93). Ian Baucom’s Specters of the Atlantic helps to connect the line between the Zong and the data-driven supply chain. Part of what Baucom perceives in the Zong is a kind of apotheosis of global finance capital. The value of the slaves has taken wing, evacuated their bodies; why else could the crew throw the slaves into the sea and still receive payment for them? The enslaved body is understood as one manifestation of a circulating system of credit—but not, in this case, the most important one. In finance capital, as we see on the Zong, value can reside in different places at different times, without any handover actually taking place.

    But the Zong is relevant here not only because the episode demonstrates how value works in finance capital. It is also relevant for Baucom’s claims about the kind of knowledge on which the Zong and its creditors depended in order to make the specific calculation they made: that of the “typical” (96–107). The embrace of the notion of the typical—that is, the qualities one can expect from the kind of thing one is dealing with—is a hallmark of finance capital. An insurer or investor must cast the particular into types in order to sort them into categories on a table (or in a database), which he then uses to make a calculation about risk and reward. The translation of a human being into a predictable value, and thus a unit that can be circulated and traded, depends on the classification of that human being into a particular category. Without categories, there is no insurance, and without insurance, there is no Zong. This is the metamorphosis that took place even before the slaves were forced onto the Zong: that of the particular body into one of a range of computable values on the actuarial spreadsheet. Indeed, it is precisely to recover Black lives from this merciless logic of categorization and value that M. NourbeSe Philip, in her poem cycle Zong!, disarticulates and then reassembles the court case that declared the enslaved passengers insurable. Philip rips apart the clockwork madness of the Zong‘s legal case in order to argue for a different kind of confrontation with the material of history. In Sharpe’s words, “The dead appear in Philip’s Zong! beyond the logic of the ledger, beyond the mathematics of insurance” (38).

    This classification of human beings is the oft-unspoken precondition for globalized labor. The sophisticated software and dizzying speed of today’s supply-chain networks tempt us to see these chains as symptoms of a very modern kind of global hypercapital. But the Zong reminds us that the actions of the contemporary supply chain have been authorized and made thinkable at least since the eighteenth century. The first kind of data necessary for a supply chain is data about labor—which is to say, about human beings. What happens to human beings in a supply chain may be disastrous, but it is also an algorithmic imperative. A calculation about human value demanded the murder of enslaved people on the Zong, just as it demands that workers at a Samsung supplier in Huizhou, Guangdong, earn an average of 238.55 USD per month (An Investigative Report on HEG Technology). These decisions, at least rhetorically, are beyond anyone’s immediate control. Companies like Apple and Nike may occasionally say they want to clean up working conditions for their subcontractors, but in truth, of course, they depend intimately on the kind of logic that categorizes and assigns lower value to the labor of people in the global South; otherwise, we wouldn’t have global supply chains, at least not to any great extent.

    Echoes of the Zong reverberated in 2015, when the Associated Press broke the news that Burmese migrants are being forced into slavery to work aboard shrimp boats off the coast of Thailand. Logan Kock, the shrimp company’s vice president for responsible sourcing, said the following: “The supply chain is quite cloudy, especially when it comes from offshore. Is it possible a little of this stuff is leaking through? Yeah, it is possible. We are all aware of it” (Mason et al.). For the shrimp executive, the problem in the supply chain is climatological, not systemic; supply chains are cloudy, they leak, events unfold. Again, we find ourselves in a noman’s land, in which events simply unfold and all responsibility can be disclaimed. We know when our shrimp will arrive, but their route to us is saturated in a dense fog.

    The supply chain depends on this balance between the information it can assimilate into itself and that it cannot; information that is accepted and information that is refused. Data in the supply-chain model is supremely interchangeable. In practice, in structure, and by design, SAP and similar systems have taken great pains to assimilate the heterogeneous data that passes through its systems. But even as the supply chain cannot abide heterogeneity in its data, it depends, ultimately, on other kinds of difference for its very existence—difference in standards of living, so that Chinese workers can be paid so little; racial and gender difference, so that it seems natural that Bangladeshi women, for example, should work for a pittance in a dangerous apparel sweatshop, or that Burmese men would find themselves enslaved on shrimping boats far from home. To accommodate these competing demands, the company in supply-chain capitalism must operate in a peculiar informational zone, one in which it ravenously consumes some data—such as that about price and location—even as it cannot absorb other data—such as that about labor practices. In other words, it wants perfect access to information, but only some information. The result of all this is goods whose arrival we can predict to the hour, but whose conditions of assembly remain mysterious by design.

    It is worth considering whether this pattern of strategic omission is unique to supply chains or part of other informational infrastructures. We might think here of the Uber driver, who is told exactly where he must go to pick up a passenger but has no idea when or if he will be called upon to drive that evening. We might also consider the retail employee whose working hours are determined not by her own availability but by an algorithm that requires her to show up exactly when she’s needed, with very little advance notice. Like global supply chains, these informational landscapes combine exquisite precision with a larger context of enormous uncertainty. The particular combination of the exacting and the vague seems only to grow more common as gig-economy labor takes a deeper hold on the structure of commerce.

    Scholarship on infrastructure tends to focus on the way in which its component parts come together to make a functional whole. Yet this essay’s observations of global supply chains suggest an alternate line of inquiry: what goes unsaid and unseen in the way business teaches us to perceive the world? Alberto Toscano and Jeff Kinkle have argued, following Fredric Jameson, that an inability to map the operations of capital leads to a state of disorientation—a situation of helplessness when we confront a faceless, shapeless edifice of power (Toscano and Kinkle, “Introduction”). To accurately visualize the operations of global capital would require us to connect the nodes represented by labor and resources at every station of a commodity’s journey across the globe. The close scrutiny of information’s movement through global supply chains can help us understand why visualizing global commerce has proved so difficult. Its scale is massive and its speed is dizzying. But, more pressingly, information drops out of the circuits of global capital flow at crucial junctures in its journey. It is too easy to view global logistics as a kind of unstoppable juggernaut: an assemblage so powerful and omniscient as to be invulnerable. And yet, as we have seen, the power of global capital derives not from omniscience but from a kind of selective sight. To map the movement of commerce, as Toscano and Kinkle encourage us to do, would require filling in gaps that defy even the most sophisticated technology’s attempts to ascertain. Understanding the power of logistics is therefore not a matter of ascribing potency to key people or corporations but of shedding light on precisely those operations that have ducked out of our sight. We need to understand these informational black boxes not as vulnerabilities within infrastructure but as strategic omissions that are as critical to the operation of the system as the parts that we can see at work.

    Most of the time, the informational dance between the selectively-known and unknown works surprisingly well. But large portions of the global supply chain came crashing to a halt in the first quarter of 2020 and continue to founder late into 2021. When enough waystations on the global supply chain shut down, it was as though supply-chain managers were left clutching the ends of strings that had suddenly been snipped. Ordinarily, products make their way through the maze of intermediaries; exactly how they do that is rarely clear. But since no one really knew what had happened all the way down the chain, they could not predict how long it would take to self-heal. Gathering intelligence on these suppliers and sub-suppliers could take years, as it did for one Japanese company that attempted to map its supply chain in the wake of the 2011 tsunami (Choi et al.).

    In 2020, the supply chain eventually managed to self-heal to a great extent, thanks largely to China’s rapid and effective pandemic response. But its sudden, if temporary, vulnerability is instructive. Critical logistics scholars are very interested in “choke points,” junctures at which supply chains have hidden vulnerabilities (Alimahomed-Wilson and Ness). But the pandemic response suggests that the most critical breakpoint is not one particular link in the chain, but the chain itself: the way that it coils and recoils, unsupervised, through a labyrinth of contractors. The dance between knowing and not-knowing is intricate and feverishly fast. Miss a step—know too much, or too little—and the players risk crashing down.

    Miriam Posner is Assistant Professor in the UCLA Department of Information Studies. She’s also a digital humanist with interest in labor, race, feminism, and the history and philosophy of data. Her book on the history of supply-chain management is under contract with Yale University Press.

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    • Teuteberg, Frank. “Supply Chain Risk Management: A Neural Network Approach.” Strategies and Tactics in Supply Chain Event Management, edited by Raschid Ijioui et al., Springer, 2008, pp. 99–118.
    • Thomas, Kedron. Regulating Style: Intellectual Property Law and the Business of Fashion in Guatemala. U of California P, 2016.
    • Toscano, Alberto, and Jeff Kinkle. Cartographies of the Absolute. Zero Books, 2015.
    • Wellers, Daniel, et al. Why Machine Learning? Why Now? SAP, 2017, https://www.sap.com/documents/2017/05/de7cfb6d-b97c-0010-82c7-eda71af511fa.html.
    • West, Paige. From Modern Production to Imagined Primitive: The Social World of Coffee from Papua New Guinea. Duke UP, 2012.
    • Wood, Dan. SAP SCM: Applications and Modeling for Supply Chain Management. Electronic edition, Wiley, 2013, http://rbdigital.oneclickdigital.com.
  • Alain Badiou’s Age of the Poets: The Desacralizing of the Poem

    Alberto Moreiras (bio)

    Abstract

    This essay examines Alain Badiou’s claims concerning the historical end of what he calls “the Age of the Poets”: a configuration of thought that keeps philosophy sutured to poetry, which can never be the only condition of philosophy but merely one of them. The Age of the Poets stretches from Friedrich Nietzsche to Paul Celan, and Martin Heidegger becomes its major upholder and representative. For Badiou, undoing the poetico-philosophical suture is a condition of the freedom of philosophy. This essay proposes that Badiou’s liberation of philosophy from poetry is simultaneously a liberation of poetry from philosophy that makes a better encounter possible.

    Who today would claim that he is equally at home in the essence of thinking and in the essence of poetry?

    —Martin Heidegger, “Why Poets?” (206)

    Is it true? Badiou states: “Since Nietzsche, all philosophers claim to be poets, they all envy poets, they are all wishful poets or approximate poets, or acknowledged poets, as we see with Heidegger, but also with Derrida or Lacoue-Labarthe” (Manifesto 70). This provocation is the least of it, because Badiou’s main thesis is even more disturbing: “I maintain that the Age of Poets is completed” (71); “the fundamental criticism of Heidegger can only be the following one: the Age of Poets is completed, it is also necessary to de-suture philosophy from its poetic condition” (74). Philippe Lacoue-Labarthe responds gently but in a somewhat panicky tone:

    Should poetry cease to be of interest to philosophy? Must we—as a necessity or an imperative—sever the tie that for two centuries in Europe has united philosophy (or at least that philosophy that is astonished at its origin and anxious about its own possibility), and poetry (or at least that poetry that acknowledges a vocation toward thought and is also inhabited by an anxiety over its destination)? Must philosophy—by necessity or imperative—cease its longing for poetry, and conversely (for there is indeed reciprocity here), must poetry finally mourn every hope of proffering the true, and must it renounce?

    We would not be asking such a question, or we would be asking it differently, if Alain Badiou had not recently situated it at the very center of what is at stake today in philosophizing—in the very possibility of philosophizing.(Heidegger 17)

    This discussion took place in the 1990s but is very much alive today, because we are on the verge of a new epoch of radical disorientation that, alas, has not been preempted by Badiou’s conceptualization: “it is no longer required today,” he said in 1989, “that disobjectivation and disorientation be stated in the poetic metaphor. Disorientation can be conceptualized” (Manifesto 74). Let me anticipate that the full philosophical expression of both “disobjectivation” and “disorientation” remains for Badiou the task of a reflection that cannot be passed on without a radical loss of thought’s potentiality to any of the so-called conditions of philosophy—that is, neither to poetry (or art) nor to politics, mathematics (or science), or love. Indeed, the very attempt to solve the problems of the present (of any given present, in exclusive or even overly dominant reference to any of the conditions that produce its truth) results in what Badiou calls a “suture,” whose undoing then becomes imperative for the sake of philosophy’s own freedom. Philosophy does not produce truths, because philosophy is not a truth procedure. It is, rather, a reflection on the truth procedures that define any specific age according to its conditions. Poetry, for instance, can produce its own truth, but poetic truth does not totalize or exhaust the possibility, or the necessity, of philosophy’s task. Undoing the poetico-philosophical suture restitutes philosophy’s freedom to think on the basis of its four conditions. (Of course the same can be said if the suture of philosophy under examination were politics or scientific procedure.)

    Badiou’s work on modern poetry is extraordinary both in its rigor and in its capacity to abstract formal procedures from the poetic corpus under study. It is not to be considered literary criticism—it is something else. It is, precisely, the philosophical attempt to extract and explicate a truth procedure from one of philosophy’s conditions. But it has a polemical intent, which is what I study and present in this essay. We could summarize it as an anti-Heideggerian intent, and Badiou radically objects to what he calls the “sacralization” of the poetic word that seals in Martin Heidegger the void of an historical situation. This becomes explicit, for instance, as we will see below, in Heidegger’s essay on Rainer Maria Rilke’s poetry, particularly in its introductory remarks on the poetry of Friedrich Hölderlin (“Why Poets?”). But I would like to proceed slowly and cautiously in my own argumentation and not offer conclusions prematurely, not without having allowed readers to see for themselves. This calls for a certain architecture in my essay, which must rely heavily on Badiou’s own statements. I will first offer a reading of what Badiou says about Fernando Pessoa, for Badiou one of the major poets that defines “the age of the poets.” The presentation of Badiou on Pessoa leads directly to Badiou’s self-identification with a “metaphysics without metaphysics,” to be understood both as a corrective and as a certain acceptance of the Heideggerian problematic vis-à-vis historical metaphysics. I think it is fair to say that the totality of Badiou’s meditation on poetry, and therefore also his “scandalous” announcement of the necessary end of the age of the poets, is made from the position described as metaphysics-without-metaphysics. I will continue this argument through a short engagement with Badiou’s essay on “The Question of Being Today,” where the idea that we must undo the Heideggerian notion of a “saving reversal” in thought concludes with the rejection of Heidegger’s sacralization of the poem, which is also the point where Badiou finds in Heidegger a disavowed metaphysics. The liberation of philosophy from metaphysics is another way of reading the necessary undoing of the poetico-philosophical suture. After those considerations I engage with the series of essays Badiou published on the age of the poets, collected in English in The Age of the Poets. The analysis of what Badiou calls the “fourth relation,” a path that Heidegger could have taken but rejected, is crucial for understanding Badiou’s rupture with Heidegger on poetry. I finish the essay by arguing that there is no end to the age of the poets except as an end concerning the poetico-philosophical suture at the service of a resacralization of existence. This is not a critique of Badiou’s position—I only mean to explicate it, even though my explication may have a bit of a bite, given that I end with the dangerous thought that Badiou may be considered a “left Heideggerian.” In any case, I can only hope that, for those readers not familiar with Badiou’s complex work, it will become clear by the end of my essay that sustained attention to Badiou on poetry reveals not at all a dismissal of the truth dimensions of the poetic word but rather its contemporary rescue—a rescue that I would not hesitate to call “antiphilosophical”—over against the particular mystique of a resacralizing thought that appropriates poetry’s truth and places it at its service.

    The annotations that follow take up Badiou’s work after the precise articulation of his historical diagnosis in Manifesto for Philosophy that the age of the poets is complete. They focus on the first four essays included in his Que pense le poème? (2016), which are also, in slightly altered order, the first four essays of his The Age of the Poets (2014), edited and translated by Bruno Bosteels with an introduction by Bosteels and Emily Apter. They are essays from which criticism does not seem to have extracted the necessary consequences, and which have been insufficiently read.1 Beyond achieving as precise as possible an understanding of what Badiou proposes concerning the poetico-philosophical suture and its dissolution, my interest is to determine the way in which Badiou enables a new presentation of the thought of the poem no longer beholden to the suture of philosophy and poetry, going beyond Heidegger and leaving behind what he considers “archi-metaphysical” (and therefore ontotheological, albeit disavowedly so) in Heidegger’s metapoetics.2 I do not want to suggest that the four essays I discuss exhaust the reach of Badiou’s thinking on the age of the poets, roughly to be understood as the age after which we must reinvent the possibility of thought’s freedom. Badiou has other things to say on this and related scores, and he says many of them in his major works, starting with Being and Event, which includes sections on Friedrich Hölderlin and Stéphane Mallarmé, but also in works such as Conditions, The Century, and Handbook of Inaesthetics, and in his seminars.3 The subject has ramifications that extend well into Badiou’s concern with “antiphilosophy” and what he calls sophistics. At some point in The Age of the Poets he says that poetry is to the sophist what mathematics is to the philosopher (47).4 But Badiou himself, on the basis of his own articulation of the historical specificity of the age of the poets, knows that such a statement is reductive and unsatisfying. After all, he credits the poetry of the age of the poets with momentous developments in the history of thought. In Manifesto he writes:

    If poetry has captured the obscurity of time in the obscure, it is because it has, whatever the diversity or even the irreconcilable dimension of its procedures, dismissed the subject-object “objectifying” frame in which it was philosophically asserted, within the sutures, that the element of time was oriented. Poetic disorientation is first of all, by the law of a truth that makes holes in it, and obliterates all cognition, that an experience, simultaneously subtracted from objectivity and subjectivity, does exist. (73)

    And: “Until today, Heidegger’s thinking has owed its persuasive power to having been the only one to pick up what was at stake in the poem, namely the destitution of object fetishism, the opposition of truth and knowledge and lastly the essential disorientation of our epoch” (74). To declare the completion of the age of the poets is to declare that Heidegger’s thought must be left behind in the name of a new conceptualization that solves all the impasses in his thought. That is easier said than done. Badiou’s conceptualization, important as it is, does not have the power to kill what cannot be killed: not Heidegger’s thought, but the problems that his thought attempts to confront.

    One of the more interesting aspects of Badiou’s philosophical self-positioning is his acknowledgment that philosophy is endlessly and irreducibly contaminated by the singular experience of existence, which no scientific discursive thinking—that is, no dianoia—can capture. There are as many universalities out there as there are individuals. Poetic truth must be placed and understood in the context of an experience of life that cannot be disposed of by any kind of deductive or apagogic reasoning. And poetry, together with art in general, is better positioned to express the singular than either science or politics. The present essay is just a beginning of work on these issues, as it aims to establish a point from which to proceed, a succinct, but I hope accurate, perspective. My intent is to show that, no matter how powerful Badiou’s critique, the notion of the end of the age of the poets should be circumscribed to the precise end of the poetico-philosophical suture, that is, to the paradoxical pretense that only poetry was a reasonable resource for thought. The age of the poets may have been completed, but Lacoue-Labarthe need not fret so much about the severance of the tie of philosophy and poetry, not even in Badiou’s own thinking. Poetry is not the only reasonable resource for thought, but it is one of them, and it remains an essential one. There has been no end to the poetic drive in philosophical thought, even if the suture itself—the stitching, sewing, tightening up of the borders of philosophy to the borders of poetry—must be given up.

    Metaphysics Without Metaphysics

    Badiou came to know the work of the Portuguese poet Fernando Pessoa late in life. The encounter was enlightening and led Badiou to say that “philosophy is not—at least not yet—under the condition of Pessoa. Its thought is not yet worthy of Pessoa” (Handbook 36). He explains his excitement, suggesting that Pessoa’s “thought-poem inaugurates a path that manages to be neither Platonic nor anti-Platonic. Pessoa poetically defines a path for thinking that is truly subtracted from the unanimous slogan of the overturning of Platonism. To this day, philosophy has yet to comprehend the full extent of this gesture” (38). These are rather extraordinary words for a thinker who has long defined himself as Platonic, in addition to being an obvious disclaimer of his position that “the Age of the Poets is completed.” He adds a significant observation that might offer a clue to the simultaneous suspension and affirmation of Platonism in Pessoa’s work, which Badiou endorses: “To be worthy of Pessoa would mean accepting the coextension of the sensible and of the Idea but conceding nothing to the transcendence of the One. To think that there is nothing but multiple singularities but not to draw from that tenet anything that would resemble empiricism” (44). Pessoa’s “diagonal path” (39) becomes for Badiou expressive of a poetic truth that sets a condition for philosophical reflection, which must henceforth “follow the path that sets out … in the interval that the poet has opened up for us, a veritable philosophy of the multiple, of the void, of the infinite. A philosophy that will affirmatively do justice to this world that the gods have forever abandoned” (45). The latter, as we will see, is a disparaging observation concerning Heidegger’s work. Badiou’s intention to catch up with Pessoa’s poetic truth takes place on the way to a radical desacralization of thought.

    In the same text, and in a manner consistent with the idea of Pessoa’s double relation to Platonism, Badiou mentions the phrase “metaphysics without metaphysics” (42), which he attributes to Judith Balso.5 Badiou uses the phrase several times, frequently but not always in reference to Pessoa, and most recently in L’immanence des vérités. In this book he goes so far as to say that the only difference between Pessoa and himself is that “Caeiro, s’inscrivant … dans ce que j’ai appelé ‘l’âge des poètes,’ écrit sa métaphysique sans métaphysique sour la forme de courts poèmes et non de longs traités” [“Caeiro, inscribing himself into that which I have named ‘the age of the poets,’ writes his metaphysics without metaphysics in the form of short poems and not long treatises”] (L’immanence 191; my trans.).6 But “metaphysics without metaphysics” also appears without reference to Pessoa in the final paragraph of a less cited but significant essay, “Metaphysics and the Critique of Metaphysics” (2000).7 Badiou writes:

    A contemporary metaphysics would deserve the name of metaphysics to the degree that it both rejected archi-metaphysical critique and upheld, in the Hegelian style, the absoluteness of the concept. On the contrary, it would not deserve this name if, elucidating from the beginning the infinity of being as mathematizable multiplicity, it would lack any reason whatsoever to postulate the undetermined.

    Doubtless this would no longer properly speaking be a dialectical metaphysics, if it is indeed the case that it would no longer need to have recourse to the theme of a historical auto-determination of the undetermined. Rather, it would affirm, in a Platonic style (and therefore metaphysically) albeit in a style bereft of any hyperbolic transcendence of the Good (and therefore outside of metaphysics) that for everything that is exposed to the thinkable there is an idea, and that to link this idea to thought it suffices to decide upon the appropriate axioms.

    This is why one could propose that such an enterprise should present itself under the paradoxical name of a metaphysics without metaphysics. (190)

    In these sentences Badiou defines his own thought in a way that is strictly parallel to his observations regarding Pessoa’s work, as he will later do in L’immanence des vérités. Yes, the concept is absolute, as the power of the idea is always able to capture the totality of the real. Thinking is being, axiomatically so.8 But being is not the One: it is multiple, infinite—it is an infinite multiplicity—and atheistic. Badiou’s work, and not just Pessoa’s, should be thought of as a “metaphysics without metaphysics.” In what follows I take my own “diagonal path” into Badiou’s work to point out the significance he assigns to poetic truth in the context of his philosophical production, and therefore of his understanding of metaphysics.

    Heidegger’s Question of Being and Thought’s Freedom

    In “The Question of Being Today” (1988), Badiou attributes to Heidegger a commitment to a “saving reversal” (40). I think Heidegger’s thought can be at least partially used, as Badiou himself uses it, in a different direction. After all, Heidegger is the one who denounces metaphysics as “the commandeering of philosophy by the one” (40), which is Badiou’s starting point in that essay. His critique comes in the form of a question, which he tends to answer negatively:

    can one undo this bond between being and the one, break with the one’s metaphysical domination of being, without thereby ensnaring oneself in Heidegger’s destinal apparatus, without handing thinking over to the unfounded promise of a saving reversal? For in Heidegger himself the characterization of metaphysics as history of being is inseparable from a proclamation whose ultimate expression … is that ‘only a God can save us.’ (40)

    But this is not entirely fair. The sentence from the posthumously-published interview does not need to be taken literally, and there is in Heidegger no promise, no guarantee, of a saving reversal.9 He repeatedly alludes to the possibility that the last epoch of metaphysics, in its very exhaustion, might show on its reverse side a way out. He quotes Hölderlin on “the saving power” that comes with danger, but it is a quotation, even if repeated, and its metaphorics do not strictly belong to Heidegger. To my knowledge, Heidegger never says that there is a way out of the destitute or desolate world at the end of metaphysics (any more than he says that a God would save us), only that perhaps there could be one. He also says that poetic truth could and should show the way, which may not be all that different from what Badiou says.10 Indeed, the way out is what Badiou is searching for. He thinks he can find it, for philosophy, in at least one of its conditions, namely mathematics in its Cantorian and post-Cantorian form, because mathematics offers the example of a pure “ontology” of the “multiple-without-oneness” (“Question” 41). But he also finds it in art, in politics, and in love, to the extent that these truth procedures are in effect purveyors of truth. The task is then to pursue a philosophy based on the renunciation of the power of the one, on the renunciation of any hermeneutical Versammlung, not necessarily for the sake of “dissemination” in the Derridean sense, but rather for the sake of getting rid of the “historical constraint of ontotheology” (41). And our task is to show how, according to Badiou, poetic truth might help.

    Badiou’s “The Question of Being Today” accepts the effects of ontotheological metaphysics as diagnosed by Heidegger in Introduction to Metaphysics:11 “the flight of the gods, the destruction of the Earth, the vulgarization of man, the preponderance of the mediocre” (40). Badiou finds in those very effects a “saving” power as well:

    Thus the flight of the gods is also the beneficial event of men’s taking-leave of them; the destruction of the Earth is also the conversion that renders it amenable to active thinking; the vulgarization of man is also the egalitarian irruption of the masses onto the stage of history; and the preponderance of the mediocre is also the dense luster of what Mallarmé called “restrained action.”(40)

    Philosophy’s task, in order to produce whatever it can produce in the way of “saving” or beneficial effects, is to think through “the immemorial attempt to subtract being from the grip of the one” (40). One could say that this amounts to an announcement of a metaphysics of subtraction over against any metaphysics of presence, and that this is therefore a radically anti-Heideggerian project. But that would be wrong, because mere subtraction does not found a metaphysics but destroys it, and because a final commitment to presence (or to the presentation of presence) is not a conclusion one can comfortably derive from Heideggerian thought.12 It is possible to accept subtraction as an extremely effective way into the destruction of any metaphysics of presence, always linked to the presenting of the one, and such a procedure of thought does not seem to me incompatible with a certain Heideggerian inheritance, or with a certain way of appropriating that inheritance.

    Badiou’s essay goes on to read Plato’s correction to Parmenides on the notion that only being is, that being is the one, and that the one can only be—the one is not, and what about it?—which Badiou discusses in several of his seminars. From there the essay examines the impossibility of any definition of the multiple (“definition is the linguistic way of establishing the predominance of the entity” [43]), as testified by Lucretius and then by axiomatic, mathematical thought. In mathematical ontology (which is not philosophy but only a condition of it), Badiou finds the necessary resource to move away from destinal constraints into a freedom of thought whose exercise is the task of philosophy in the present. Subtractive thought is primarily an-archic thought: “once ontology embraces … a thinking of pure inconsistent multiplicity, it has to abandon every appeal to principles. And conversely … every attempt to establish a principle prevents the multiple from being exhibited exclusively in accordance with the immanence of its multiplicity” (45). An-archic thought has been linked to Heidegger by Reiner Schürmann and others.13 Badiou is as committed as Heidegger to an a-principial thought away from hegemonic commonplaces, but he still thinks Heidegger is a thinker of a specifically salvific teleology. He says: “Thought—albeit at the price of the inexplicit or of the impotence of nominations—tears itself from everything that still ties it to the commonplace, to generality, which is the root of its own metaphysical temptation. And it is in this tearing away that I perceive thought’s freedom with regard to its destinal constraint, what could be called its metaphysical tendency” (44–45).

    A Mutual Liberation

    Mathematics is not philosophy, only one of its conditions; in the same way, poetry is not philosophy, but philosophy must think poetic thought and bring poetry into its form of reflection, not being itself poetry. Some readers today are put off by Badiou’s insistence on an ontology of the multiple-without-oneness derived from post-Cantorian mathematics, partly because they know no mathematics and feel disoriented by his appeal to it. Others are equally put off by what they assume to be Badiou’s abjuration of poetry in his declaration that Paul Celan, confronted by the silence of the philosophical master, brought the age of the poets to its end, as if that meant that poetry is finished as a resource for thought and from now on we can only think politically or mathematically, or preferably mathematico-politically.14 They fail to understand that what Badiou means regarding the end of the age of the poets is at the same time a liberation of both poetry and philosophy into, respectively, its truth and its conditions. This is subtle, but not excessively subtle: the end of the age of the poets is an end to the “suture” of philosophy and poetry as an exclusive source of meaning, but it is not an end to the philosophical import of poetry or the poetic import of philosophy.

    The point for Badiou, speaking as a philosopher and not as a poet, is that the end of the age of the poets liberates poetry from its suture to philosophy as much as it liberates philosophy from its suture to poetry. The suture itself was epochal, that is, historically contingent, and a derivation of a radical malaise in thought: given that philosophy—in the guise of positivism and analytic philosophy on the one hand, and in the guise of Marxism and historical materialism on the other—found itself sutured to science and to politics, a dissenting faction emerged whose most eminent representative would prove to be Friedrich Nietzsche. On the philosophical side, and through procedures that Badiou later names antiphilosophical, Nietzsche initiates a suture of thought to art, initially through his engagement with Richard Wagner’s work and orientation.15 Heidegger is the second great name of philosophy in the age of the poets, which is why his failure to respond to Celan’s demand concerning the Nazi Holocaust destroys the suture and opens a new path, an imperative both for philosophy to respond to poetry’s demands and for poetry to persist in its own specific register, now liberated from the need to account for a sense of the world and for a sense of sense. Far from establishing a new or renewed destitution of thought, the end of the philosophical age of the poets enables philosophical reflection by cutting the knot that sutured it to poetry and doomed it to think of itself as a producer of poetic truth—in the specific sense of sacred or auratic truth, as we shall see.

    Philosophy must now think of poetry as merely one of its conditions. This is probably an even more demanding predicament: the task for philosophy regarding poetry could yet be more arduous today than it was during the age of the poets, and hence even more important. This is also the case for philosophy regarding political or scientific truth, or the truth of love. The stakes have gone up in and after the process of the necessary de-suturing of philosophy from its conditions. Badiou’s work actually says nothing else. The liberation of philosophy from its suture to truth procedures rescues it from its twentieth-century impasses and restores it to its position as the holder of the site of thought’s freedom. The freedom of thought is a not-so-paradoxical consequence of the fact that philosophy is under no obligation to produce political truth, scientific truth, erotic truth, or poetic truth. It only inhabits their paths, and learns from them, and perhaps subverts them.

    The Fourth Relation

    In the third essay of the series I am concerned with, titled “The Philosophical Status of the Poem After Heidegger,” Badiou detects three historical “regimes” (38) for the link between poetry and philosophy in order to postulate a “fourth relation between philosophy and poetry” (41). Because this fourth relation is the relation that Heidegger fails to establish, in Badiou’s assessment, it is at least plausible to think that this is the relation Badiou favors. If so, it is the relation that will determine the link between philosophy and poetry at the end of the age of the poets, or more precisely, after its end. “What will the poem be after Heidegger—the poem after the age of the poets, the post-romantic poem? … This is something the poets will tell us, for unsuturing philosophy and poetry, taking leave of Heidegger without reverting to aesthetics, also means thinking otherwise the provenance of the poem, thinking it in its operative distance, and not in its myth” (41–42). Badiou then mentions “two indications” (42) that amount, if not to a definition, then at least to a naming of the task of poetry. We must take them to be proleptic indications, to the extent they were provided by poets of the age of the poets and not by poets after Heidegger. One of them comes from Mallarmé and concerns “the moment of the reflection of its pure present in itself or its present purity” (qtd. in Badiou 42). The poem, in the purity of its present, names “what is present only insofar as it no longer disposes of any link with reality to ensure its self-presence” (42). Poetry would then be “the thought of the presence of the present” insofar as the present would have transcended its reality into a form of eternity (42). The second indication comes from Celan. Badiou glosses: “when the situation is saturated by its own norm, when the calculation of itself is inscribed in it without respite, when there is no more void between knowing and foreseeing, then one must poetically be ready to be outside of oneself” (43). The step outside of oneself is an event extracted from the void of sense, from a lack of signification: a leap. Badiou concludes his essay by saying not that those two indications define the poem of the future, but rather that they define what a poem “liberated from philosophical poeticizing” “will always have been”: “the presence of the present in the traversing of realities, and the name of the event in the leap outside of calculable interests” (43). We take this to be the conception of the poem in the fourth relation, according to Badiou. What are the first three, and how is this fourth relation post-Heideggerian?

    In Parmenides’s poem there is a tension between the sacredness of the mytheme, which is the structure of authority under which the poem declares its truth, and the truth the poem itself purports to convey, which we could sum up in the notion that only being is.16 The latter, Badiou says, is necessarily desacralizing. The desacralization of apagogic reasoning, which medieval philosophy called reductio ad absurdum, has no need to rely on anything but its own force of argumentation. “The matheme, here, is that which, making the speaker disappear, emptying its place of any and all mysterious validation, exposes the argumentation to the test of its autonomy, and thus to the critical or dialogical examination of its pertinence” (37). This is the regime of what Badiou calls fusion, where the power of the argument is subordinate to the sacral authority of the enunciation itself. In Plato, however, rather than fusion, a relation of distance obtains. Plato wants to expel the poets from the Republic, as he has understood that “[p]hilosophy cannot establish itself except in the contrast between poem and matheme, which are its primordial conditions (the poem, of which it must interrupt the authority, and the matheme, of which it must promote the dignity” (38–9). The Aristotelian moment, which is the moment of the third relation, is a moment of inclusion in which the poem comes under the jurisdiction of philosophical knowledge, which it classifies as a regional discipline that will later be called aesthetics. The poem has now become an object and is to be treated as such. “In the first case, philosophy envies the poem; in the second it excludes it; and in the third it classifies it” (39).

    Badiou, who wants to take his own distance from Heidegger, wishes now to know what Heidegger’s thinking is. He says: “Heidegger has subtracted the poem from philosophical knowledge, in order to render it into truth” (39). Heidegger thoroughly ruins the aesthetic approach without however compromising with Platonic distance. As a philosopher of the age of the poets, Heidegger privileges the “operations by which the poem takes note of a truth of its time,” which, for the Heideggerian period, becomes the destitution of the category of objectivity in ontological presentation, which is a radically anti-Platonic gesture (40). This means—”unfortunately” (40), says Badiou—that what is left is either a return to the sacralization of the saying or the thinking out of a “fourth relation” (41). Heidegger opts for the former: “Heidegger prophesies in the void a reactivation of the sacred within the undecipherable coupling of the saying of the poets and the thinking of the thinkers” (41).

    The fourth relation, which opens up at the end of the age of the poets and is a condition of the renewal of a desutured link between philosophy and poetry, is therefore what needs to be thought out or understood beyond the “two indications” given above, which refer both to pure presentiality and to a leap in the void beyond all calculation. If we understand Badiou correctly, this means that pure presentiality and the need for a leap in the void beyond calculation become not philosophical truths but conditions of philosophy. Let me now move to the essay published as the second chapter in Que pense le poème?, that is, “The Age of the Poets.” The English publication places it as first chapter. Badiou is very clear: the “age of the poets” is neither a historicist nor an aesthetic category. It does not mean to put all poetry of the time under a periodizing category; it does not pass judgment on what poets, by belonging to the age, are therefore the greatest poets. It is rather a philosophical category: “the moment proper to the history of philosophy in which the latter is sutured” to poetry (4). This applies to certain poets, or to certain poems within the epoch’s poetic production. They would be poets that accept the suture, and its injunction, and respond to it. Among them Badiou mentions Arthur Rimbaud and Mallarmé, Georg Trakl, Pessoa, Osip Mandelstam, and Celan. In their work “the poetic saying not only constitutes a form of thought and instructs a truth, but also finds itself constrained to think this thought” (5). Thinking the thought of poetry, which poetry in the age of the poets does, is already a move towards the poetico-philosophical suture. It enables it without constituting it.

    Take the poems of Alberto Caeiro, one of Pessoa’s heteronyms. “For Caeiro, the essence of thought is to abolish thought” (7). In Caeiro’s poetry, “being does not give itself in the thought of being, for all thinking of being is in reality only the thinking of a thought” (8). Caeiro abolishes the cogito in order to liberate being to its radical exteriority: “I try to say what I feel / Without thinking about things I feel” (qtd. in Badiou 8). For Badiou, conscious reflection is an obstacle to the purity of presence, and it must be abolished so that being may come into its own. Caeiro’s operation is an example. Other operations configure the truths of the poem in the age of the poetico-philosophical suture. Badiou names three, and I propose that they be added to the “two indications” in the fourth relation of poetry and philosophy. The first is “counterromanticism,” which subtracts the poem from the image and the dream in favor of the presentation of a counter-image in the form of a “tacit concept” (13). In the age of the poets, there is a prohibition of the image in place in the thought of the poem. The second is “detotalization” (13). There is a “separate, irreconcilable multiplicity” that is also inconsistent (14). And the third one is “the diagonal” (13), which is the attempt or the wager “that a nomination may come and interrupt signification” (15). Take for example Trakl’s verse: “It is a light, which the wind has blown out” (15). But if the wind has blown out the light, then the light does not appear—or appears only poetically. “The poetic diagonal declares that a faithful thought, thus capable of truth, makes a hole in whatever knowledge is concentrated in significations. It cuts the threads, for another circulation of the current of thought” (16). This involves an endeavor of deobjectification, insofar as the object is “what disposes the multiple of being in relation to meaning or signification” (16). And it also involves a “disorientation in thought” (18), because the sum of those operations “put[s] under erasure the presumption of a sense that gives meaning and orientation to History” (18).

    We have, then, as preliminary conditions of the fourth relation, pure presentiality and a leap into the incalculable, the thinking of the abolition of thinking within the poem, the prohibition of the image, the affirmation of an irreconcilable and inconsistent multiplicity, the active production of holes in signification, and the abjuration of a sense of history. Through its operations, the poetry of the age of the poets dismantles the pretensions of both the scientific and the political sutures of philosophy. And it “bequeaths to us, in order to liberate philosophy, the imperative of a clarification without totality, a thinking of what is at once dispersed and unseparated, an inhospitable and cold reason, for want of either object or orientation” (20). Badiou’s question is whether philosophy can be faithful to that legacy, and his claim is that Heidegger fails to be so, instead engaging in a faux resacralization that betrays the philosophical mission that the Greek first beginning had already determined to be the task of philosophy proper. In the final analysis, it amounts to positing that not just poetry in general but the very poetry of the age of the poets must be subjected to a desacralizing operation in order to liberate both poetry to itself and philosophy to its multiple conditions. Poetry is not the end goal of philosophical reflection—no more than politics or love or indeed scientific knowledge. A liberation of philosophy onto itself is therefore to be understood as the interruption of any one suture of philosophy to any one of its conditions—in our case, the interruption of the resacralizing suture of philosophy to poetry. To the extent that the poetry of the age of the poets had already renounced the work of sacralization, the announcement of the end of the age of the poets is really the revealing of Heidegger’s operation of faux resacralization, conditioned by a disavowed ontology of the one. It is also the liberation of poetry from what we have to consider a Heideggerian sequestering of it.

    Plato’s Restitution

    Before going on to the other two essays in the series, I want to dwell for a moment on a difficulty that the reader may already have sensed: the poetic truth that Badiou’s extraordinary analysis unveils is established by the constellation of poets that configure the age of the poets. Badiou’s claim is that poetic truth conditions philosophical reflection, which must be commensurate to the rigor of poetic discovery. Even if poetry is only one of its conditions, philosophy cannot be oblivious to it, but must let itself be determined by poetic saying. In other words, the fourth relation constrains philosophy, which must find its freedom not in a refusal to meet the truths of its conditions (poetic or otherwise, once they are analytically determined), but rather in what can only be understood as a consistency with them. The fourth relation establishes a rule of consistency for philosophical reflection. This is nothing less than a paradox, because at the core of the poetic analysis we find “an irreconcilable and inconsistent multiplicity” (Badiou, “Question” 45). The paradox is compounded, to my mind, by the proposition that the poetic truth of the age of the poets issues a rule of consistency to philosophy in the fourth relation, which can only be thought of as the relation that obtains at the end or after the end of the age of the poets, when the suture of philosophy to poetry has been arguably dissolved. I will come back to this. Let me now annotate the second essay in the English-language compilation, which is the first in the French volume, titled “What Does the Poem Think?”

    Faithful to the poetic truth of Alberto Caeiro’s work, and in fact to the other truths he has delimited in the constellation of the age of the poets, Badiou insists that the poem is a form of thought and not of knowledge:

    Not only does the poem have no object, but a large part of its operation aims precisely to deny the object, to ensure that thought no longer stands in a relation to the object. The poem aims for thought to declare what there is by deposing every supposed object. Such is the core of the poetic experience as an experience of thought: to give access to an affirmation of being that is not arranged as the apprehension of an object. (“What” 28–9)

    Through “subtraction” and “dissemination” (29) the poem “disconcerts” traditional philosophy because “at the farthest remove from knowledge, the poem is exemplarily a thought that is obtained in the retreat, or the defection, of everything that supports the faculty to know” (31). This is why the poem—or rather, the poem that is consistent with the inconsistent multiplicity of an affirmation of being that radically subtracts from knowledge—is “haunted by a central silence” (24), and from the point of that void in the situation, it prepares its leap into the incalculable:

    A pure silence, devoid of anything sacred, it interrupts the general racket. It lodges silence in the central framework of language and, from there, skews it towards an unprecedented affirmation. This silence is an operation. And the poem, in this sense, says the opposite of Wittgenstein. It says: I create silence in order to say that which is impossible to say in the shared language of consensus, to separate it from the world so that it may be said, and always re-said for the first time. (24–5)

    It is a silence with a bite: it ruins discursivity. It is radically antiphilosophical. It ignores dianoia (discursive thinking) and every kind of philosophical argumentation. It is “incalculable thought” (33). If dianoia is philosophical procedure, and if it is to be understood as “the thought that passes through, the thought that is the traversing of the thinkable” (33), the poem targets the insufficiency of dianoia, which is also philosophy’s insufficiency. At the end of dianoia, epekeina tes ousias (beyond substance), beyond every possible knowledge of the entity, Badiou says, “the poem is a thought in its very act, which therefore has no need to be also the thought of thought” (34). This is what makes the ancient dispute that Plato evoked between philosophy and poetry necessary: “palaia tis diaphora philosophia te kai poiètikè (‘ancient is the discord between philosophy and poetry’)” (qtd. in Badiou 32). This is the ancient discord that the suture of philosophy and poetry dreams of suspending or reconciling. We can perhaps now better understand the implications of Badiou’s definition of the poetry of the age of the poets in the first essay I examined: “the poems of the age of the poets are those in which the poetic saying not only constitutes a form of thought and instructs a truth, but also finds itself constrained to think this thought” (“Age” 5). The intrusion into poetry of the thought of thought echoes the intrusion into philosophy of the strange and inconspicuous and de-objectified “light, which the wind has blown out”: the ancient dark light of withdrawing being. We have come back to the unheard-of meditation of Alberto Caeiro, according to which “[b]eing does not give itself in the thought of being, for all thinking of being is in reality only the thinking of a thought” (“Age” 8).17

    It is now possible to understand that the posited rupture of the poetico-philosophical suture is far from an abjuration of poetry, and that there was no need for Lacoue-Labarthe to worry. Poetic truth persists at the end of dianoia without being claimed by it. And yet dianoia must not ban it. But Plato did. The core of the fourth essay I wish to examine concerns the insufficiency of the Platonic gesture of violence against the poets in The Republic for the configuration of philosophy in our present. The fourth relation determines thought’s freedom not through the abjuration of poetic truth but rather through the opening of thought to the determinations of poetic truth in the age of the poets. The consistency of philosophy must thus be understood as an acceptance of the radical inconsistency of objectless being. Heidegger is said to have recoiled in the face of it, towards the sacred of the first regime of the link between poetry and philosophy. Badiou persists in philosophical desacralization while remaining faithful to poetic operations. This is, I believe, the extent of the difference Badiou claims from Heidegger, which still retains Badiou in the Heideggerian wake and enables us to understand why the end of the age of the poets is a limited or restrained end, itself a philosophical operation through which philosophy opens itself again to its political and scientific and erotic conditions. The fourth essay in the series, “Philosophy and Poetry from the Vantage Point of the Unnameable,” points out the stakes for the futures of philosophy after the Heideggerian suture.

    The Incalculable Wager

    Let me recapitulate Badiou’s list of poetic truths in the age of the poets, a list that forms a nontotalizing but epochal account of poetic destiny after the twentieth century: pure objectless presentiality and a leap into the incalculable; the thought of the abolition of thinking within the poem for the sake of a liberation of exteriority; the prohibition of the image, which always hides more than it reveals; the affirmation of an irreconcilable and inconsistent multiplicity as unnameable being; the active production of holes in signification, which amounts to a liberation of language from the constraints of inscription; and the surrender of a sense of oriented history. If reflection on what is imperative about those truths determines philosophy, the ensuing philosophical reflection will be opposed to any kind of archeo-teleo-onto-theology. It will be an an-archic philosophy without principles; it will suspend any positing of ends; it will understand being as the very void of ground; and it will not submit to any paternal sacredness or indeed to sacredness of any kind. Beyond that, it will only affirm thought’s freedom to proceed to an order of singular, contingent, existential nomination. Is that Badiou’s philosophy? I believe it is, in spite of everything.

    Poetry bothers and disconcerts philosophy not simply because philosophy, as a dianoetic process that believes in the transparency of the matheme and wants to get as close to it as possible, abhors “the metaphorical obscurity of the poem” (“Philosophy and Poetry” 48). In particular, the poetry of the time of the poetico-philosophical suture, as Badiou now repeats, “identifies itself as thought. It is not only the effectiveness of a form of thinking proffered in the flesh of words; it is also the set of operations by which this thinking thinks itself” (49). The poetry of the age of the poets has therefore usurped some of the functions of philosophy, because philosophy “has no other stakes but to think thinking, to identify thought as the thinking of thinking” (48). Double jeopardy: if poetry is also the thought of thought, then philosophy must include poetry in its purview, because philosophy is the thinking of thinking, therefore also the thinking of the thinking of thinking. Poetry is lodged deeply into philosophy in ways that are now more pervasive than they presumably were in Platonic times, and even in Heideggerian times. Philosophy has no choice but to deal with it, short of merely disavowing it as a condition of itself, thus betraying itself. Philosophy cannot not think poetry as a truth procedure.

    But there is another problem: mathematics, the model science, the paradigm of philosophy’s dianoetic method, has evolved into an erratic situation, has been traversed, after Cantor, Gödel, and Cohen, by a principle of errancy “on which it cannot put a measure” (50). Mathematics and poetry have begun to move towards each other, very much against the Platonic injunction of radical distance. “At the same time that the poem arrives at the poetic thought of the thinking that it is,” Badiou writes, “the matheme organizes itself around a point of flight in which the real appears as the impasse of all formalization” (50). Both poetry and mathematics, as conditions of philosophy, find their contemporary abyssal ground, are de-grounded, by a point of unnameability that is at the same time their power and their powerlessness: “any truth stumbles upon the rock of its own singularity, and only there can it be announced, as powerlessness, that there is a truth” (54). This stumbling block is to be named as “the unnameable” (54), because truth can cannot force its nomination in either poetry or mathematics. The mathematical unnameable is consistency, just as the poetic unnameable is power. Both are simultaneously done and undone in unnameability as nomination. And this is Badiou’s move: “philosophy will place itself under the double condition of the poem and the matheme, both from the side of their power of veridiction and from the side of their powerlessness, or their unnameable” (57). Finally, against Plato and as the very condition of his exit from the age of the poets, Badiou must choose to “welcome the poem in our midst, because it keeps us from supposing that the singularity of a thought can be replaced by the thought of this thought” (58). If so, then the task of poetry from the perspective of philosophy is far from completed. This final appeal to the singularity, contingency, and inconsistency of thought, from which alone a word, in the form of a wager, can be issued towards the incalculable—for me, it means that philosophy has now become open to thought’s freedom, which is the rare freedom of existence.18

    How to Live

    The essay entitled “The Age of the Poets,” we read, “was first published in French as part of the seminar at the Collège International de Philosophie organized and subsequently edited by Jacques Rancière under the title La politique des poètes: Pourquoi des poètes en temps de dètresse? (Badiou, Age 206). The question in Rancière’s title quotes Hölderlin’s “Bread and Wine” elegy, and references a great and controversial lecture given on the occasion of the twentieth anniversary of Rainer Maria Rilke’s death in 1946. Heidegger’s “Why Poets?” opens in immediate reference to Hölderlin’s elegy and quotes the missing words in the title’s question: “in a desolate time” (“Why Poets?” 200). Most of Heidegger’s lecture focuses on Rilke’s later poetry, from the Duino Elegies and the Sonnets to Orpheus to even later texts, and on some of his letters. But in order to move toward my conclusion, I concentrate on the first few paragraphs of the lecture that have to do not just with Hölderlin but also with the Heideggerian determination of the historical time between Hölderlin and himself as an age of poetry or an age of the poets.

    Our “desolate” time is presented by Heidegger as the time of the death of God and of divinity:

    In the default of God notice is given of something even worse. Not only have the gods and God fled, but the radiance of divinity is extinguished in world-history. The time of the world’s night is the desolate time because the desolation grows continually greater. The time has already become so desolate that it is no longer able to see the default of God as a default. (200)

    The age of the world’s night is the age of the poets because “the abyss of the world must be experienced and must be endured. However, for this it is necessary that there are those who reach into the abyss” (201). When poets reach into the abyss they find “the tracks of the fugitive gods” (202). This has consequences: the “aether,” as it shelters the tracks of the fugitive gods, is “the sacred” (202). “Yet who is capable of tracing such tracks? Tracks are often inconspicuous, and they are always the legacy of instruction scarcely divined. This is why the poet, at the time of the world’s night, utters the sacred. This is the reason that the world’s night, in Hölderlin’s language, is the sacred night” (202). The world’s night is the time of desolation. At such a time “the condition and vocation of the poet have first become poetic questions for them. That is why ‘poets in a desolate time’ must specifically speak the essence of poetry in their poems” (203). The essence of poetry is to dwell in the sacred but empty night of the death of God. The death of God is the final accomplishment of the metaphysical destiny of Western humanity which, in Hölderlin, Heidegger tells us, manifests itself “more intimately than [in] any other poet of his time” (203). That means that Hölderlin’s poetry, which dwells in an essential “manifestness of being within the fulfillment of metaphysics” and at the same time dwells in and experiences “the extreme oblivion of being” (204), forces philosophy into a particular necessity: “by thinking soberly in what is said in his poetry, to experience what is unsaid. … If we enter upon this course, it brings thinking and poetry together in a dialogue engaged with the history of being” (204).

    The last sentence perhaps organizes for twentieth-century thought the (contested) age of the poets as the age of the poetico-philosophical suture: from that determination poetry thinks the task of thought. If philosophy takes poetry’s word for it, without critique, through a submission to a principle of poetic authority, the poetico-philosophical suture is consummated. This is essentially what Badiou means to undo. In Heidegger, philosophy does it not directly in the name of the sacred but of an active search for the traces of the sacred, which at the time of the consummation of metaphysics tracks the flight of the gods but also awaits “the advent of the fugitive gods,” that is, their possible return (202). In the context of such powerful imagery, it might seem superfluous to point out that the rest of the essay, which no longer glosses Hölderlin, is concerned with an analysis of Rilke’s poetry as still under the sway of metaphysics, concretely under the sway of a Nietzschean interpretation of being as will-to-power. But his conclusion reintroduces the theme of the return of the sacred. The translation in what follows is confusing, because “the whole” translates das Heile and “the unwhole” is heil-los, but here it is: “Because they experience unwholeness as such, poets of this kind who risk more are underway on the track of the holy. … The unwhole, as the unwhole, traces for us what is whole. What is whole beckons and calls to the holy [das Heilige]. The holy binds the divine. The divine brings God closer” (240). The poets “of what is whole” are “poets in a desolate time” of whom “Hölderlin is the forerunner” (240). The game is served. The poets of the age of the poets, who organize and even direct the dialogue between poetry and philosophy with the history of being, are poets of the holy, poets of the sacred, poets concerned with the flight and the return of the gods.

    This is something that Badiou cannot bear, and it is the very motor of his position. It is no doubt why “The Philosophical Status of the Poem After Heidegger” is explicit in his denial. “Now philosophy cannot begin,” he writes, “except by a desacralization: it installs a discursive regime that is its own, purely earthly legitimation. Philosophy demands that the mysterious and sacred authority of proffered profundity be interrupted by the secularism of argumentation” (36). There is to be no dialogue between poetry and philosophy in the name or under the yoke of the sacred. Only a fusion regime, such as the Parmenidean one, would tolerate the contrary state of affairs. The development of a fourth relation in the link between poetry and philosophy, which establishes poetry as truth procedure as a condition of philosophy, at the same time subjects poetry to a philosophical and philosophically desacralizing critique. Let us remember the minimal definition of the fourth relation: poetry is “the presence of the present in the traversing of realities, and the name of the event in the leap outside of calculable interests.” The sacred appears as a “calculable interest.” This is the real rupture away from the age of the poets, which is not the end of the philosophical efficacy of poetry; it is simply a reorientation of purpose.

    In the “Art and Poetry” chapter of Badiou: A Subject to Truth, Peter Hallward follows the latter’s Handbook of Inaesthetics, saying:

    Whereas mathematics composes the truth of ‘the pure multiple as the primordial inconsistency of being as being,’ being evacuated of all material presence or sensual intensity, ‘poetry makes truth of the multiple as presence come to the limits of language. It is the song of language insofar as it presents the pure notion of there is in the very erasure of its empirical objectivity.’ (196–97)

    This is consistent with the first part of the minimal definition of the fourth relation that organizes the post-sutural link of poetry and philosophy. Yet Hallward is resolute in declaring that

    [d]uring the true age of poetry (roughly, from Rimbaud to Celan), poetry rightly took on some of the functions abandoned by a philosophy temporarily preoccupied with the sterile hypotheses of scientific positivism and historical materialism. This age, however, has now passed. The poem is simply incapable of a genuinely philosophical self-awareness. The poem declares the Idea, but not the truth of the Idea. The poem can aspire to condition philosophy, not to replace it. (200)

    It is one thing to give up on the understanding of the relationship between poetry and philosophy as a relationship bound to the silence of the divine, but a poetry that no longer dwells “in the sacred night of the death of God” may still maintain, in Badiou’s concrete determination, “a genuinely philosophical self-awareness.” Hallward is wrong. Badiou has shown, and we have seen, that poetry cannot be reduced to its Heideggerian definition for the age of the poets. This is why Badiou’s declaration of the end of age of the poets is a liberation of poetry from philosophy as much as it is a liberation of philosophy from poetry. But it is the kind of liberation that makes a better encounter possible.

    We may now come back to Badiou’s “Metaphysics and the Critique of Metaphysics,” and to his definition of philosophy. Badiou says:

    Not only, and contrary to what Hamlet declares, is there nothing in the world which exceeds our philosophical capacity, but there is nothing in our philosophical capacity which could not come to be in the reality of the world. It is this coextensivity in actu of conceptual invention and of a reality-effect that is called the absolute, and it is this that is the sole stake of philosophy. (189)

    Philosophy thinks the absolute because it thinks and is able to think not only poetic truth in the guise of the invention of presence (reality-effect) at the limit of language, but also because it is prepared to offer to name the event in the leap outside of calculable interests, which is the only possible name of conceptual invention. At the end of Logics of Worlds, in the conclusion titled “What Is It to Live?” Badiou says:

    I am sometimes told that I see in philosophy only a means to reestablish, against the contemporary apologia of the futile and the everyday, the rights of heroism. Why not? Having said that, ancient heroism claimed to justify life through sacrifice. My wish is to make heroism exist through the affirmative joy which is universally generated by following consequences through. We could say that the epic heroism of the one who gives his life is supplanted by the mathematical heroism of the one who creates life, point by point. (514)

    But then there is also a poetic heroism that takes poetic truth beyond the minimal conditions of the fourth relation and expands them to include a liberation of exteriority, the active production of holes in signification, which amounts to a liberation of language from the constraints of inscription and the surrender of a sense of oriented history. Does this not lead to a certain derangement of old metaphysical presuppositions while still holding well back from any archimetaphysical projection (which is Badiou’s objection to Heidegger)? Insisting on it, on the derangement as such, would be the inconsistent consistency of the poet.

    There is no end to the age of the poets except as an end concerning the poeticophilosophical suture at the service of a resacralization of existence. Only the poets may continue to instruct in what is still essential: that the end of the metaphysical epoch in its ontotheological configuration imposes a displacement from the meaningfulness that was the privilege of metaphysical humanity; that the breakdown of expectations in the wake of the ontological event of the end of metaphysics brings about the destruction of hermeneutics to such an extent that the entry into any sort of fidelity to that event must be thought of as an appropriation into truth (in its full play of concealment and revelation) and not into meaning. In Contributions to Philosophy, Heidegger says that a certain “restraint” (Verhältnis) is the appropriate mood and style for existing at the end of metaphysical humanity.19 I could rephrase this by saying that restraint, perhaps in the wake of the Mallarméan notion of “restricted action,” is the faithful and guarded relation to the errant truth of our times, which becomes eternal truth in our “subjective fidelity.” And memory, the poetic memory of our future implied in any commitment to the philosophical Idea, can only be a memory of disruption, the memory of a fundamental unknowability to be paired with Badiou’s conceptual invention of the absolute. The immemorial is the breakdown of signification and the radical point of non-measure that organizes the mutual need, the mutual use, of being and thinking—of thinking by being and of being by thinking. This is learning how to live poetically, and this is how I read Badiou on how to live poetically, which philosophy only thinks about. It might be too Heideggerian for Badiou; he may not like it. But I think he might like it even less if I were to call him, at the end of the day, the prince of the left Heideggerians.20

    Alberto Moreiras is Professor of Hispanic Studies and Latinx and Mexican American Studies at Texas A&M. He has taught at University of Wisconsin-Madison, Duke University, and the University of Aberdeen, and has held visiting positions at numerous institutions (Emory, Johns Hopkins, Minas Gerais, Chile, Buffalo). He is the author of Interpretación y diferencia (1991), Tercer espacio: literatura y duelo en América Latina (1999), The Exhaustion of difference: The Politics of Latin American Cultural Studies (2002), Línea de sombra. El no sujeto de lo político (2008), Marranismo e inscripción, o el abandono de la conciencia desdichada (2016), Infrapolítica. La diferencia absoluta de la que ningún experto puede hablar (2019), Sosiego siniestro (2020) and Infrapolítica: Instrucciones de uso (2020). He is a coeditor of Política común, and of the “Border Hispanisms” Series at University of Texas Press.

    Footnotes

    1. See for instance Tom Eyers or Christian Doumet; both have written failed essays in my opinion, informative as they are in their own ways, to the extent that they get lost in inessential considerations and neglect to focus on what is determinant for the philosophy/poetry relation in Badiou. Justin Clemens’s “Eternity is Coming” also fails to focus on the most relevant philosophical contribution of the book it reviews. Apters and Bosteels’s introduction to The Age of the Poets suffers from the same problem even though their knowledge of Badiou is not in question. There is a tendency in some of these critics, particularly in Eyers and Apter and Bosteels, to concentrate their remarks on the second half of the book, which really concerns early attempts by Badiou to come to terms with Althusserian Marxism’s notions of the relative autonomy of art, bypassing what is for me new and crucial in Badiou’s theses on the end of the age of the poets and the legacies of the latter for contemporary thought. Let me however take this opportunity to praise Tom Betteridge’s enlightening essay. This essay does not mention The Age of the Poets; it takes most of what he wants to comment on from Badiou’s The Century. But it is an excellent introduction to the different ways in which Heidegger and Badiou relate to the notion of “homecoming” in reference to Hölderlin and Celan respectively. Celan is of course one of the major references in Badiou’s “age of the poets.”

    2. Badiou’s critique of the critique of metaphysics is not limited to Heidegger’s hermeneutics, but extends to Kant’s critical philosophy and to Comtian positivism. All three of them would revert, in Badiou’s determination, to a disavowed metaphysics in the form of an “archi-metaphysics.” He says:

    critique, positivism, and hermeneutics, even if we were to grant them that they diagnose metaphysics correctly, merely replace it with what we shall call an archi-metaphysics, that is, with the suspension of sense to an undetermined that is purely and simply left to the historical determination of its coming. Archi-metaphysics is the replacement of a necessary undetermined with a contingent one, or: the established power of an unknown master is opposed by the poetics and the prophetics of the to-come. This is the case with the mystical element in Wittgenstein, as with the metaphorical God in Heidegger or the positivist church in Comte. (“Metaphysics” 181)

    3. See Badiou’s Being and Event, The Century, Conditions, and Handbook of Inaesthetics.

    4. The question of antiphilosophy is a ticklish issue in Heidegger, for instance; it would be concerned with Heidegger’s thought on “the other beginning” and the cryptic writings he developed starting with Contributions to Philosophy and through the mid-1940s, and which he never wanted to publish while he was alive. Those volumes are still coming out in the Gesamtausgabe and most are as yet untranslated, in addition to Contributions to Philosophy, Mindfulness, History of Being, Metaphysik und Nihilismus and Die Stege des Anfangs (the latter still unpublished). Badiou never discusses them explicitly, but the thought of a possible antiphilosophy in Heidegger is in the background of his Heidegger seminar, and later in the antiphilosophy project in contemporary thought, that is, after Friedrich Nietzsche. See Badiou’s Wittgenstein’s Antiphilosophy; Nietzsche; and Lacan.

    5. See Judith Balso, especially pp. 54–61.

    6. See 191–96 on the poems of Alberto Caeiro.

    7. See Badiou’s “Metaphysics.” The essay is also significant in terms of establishing Badiou’s antipathy for any kind of hermeneutical approach to truth, including but not limited to the Heideggerian one. It is hard to find fault with Badiou’s critique as far as it goes, although I would like to say that it is or would have been quite possible, perhaps also desirable, to take a more generous approach to Heidegger’s notion of a destruction of metaphysics without necessarily reducing him to the condition of an “archimetaphysical” thinker.

    8. Badiou posits, following Hegel and for reasons that have to do with his endorsement of dialectics, that the identification of thinking and being is an axiomatic point of departure for philosophy: a “preliminary thesis,” he calls it. It is axiomatic obviously because it is also highly debatable—and the axiom takes care of the debate, preempting it. This is the key passage:

    Dogmatic metaphysics defends the rights of indeterminacy only within the bounds of a preliminary thesis which affirms that thought and the thinkable are homogeneous to each other. As Hegel writes in the introduction to the Science of Logic: “Ancient metaphysics had in this respect a higher conception of thinking than is common today … This metaphysics believed that thinking (and its determinations) is not anything alien to the object, but rather is its essential nature … and that thinking in its immanent determinations and the true nature of things form one and the same content.”(“Metaphysics” 182)

    9. See Heidegger, “‘Only a God.’” The interview was done by Der Spiegel on September 23, 1966, but Heidegger requested that it be published only after his death. Der Spiegel published it on May 31, 1976. These are the more relevant passages:

    Spiegel:
    Now the question naturally arises: Can the individual man in any way still influence this web of fateful circumstance? Or, indeed, can philosophy influence it? Or can both together influence it, insofar as philosophy guides the individual, or several individuals, to a determined action?

    Heidegger:
    If I may answer briefly, and perhaps clumsily, but after long reflection: philosophy will be unable to effect any immediate change in the current state of the world. This is true not only of philosophy but of all purely human reflection and endeavor. Only a god can save us. The only possibility available to us is that by thinking and poetizing we prepare a readiness for the appearance of a god, or for the absence of a god in [our] decline, insofar as in view of the absent god we are in a state of decline.

    Spiegel:
    Is there a correlation between your thinking and the emergence of this god? Is there here in your view a causal connection? Do you feel that we can bring a god forth by our thinking?

    Heidegger:
    We cannot bring him forth by our thinking. At best we can awaken a readiness to wait [for him].”

    (“Only a God” 57).

    It is obvious that Heidegger’s emphasis has to do with his assumption that no human action by itself can determine a change in historical conditions, and thought can only prepare a possible change of epoch. An emphasis on the arrival of the future and salvific god is perhaps legible in these words, but I tend to read them in quite the opposite way: if there is any possibility of retrieval of a non-destitute future for humanity, it will have to come from elsewhere. We are impotent concerning it. One can definitely think this is a bad or even untenable political position but I do not see it as a particularly religious one. The “waiting” regarding an absence that may or may not find a solution is to be thought of as a posture of thought that preempts nihilistic fatalism rather than a manner of prayer.

    10. Heidegger refers to the verses in Hölderlin’s “Patmos” elegy in connection with the destiny of the world in the 1946 lecture “Why Poets?” As this connects with the previous note and with Badiou’s insistence on Heidegger as a thinker of religious salvation, let me quote the extended paragraph:

    The essence of technology is dawning only slowly. This day is the world’s night made over as the purely technological day. It raises the threat of a single endless winter. Man now forgoes not only defense, but the unbroken entirety of beings remains in darkness. What is whole withdraws. The world is being emptied of what is whole and heals. As a result, not only does the holy remain hidden as the track to the godhead, but even what is whole, the track to the holy, appears to be extinguished. Unless there are still mortals capable of seeing what is unwhole and unhealing threaten as unwhole and unhealing. They would have to discern which is the danger that assails man. The danger consists in the menace that bears on the essence of man in his relationship to being itself, but not in accidental perils. The danger is the danger. It conceals itself in the abyss in its relation to all beings. In order to see and to expose the danger, there must be such who first reach into the abyss.

    But where the danger lies, there also grows

    that which saves. (Hölderlin, Sämtliche Werke, vol. IV, p. 190) (“Why Poets?” 221–22)

    What saves is therefore not the godhead but poetic truth. Those who are able to discern the danger are, as the essay will make clear, “the poets in a desolate time” (240). The 1955 lecture “The Question Concerning Technology” presents Hölderlin’s verses along similar lines, talking about Ancient Greece:

    What, then, was art—perhaps only for that brief but magnificent time? Why did art bear the modest name techne? Because it was a revealing that brought forth and hither, and therefore belonged within poiesis. It was finally that revealing which holds complete sway in all the fine arts, in poetry, and in everything poetical that obtained poiesis as its proper name. The same poet from whom we heard the words “But where danger is, grows the saving power also’ says to us: ‘poetically dwells man upon this earth.” (34)

    The saving power is the art of poetic revealing, or poetic truth. It does not seem to me Heidegger says anything else, particularly not anything “theological.”

    11. In his 1985–1986 seminar on Heidegger, Badiou actually links them to the conclusions Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels reach in The Communist Manifesto. The November 18, 1986 session refers to the same passages from Introduction to Metaphysics (1935), and immediately associates them with the famous passages on the melting away of everything solid at the hands of the bourgeoisie in The Communist Manifesto. Badiou then says:

    La vigueur de ce texte est absolument intacte, ce qu’il décrit continue à se derouler sous nos yeux, et, dans sa substance, c’est bien ce que Heidegger décrit sous le nom de nihilism. Comment penser cette difference entre la predication nihiliste et ce qui est décrit ici comme les effets inéluctables de la generalization du capital? Tout est dans l’accent, l’orientation de la pensée, et non dans les termes.

    [The vigor of this text is absolutely intact, that which it describes continues to deploy itself under our eyes, and it is what Heidegger names nihilism. How to think this difference between nihilist predication and what is described here as the ineluctable effects of the generalization of capital? Everything hinges on the accent, the orientation of the thought, not on the terms.] (Heidegger 60; my trans.)

    Badiou finds here what I believe is the kernel of his disagreement with Heidegger, which I would propose we understand as the generative site of everything Badiou says against Heidegger. Yes, it is a question of the orientation of thought within the general disorientation produced both by nihilism and the bourgeois revolution. This is the time of the age of the poets, as we will see. It is clear that Badiou prefers the Marxist position, according to which we are convoked to a “beginning that will not recommence anything, because there is nothing to recommence” (61). The general dissolution of the old social links are for Marx “the condition of a production of truth” (61) while for Heidegger they would be the site of “a nostalgia for a return of categories whose loss of sense is deplorable. He aspires to the re-sacralization of existence, to the reappropriation of the site” (60). For Marx, instead, the real question is different: “There where Heidegger convokes us to the return of the sacred, Marx says to us: Is it possible to continue the dissolution of the images through a means other than Capital” (61), can we move to a new production of truth not based on a return of the old? Ultimately, Heidegger’s “other beginning” probably has nothing to do with any return of the ancient sacred; it is also a new production of truth. But we must agree with Badiou that there are rhetorical configurations in Heidegger’s text that project a reactionary politicity Badiou finds abhorrent and thoroughly counterproductive.

    12. See on this Jacques Derrida’s “Ousia and Gramme,” in particular 63–67. Talking about Heidegger’s “The Anaximander Fragment,” Derrida says that, on the one hand, Heidegger thinks or attempts to think of modalities of presence; on the other hand, he seeks to call all modalities of presence in general “the Greco-Western-philosophical closure” (65). Derrida states that all the arduous fundamental meditations by Heidegger on presence, including the text on Anaximander, are intra-metaphysical meditations, but he also says that Heidegger is aware of it and that in such an awareness he prepares another gesture, “the more difficult, more unheard-of, more questioning gesture, the one for which we are least prepared” (65). This would be a gesture that “only permits itself to be sketched, announcing itself in certain calculated fissures of the metaphysical text” (65).

    13. See Schürmann. See also Alberto Moreiras, ed., “On Reiner Schürmann.”

    14. See James K. Lyon for a careful and fairly complete account of the relationship between the poet and the philosopher. See also Charles Bambach. For Badiou’s considerations on the (mis)encounter see Badiou’s Manifesto 85–89.

    15. Badiou makes much of the importance of Nietzsche’s relationship with Wagner to shape Nietzsche’s process of philosophical production and existential reflection. In fact, for Badiou the impossibility of saving the Wagner relation made Nietzsche’s antiphilosophical trip rather desperate and led to a particular kind of impasse. See Badiou, Nietzsche, particularly 233–311.

    16. On the “mytheme” see Lacoue-Labarthe, Heidegger and the Politics of Poetry, in particular “Prologue: Heidegger’s Onto-Mythology,” 11, and “Poetry, Philosophy, Politics,” where Lacoue-Labarthe engages Badiou’s notion of the poetico-philosophical suture (18–37). Badiou also engages with the Parmenidean poem and with Plato’s Parmenides in a number of seminars, but let me refer in particular to the 1986–1987 seminar on Heidegger, Heidegger, where Badiou also discusses at length Heidegger’s relationship to poetry and rehearses his own notion of the poetico-philosophical suture. See in particular on Parmenidean issues and the exit from Parmenides’s apagogic reasoning, pp. 179–216. See also of course the 1985–1986 seminar on Parmenides, Parménide, now available in English as “Heidegger’s Parmenides.”

    17. See on this the literary hoax or semi-hoax perpetrated by Yoandy Cabrera, Rodolfo Ortiz and myself, which nevertheless includes earnest reflection on Alberto Caeiro’s poetry and profile: Caeiro, Alberto and Timoteo Moreira. Infracendencia. Inéditos del entorno (¿póstumo?) de Fernando Pessoa, transcription and notes by Alberto Moreiras, with an Introduction by Rodolfo Ortiz, with a Postface and notes by Yoandy Cabrera. See for Caeiro, Fernando Pessoa.

    18. I have tried to reflect on these issues in my book Infrapolítica. Instrucciones de uso.

    19. “Restraint is the style of inceptual thinking only because it must become the style of future humanity grounded in Da-Sein, i.e., only because it bears this grounding and is its pervasive disposition. Restraint, as style: the self-certainty of the grounding measure and of the sustained wrath of Da-sein. It determines and disposes the style, because it is the basic disposition” (Heidegger, Contributions 28).

    20. The 2015 foreword to Badiou’s 1992–1993 seminar on Nietzsche concludes with the following words: “On verra comment, gouverné par cette profonde sympathie, le commentant en detail et l’admirant sans avoir pour autant à lui concéder quoi que ce soit, j’ai pu décerner à Nietzsche, en mon seul nom, le titre suivant: prince pauvre et définitif de l’antiphilosophie” [We shall see how, governed by this profound sympathy, commenting on him in detail and admiring him without however having to concede anything, I have been able to discern in Nietzsche, in my name only, the following title: poor and decisive prince of antiphilosophy] (Nietzsche 11; my trans.).

    Works Cited

    • Apter, Emily, and Bruno Bosteels. “Introduction.” The Age of the Poets, by Alain Badiou, Verso, 2014, pp. vii–xxxv.
    • Badiou, Alain. “The Age of the Poets.” The Age of the Poets and Other Writings on Twentieth- Century Poetry and Prose. Edited and translated by Bruno Bosteels, Verso, 2014, pp. 3–22.
    • —. The Age of the Poets and Other Writings on Twentieth-Century Poetry and Prose. Edited and translated by Bruno Bosteels, Verso, 2014.
    • —. Being and Event. Translated by Oliver Feltham, Continuum, 2005.
    • —. The Century. Translated by Alberto Toscano, Polity, 2007.
    • —. Conditions. Translated by Steven Corcoran, Continuum, 2008.
    • —. Handbook of Inaesthetics. Translated by Alberto Toscano, Stanford UP, 2005.
    • —. Heidegger. L’être 3. Figure du retrait. 1986–1987. Fayard, 2015.
    • —. “Heidegger’s Parmenides.” Translated by Megan Flocken and Javiera Perez-Gomez, Division III of Heidegger’s Being and Time: The Unanswered Question of Being, edited by Lee Braver, MIT Press, 2015, pp. 21–35.
    • —. L’immanence des vérités. L’être et l’événement, 3. Fayard, 2018.
    • —. Lacan: Anti-Philosophy 3. Translated by Kenneth Reinhard and Susan Spitzer, Columbia UP, 2018.
    • —. Logic of Worlds. Being and Event II. Translated by Alberto Toscano, Continuum, 2009.
    • —. Manifesto for Philosophy. Edited and translated by Norman Madarasz, SUNY P, 1999.
    • —. “Metaphyics and the Critique of Metaphysics.” Translated by Alberto Toscano, Pli: The Warwick Journal of Philosophy, vol. 10, 2000, pp. 174–190.
    • —. Nietzsche. L’antiphilosophie 1. 1992–1993. Fayard, 2015.
    • —. “The Philosophical Status of the Poem after Heidegger.” The Age of the Poets and Other Writings on Twentieth-Century Poetry and Prose. Edited and translated by Bruno Bosteels, Verso, 2014, pp. 36–43.
    • —. “Philosophy and Poetry from the Vantage Point of the Unnameable.” The Age of the Poets and Other Writings on Twentieth-Century Poetry and Prose. Edited and translated by Bruno Bosteels, Verso, 2014, pp. 44–58.
    • —. “The Question of Being Today.” Theoretical Writings, edited and translated by Ray Brassier and Alberto Toscano, Continuum, 2004, pp. 39–48.
    • —. “What Does the Poem Think?” The Age of the Poets and Other Writings on Twentieth Century Poetry and Prose. Edited and translated by Bruno Bosteels, Verso, 2014, pp. 23–35.
    • —. Wittgenstein’s Antiphilosophy. Translated by Bruno Bosteels, Verso, 2011.
    • Balso, Judith. Pessoa, le passeur métaphysique. Seuil, 2006.
    • Bambach, Charles. Thinking the Poetic Measure of Justice: Hölderlin-Heidegger-Celan. SUNY P, 2013.
    • Betteridge, Tom. “Alain Badiou’s Anabasis: Rereading Paul Celan Against Heidegger.” Textual Practice, vol. 30, no. 1, 2015, pp. 45–68.
    • Caeiro, Alberto and Timoteo Moreira. Infracendencia. Inéditos del entorno (¿póstumo?) de Fernando Pessoa. Transcription and notes by Alberto Moreiras, with an Introduction by Rodolfo Ortiz, with a Postface and notes by Yoandy Cabrera, La Mariposa Mundial, 2020.
    • Clemens, Justin. “Eternity is Coming: The Age of the Poets by Alain Badiou.” Sydney Review of Books, February 19, 2015, pp. 1–10.
    • Derrida, Jacques. “Ousia and Gramme: Note on a Note to Being and Time.” Margins of Philosophy, translated by Alan Bass, Harvester Press, 1982, pp. 29–68.
    • Doumet, Christian. “La fin de ‘L’âge des poètes.’ Remarques sur un philosophème.” Litttérature, vol. 156, 2009, pp. 42–54.
    • Eyers, Tom. “Badiou Among the Poets.” Boundary 2, vol. 43, no. 2, 2016, pp. 141–61.
    • Hallward, Peter. Badiou: A Subject to Truth. U of Minnesota P, 2003.
    • Heidegger, Martin. Contributions to Philosophy (Of the Event). Translated by Richard Rojcewicz and Daniela Vallega-Neu, Indiana UP, 2012.
    • —. “‘Only a God Can Save Us.’ The Spiegel Interview (1966),” translated by Thomas Sheehan, Heidegger: The Man and the Thinker, edited by Thomas Sheehan, Transaction, 2010, pp. 45–67.
    • —. “The Question Concerning Technology.” The Question Concerning Technology and Other Essays, translated by William Lovitt, Garland Publishing, 1977, pp. 3–35.
    • —. “Why Poets?” Off the Beaten Track, edited and translated by Julian Young and Kenneth Haynes, Cambridge UP, 2002, pp. 200–41.
    • Lacoue-Labarthe, Philippe. Heidegger and the Politics of Poetry. Translated with an Introduction by Jeff Fort, U of Illinois P, 2007.
    • Lyon, James K. Paul Celan and Martin Heidegger: An Unresolved Conversation, 1951–1970. Johns Hopkins UP, 2006.
    • Moreiras, Alberto. Infrapolítica. Instrucciones de uso. La Oficina, 2020
    • —, ed. “On Reiner Schürmann.” Special issue, Política común 11, 2017.
    • Pessoa, Fernando. Obra Completa de Alberto Caeiro. Edited by Jerónimo Pizarro and Patricio Ferrari, Tinta da China, 2019.
    • Schürmann, Reiner. Heidegger On Being and Acting: From Principles to Anarchy. Indiana UP, 1987.
  • Coming Down

    Tyler T. Schmidt (bio)

    A review of Montez, Ricardo. Keith Haring’s Line: Race and the Performance of Desire. Duke UP, 2020.

    I keep thinking about Juan Dubose crashing in the hallway while his boyfriend, artist Keith Haring, soldiers through a dinner at the poet John Giorno’s house in January 1985. The event, peopled with gay stars of the art world, was in honor of William Burroughs. The couple had been partying the night before at the Paradise Garage, the iconic club at 84 King Street in SoHo. Dubose spent the evening at Giorno’s on the hallway stairs, reportedly with his head in his hands. For all their interest in queer nightlife as utopian possibility and the sexy hedonism of Paradise Garage, where legendary DJ Larry Levan turned vinyl into magic, students of queer culture have paid little attention to the “come down”—that treacherous, often shameful journey when the drugs wear off. “Shattered,” as I’ve heard some Brits describe these states of extreme fatigue or excessive partying, always strikes me as a perfect encapsulation of that fragile, queasy undoing. In his revelatory Keith Haring’s Line: Race and the Performance of Desire, Ricardo Montez keeps company with Dubose in the hall. Quiet companionship, in fact, is often what we need when we’re coming down from the party. Montez is the sort of thoughtful critic who gives theoretical weight and respect to those too undone from the night before to endure the dinner party banter. Returning to Giorno’s self-satisfying account of sex with Haring in the Prince Street toilets in his collection You Got to Burn to Shine (1994), Montez questions the way Dubose is both hailed and marginalized in most accounts of Haring’s cross-race desires, energies that profoundly shape both his life and art:

    Giorno’s deployment and disregard of Dubose echo many of the ways in which Dubose exists as a defining and necessary figure in the romantic view of Haring as transcendent interracial lover, while being ignored and somewhat disposable in the setting of valued exchange between those in an esteemed gay artistic circle. (52)

    As Montez demonstrates persuasively in Keith Haring’s Line, the “deployment and disregard” of racial difference are central features of Haring’s creative practice. His relationships and artistic collaborations are marked by both a still-rare self-critique of whiteness, and an obliviousness to—if not a downright dismissal of—the exploitative power dynamics within these cross-racial encounters.

    My own return to Dubose in the hall admittedly risks sliding into the sentimental mythmaking and sloppy identification with blackness by white gay men that Montez interrogates. Dubose has become “a brown and black sign that is an amalgamation of projections” (16), not only in Giorno’s account of the dinner party, but in much of the scholarship on Haring’s art. A DJ and car-radio installer, Dubose was the first of several Black and Latino men with whom Haring was romantically and artistically involved. The thorniness of these relationships, in all their ethical and aesthetic complexity, is central to Montez’s book. Some will recognize Dubose from Polaroids taken by Andy Warhol in 1983—the source material for the ghostly silkscreens of varying hues that he made of Dubose and Haring. Montez confronts the material complexity of these images in the archive to see them differently. Now alight with intimacy, the images of Haring and Dubose intertwined refuse “narrative coherence” (18); they are what Montez calls “temporal freezes that index Haring’s notion of becoming other,” a fantasy of racial erasure that Haring believes interracial relationships might make possible (16). In returning to the archives to see what’s been missed or misread, Montez is not interested in historical rescue or corrective. In fact, he says such a project would be impossible in the case of Dubose, for whom no self-composed counternarrative exists. Rather, the book interrogates the ways in which narratives—particularly heteroheroic accounts of Haring’s life—invoke cross-racial desires but avoid any meaningful discussion of the very real humans hailed within these gestures and then fetishized, marginalized, and cast aside.

    Montez’s book is a welcome addition to a constellation of projects—some foundational, others newer—that pay fuller, much-needed attention to the exchanges between race and queer desire in New York City’s “Downtown scene” of the early 1980s: for example, José Esteban Muñoz’s “Famous and Dandy like B. ‘n’ Andy: Race, Pop, and Basquiat” in Disidentifications (1999); Arnaldo Cruz-Malavé’s Queer Latino Testimonio, Keith Haring, and Juanito Xtravanganza (2007); Dagmawi Woubshet’s treatment of Haring in The Calendar of Loss (2015); Joshua Chambers-Letson’s recent work on Tseng Kwong Chi in After The Party (2018); and W. Ian Bourland’s Bloodflowers (2019), a brilliant study of photographer Rotimi Fani-Kayode. While Haring’s sexual and artistic interest in Black and Latino men is well-documented, Montez is up to something deeper; he interrogates Haring’s desire for these men as part of a creative practice often animated by racial fantasies, including an “unfulfilled desire to have and be something other than white” (5). Drawing from the worlds of graffiti and the dance culture of the city’s B-Boys, Haring believes he can access “a nonwhite interiority” through his art (14). “I’m sure inside I’m not white,” the artist writes in his journal. This “remarkable claim,” as Montez describes it, is one of the theoretically rich spaces he explores in the book (119). Haring’s fantasy of racial transcendence remains relevant to our current moment when many white Americans are eager to distance themselves from whiteness, arriving late to the idea that racism is systemic.

    Montez’s deep dive into the meanings of Haring’s line, his signature strokes, seeks to disrupt restrictive narratives about racialized desire. Chapter One, which includes the critique of Giorno’s questionable commentary on Haring’s erotic life, begins with a discussion of the ways in which Haring’s bold, carved lines are problematically described as “primitive,” a discourse always burdened with Western supremacist ideology that seeks to contain “the Other.” In a moment of jargon-studded prose, Montez explains: “Haring’s citational line embodies the condition of the Western self that can only be recognized through a dialectical relationship with a premodern tribal other” (37). He links this re-evaluation of Haring’s primitivism to narratives of queer alterity, including Giorno’s. Placing Haring’s journals within a tradition of urban writing rooted in the “dark places of ordinary men” (50), Montez resituates Haring’s lines (on paper and concrete) within “a legacy of queer performative writing experiments” that are almost always marked by a romance with the “other” (34). Haring’s writing about encounters in the bathhouse documents feelings of “isolation and rejection” that also define these spaces of sexual promise (57).

    Haring’s collaborations with graffiti artists and hip-hop dancers strengthen his street credibility while his whiteness neutralizes the rhetoric of criminality associated with these subcultures. Chapter Two begins with the work of Angel Ortiz, the graffiti artist known as LA II. Like Dubose, Ortiz is relegated to “a secondary timeline” in Haring’s biography (15). LA II, it becomes clear, had to be strategic in order to prevent his art from being eclipsed by the celebrity artist he worked alongside. He had to reclaim his lines repeatedly.

    Montez scrutinizes Ortiz’s collaborations with Haring—which include a golden, graffitied sarcophagus—through an original analysis of power negotiations and aesthetics within a “queer economy of exchange” (63). Their relationship is read through discourses on public sex and rethinks the ethical complexities between gay men and “trade.” Montez is careful to draw out the nuances of the term, whose meanings include straight men who have sex with gay men, often for money. The chapter explores “narratives of queer urban contact” (67)—including those by John Rechy and Samuel Delany—in order to offer “trade aesthetics” as “a framework for thinking through the visual discursive field that both artists [Haring and LA II] come to occupy in the press and the reception of the work they created together” (72). This instructive analysis illuminates the ways an economy of desire also marks Haring’s lines, emerging in “friction of complicity, desire, and inequality” (82).

    In a discussion of some of the more troublesome moments in Samuel Delany’s now canonical treatise on sex and public space (Times Square Red, Times Square Blue), Montez asks us to think more fully about the racial and class dynamics that shape these encounters, and the ethical questions that are often missing or glossed over in cultural studies of public sex. For example, he uses Delany’s account of stymying a pickpocket at the theaters to explore ways in which this murky “moral imperative” (70) has more in common with the policing of queer and Black bodies than many would care to realize. This instructive re-reading describes and questions a “john subjectivity,” one that celebrates interclass contact but prefers that it “remain unsullied by the money he [Delany] pointedly wants to protect.” And Delany evidently doesn’t like to tip a go-go boy. Montez argues that such moments reveal the way “trade as an object of desire is often denied care through the very operations of desire” (71). While acknowledging that none of us can exist outside of these economies of desire (this too is a racial fantasy), Montez’s reflections on LA II and Delany urge us to think more deeply about the incidents of mistreatment and stances of moral superiority behind these supposedly liberatory encounters and sites. Montez’s discussion of cruising culture demonstrates the sort of nuanced critique often absent in scholarship on public sex, despite increasing interest in pre-AIDS sexual practices that animated sites like New York City’s West Side piers, bathhouses and discotheques.1 Given the longing within a younger generation of queers for the “good ol’ days,” queer scholars should continue to interrogate the limits of the utopic, liberatory possibilities that these forms of public sex and communal eroticism are said to offer (and sometimes do).

    Chapter Three, “Theory Made Flesh,” makes a satisfying pivot to consider Haring’s collaborations with the singular artist Grace Jones. With her hula-hoop antics and much-cited androgyny, Ms. Grace has become a patron saint of queer performance studies, and is deservedly fawned over by queer radicals. Montez’s reading highlights the way acts of “white male authorship” turn to Jones’s body “for the production of truth,” to realize creative plans rooted in an aestheticization of blackness (104–5). Critical of photographer Jean-Paul Goude for his manipulation of Jones’s physical form and personas to suit his own primitivist vision, Montez shifts our attention to the singer’s independent projects. Jones’s self-directed video “I’m Not Perfect (But I’m Perfect for You)” (1986) is dissected as a narrative of excess, an unraveling (or perhaps redirecting) of the pop primitivism foisted upon her by Haring, Goude, and other male collaborators. Ever-attentive to the nuances of creative collaboration, Montez does not position Jones as a victim of simplistic objectification or as a radical warrior dismantling the racial imaginary. He claims, rather, that Jones’s comments in her memoir about her decades of image (re)making express an “awareness of the impossibility of rescuing a prediscursive truth of black flesh” but also “her excited sense of complicity in the making of the Grace Jones myth,” working with and through the racist fantasies that animate many of her collaborations (87). This analytical move to recognize and value complicity as a form of artistic agency counters the eagerness of queer scholars to find a radicalism, a promise of subversion, an unsullied agency or just some redemptive breathing space for the artists we admire, even adore, but whose political and aesthetic flaws make unqualified reverence impossible. Jones approaches her performances—including one at the Paradise Garage in which she dresses in Haring’s lines—as “a space of constant uncertainty” (90). Rather than evade white male authorship, Jones conspires with it as part of a “continual attempt at rewriting the possibilities of her flesh” (105). In our now, students of queer studies should welcome a similar critical and political uncertainty into their work; otherwise, the field’s fixed attention on the “transformative” and “disruptive” reduces the expansive ways radical politics and progressive artmaking engage both dissent and complicity.

    The book’s final chapter shifts in structure and approach. Describing the chapter as a “subjective journey” into a cluster of Haring ephemera (112), Montez pushes against the confines of more traditional, chronologically bound artist monographs and the “heteroheroics” that often animate them. Placing himself within a lineage of queer critical writing, Montez uses “alternative modes of historical imagining” (111) to disrupt simplistic claims about Haring’s racial aesthetics as well as the staid forms often used to write about queer art. The chapter moves briskly and poetically through a range of objects, from Haring’s mural in the former men’s room of New York’s LGBT Community Center to his triptych at St. John the Divine to Rosson Crow’s radiant, drip-filled painting, a reinhabiting of the Pop Shop. While I am a fan of the collage format with its quick turns of poetic insight (haven’t we all spent more time than we wanted with an artifact in a monograph as a scholar’s close reading becomes microscopic?), these objects call for greater attention. Even as a “performance of ambivalence” (112), Montez’s fragments, observations, and refusals to make authoritative claims are too rapid, associative, and less satisfying than the careful, needed, and often surprising insights about Haring and his interlocutors offered in the previous chapters. However fleeting these object studies, I must admit that reading Keith Haring’s Line during this stay-at-home season made the textual visits around New York extra sweet, from the St. Marks Baths to the Whitney Museum of American Art to the LGBT Center to St. John the Divine. Despite the staggering amount of international travel that Haring did as his celebrity and commissions exploded, New York City was his home.

    Like Haring’s line, Montez’s prose is crisp and decisive. In this final chapter and throughout his readings, his beautiful writing invites readers to rethink our scholarly machines, to reimagine what critical writing and our theory-laden prose can do. Keith Haring’s Line places its author’s affective investments on full display. Reading (which is to say feeling) a set of photographs of Haring and Dubose at a beach in Brazil, Montez admits that one photo, lovingly dissected, “forces me to a state of intimacy that is more turbulent than a general ‘research’ interest” (128). I admire such projects for their permission to write differently, to feel “our” art differently, to imagine an embodied, affective criticism that takes seriously the feelings we have for the subjects we write about. So much critical writing is after all a gussied-up version of our admiration and irritations, and this work attempts to square deep affection and thorny ambivalence. In writing differently, Montez also encourages us to read differently: outside of standard conceptions of time, outside of rote narratives about Haring or any queer, canonical artist (from Basquiat to Mapplethorpe to Baldwin), and outside of the “celebrity artist” industry with its tote bags and lapel pins.

    This thoughtful journey into the thicket of Haring’s racialized desire got me wondering about his broader responses and commitments to racial justice and social change. I knew about his Free South Africa poster (1985) and Michael Stewart–USA for Africa (1985), his response (one can’t call it a portrait) to the graffiti artist’s murder. The latter was recently on display as part of a Jean-Michel Basquiat exhibition at the Guggenheim.2 His journals make few references to politics in general and even fewer comments on current events related to race, racial justice, or activism; the murder of Michael Stewart and the acquittal of the officers who killed him are the exception. He writes of giving Stevie Wonder, whom he met backstage at a concert in Rome in June 1989, some Free South Africa buttons and a T-shirt (Journals 356). The year before he asks: “How can it be possible that apartheid still exists? Dr. King was speaking against it 20 years ago. The world knows it’s wrong: journalists, protests, books, songs, movies–no matter how many oppose it, it exists now in 1988 and it is as strong as ever” (289). This rare comment on the historical sweep and structures of racism is part of a larger reflection on elitism and “manipulation” in the art world in which Haring draws connections between art, race, and “Big Control”: “The art world is just a small model or metaphor of the Big Control.” He goes on to say that “things are changing faster and faster.” And at the end of the journal entry, he quotes (and I cringe) Fanon’s rallying cry: “By any means necessary” (Journals 289–90).

    Montez’s project, in contrast, urges us to look at “Little” control: the daily workings of power that include the quotidian, interpersonal forms wielded by white gay men, and that Haring isn’t quite able or willing to engage. One of the great strengths of Keith Haring’s Line is its nuanced attention to the “various ways in which race is reified through often contradictory narratives” (5). The complexities of racialized desire are scrutinized in Haring’s art and journal writing, but Montez also composes a critical narrative that welcomes similar contradictions, neither condemnatory nor effusive about Haring’s creative engagement with racial difference. Haring’s fetishistic practices are laid bare, as are the murky violations of intimacies across race, but readers are also shown the ways Haring’s queer sensibility changed over time, though it can never be cleaved from racial eroticism and racial aesthetics. This sensibility was both (over)crafted and, most importantly, collective and collaborative. Montez insists that we pay attention to those collaborators and wrangle with the dubious ethics and problematic racial fantasies that emerge in our collaborations, both artistic and sexual.

    Whether in Juan Dubose’s mixtape or the blurred lines Haring painted on Grace Jones’s performatively defiant body, Keith Haring’s Line: Race and the Performance of Desire engages both loss and excess to imagine a history always slightly out of reach. At one point, in his reading of Haring’s journal entry about a snub at the bathhouse, Montez suggests poignantly that love is a kind of “waiting to possess” (56). Juan Dubose is crashing in the hall, but he is also waiting for Haring. A history of intimacy is made in such minor moments. But a waiting love can be agonizing and undoubtedly exacerbated by the come down, that woozy space that remains when earlier joys take leave.

    Tyler T. Schmidt is Associate Professor of English at Lehman College, City University of New York (CUNY) where he co-directed the Writing Across the Curriculum for nearly a decade. His essay “Lessons in Light: Beauford Delaney’s and James Baldwin’s ‘Unnameable Objects’” was published in the collection Of Latitudes Unknown: James Baldwin’s Radical Imagination (2019). The author of Desegregating Desire: Race and Sexuality in Cold War American Literature (2013), he is currently at work on a book about a group of Midwestern writers and visual artists who collectively reimagined queer portraiture in the 1940s and 1950s.

    Footnotes

    1. Examples of recent engagements with New York City’s architectures of public sex include: The Life and Times of Alvin Baltrop exhibition (2019) at the Bronx Museum of Art; W. Ian Bourland’s brilliant Bloodflowers (2019); Jonathan Weinberg’s Pier Groups (2019); The Queer Space Studies Initiative; Jack Halberstam’s “Unbuilding Gender: Trans* Anarchitectures In and Beyond the Work of Gordon Matta-Clark” (2018); and Fred Moten’s “Amuse-bouche” (2017).

    2. The exhibition, Basquiat’s “Defacement”: The Untold Story, at the Guggenheim from June 2019 to November 2019, centered on Basquiat’s visual protest, initially rendered on the walls of Haring’s studio, of Stewart’s death.

    Works Cited

    Haring, Keith. Keith Haring Journals. Viking, 2010.

  • Self-Reflexivity as Infra-Structure

    Jens Andermann (bio)

    A review of Benezra, Karen. Dematerialization: Art and Design in Latin America. U of California P, 2020.

    Over the course of little more than a decade, from the late 1950s to the early 1970s, Latin American art experienced a wholesale transformation. As evidenced by the diverse group invited to participate in the Museum of Modern Art’s landmark 1970 survey exhibition Information (Marta Minujin, Carlos D’Alessio, Cildo Meirelles, Hélio Oiticia, and Artur Barrio, among others), Latin American artists increasingly challenged earlier neo-avant-gardist references such as Concrete, Informal, or Minimalist art, embarking instead on a process of homegrown conceptual and political radicalization. Argentine artist Roberto Jacoby—then a leading proponent of arte de los medios (media art) with Raúl Escari—succinctly describes the sentiment at the time, reflecting on how he and his fellow artists around Buenos Aires’s trend-setting Instituto Di Tella art school

    entered a crazy race which, in just a few years, brought plastic artists to move from the bidimensional space of the painting to the object, in its multiple variants, and from there to concept-based works, to messages that reflect on themselves, and on to the dissolution of the very idea of work and its extension to the transformations operated by the mass communication media as well as to the framings of their context and to signposting social life, etc. All these approaches removed painters from their relationships with traditional materials, and brought them to reflect on their positions vis-à-vis the cultural institutions of the bourgeoisie, on the possibilities of carrying out a transformative practice, and on the best ways of taking it forward: the avant-garde became politicized.(qtd. in Longoni and Mestman 58; my translation)

    Writing in 1966 on Hélio Oiticica’s early “ambientations,” Brazilian critic Mário Pedrosa notes that this new cycle is “no longer purely artistic but cultural”; instead of the isolated, self-referential work, “what is dominant is the perceptive-sensory ensemble.” He speculates that this shift might also herald a broader turn towards an altogether new social and political role for the aesthetic, one he tentatively proposes to call “postmodern art” (Pedrosa 205).

    Recent art-historical scholarship and curatorial proposals reflect a re-ignited interest in Latin American late modernism, exemplified by recent shows such as the Hammer Museum’s 2019 Radical Women: Latin American Art, 1960–1985 and the Migros Museum’s 2016–2017 Resistance Performed: Aesthetic Strategies Under Repressive Regimes in Latin America. In her in-depth study of the period, Karen Benezra argues that scholars and curators have too rapidly glossed over the years separating the conceptualist moment from a fully-fledged “political art” that began with the landmark 1968 Tucumán Arde (Tucumán Is Burning) in Argentina or the ground-breaking 1970 Brazilian show Do Corpo à Terra (From Body to Ground, curated by Frederico Morais, who coined the concept of guerrilla art in the same year). On today’s global museum circuit, Benezra suggests, “Latin American modernism” is coded as always already incipient political intervention, something other than purely art in a way that “implies its fusion with life within the closed historical horizon of the short twentieth century” (166). By contrast, Benezra refuses to take the dissolution of the work-as-object—and its gradual replacement by self-reflexive stagings of artistic practice (in its double relationship with the art system and everyday social life)—as an interstitial moment en route to an avowedly political art practice. Instead, her book zeroes in on the moment of dematerialization itself. Rather than using the term in a descriptive and historicizing sense, Benezra endows dematerialization with conceptual and analytical valences, allowing us “to reconsider the relationship between antiformalist art and sociopolitical transformation” (2). She argues that, insofar as “the ‘material’ at stake in art and design’s dematerialization is not only that of the physical, tangible object, but also the objective, historical specificity of the intertwined logic and ideology that produce and reproduce social relations” (4), dematerialization can serve as “a certain kind of operational self-reflexivity” (167) present both in artistic practice and in the critical reflection that responds to it (and which becomes increasingly enmeshed with and indistinguishable from that artistic practice as it becomes more “dematerialized”). In current American artistic and art-historical circles, dematerialization is deployed as a means to an end, a way of naming the move away from the self-enclosed “work” and towards open-ended, propositional “practices”; Benezra cites Lucy Lippard’s landmark 1968 essay “The Dematerialization of Art” as a key example. But in the usage of Latin American artist-intellectuals—such as the Argentine psychoanalyst and semiotician Oscar Masotta or his compatriot, the designer, painter, and theoretician Tomás Maldonado (the subjects of chapters 1 and 4, respectively)—the term comes to stand for art’s problematic relation to social totality. Art can neither claim autonomy (in terms of its regime of production and circulation) from this whole, nor can it blend immediately into it as yet another instance of “resistance performed” (to quote the title of the Migros Museum’s recent retrospective).

    Her book’s subtitle is something of a misnomer; in truth, and contrary to what we might expect, Benezra’s study is not a survey of art and design in Latin America, or even of the relations between the two. Rather, it offers a series of punctual engagements with key instances of critical self-reflexivity on the part of selected artists and writers, all of whom are situated on the uncertain boundary between artistic practice, politics, and theory. Chapter 1 charts the work of Oscar Masotta, in particular his book-length essay El “pop-art” (1967) and its shorter sequel, “Después del pop: nosotros desmaterializamos” (“After Pop: We Dematerialize”), collected in Conciencia y estructura (Consciousness and Structure, 1968). Benezra discusses Masotta’s production of “anti-happenings,” including El helicóptero (The Helicopter, 1966), a parallel staging of different events under the same name that drew attention to the regime of producing representations and its structuring ideological matrices as audience members discussed and disputed their experiences. She also considers El mensaje fantasma (Phantom Message, 1966), which set up a feedback loop between a street poster and a TV ad in a kind of mass-medial Moebius strip. Both actions resonate strongly with Grupo Arte de los Medios’s conceptualization of media art, particularly their seminal non-event Happening para un jabalí difunto (Happening for a Dead Boar), produced the same year.

    Chapter 2 leaps to the opposite end of the subcontinent and Mexican poet-philosopher Octavio Paz’s series of engagements with the work of Marcel Duchamp. Benezra asserts that Paz’s engagements “articulate a theory of art after modernism and a theory of communality or social being after modernity” as well as offering “a theory of art’s dematerialization” (65). Rather than as shock-like ruptures of medial circuits that could produce critical and consciousness-raising effects, as for Masotta and the Arte de los Medios group, Paz

    tends to view non-object-based works like happenings as immediately ritualistic and communitarian in nature in that they have left behind both the modernist emphasis on the hand of the artist and the self-critical mythological symbolism that he imputes to [Duchamp’s] The Bride. (97)

    “Dematerialization,” in the Mexican poet’s hands, comes to underwrite a “peculiarly postmodern Romanticism” (79). In Chapter 3, we are taken to the opposite end of the Mexican cultural spectrum for a discussion of the loosely interconnected artistic collectives known as Los Grupos (The Groups). Through the 1960s and 1970s, they advanced “the collectivization of artistic practice” as a way of making “the crisis of art’s social authority” conversant with “the social form of labor” and its transformations in the advent of neoliberal modernization (104–5). Benezra references the work of artist-theoreticians Alberto Híjar Serrano and Felipe Ehrenberg, specifically the latter’s 1970 London show Seventh Day Chicken.

    Chapter 4 pivots from artistic practices to industrial design, focusing on Gui Bonsiepe, German designer and disciple of Maldonado at the Ulm School of Design (Hochschule für Gestaltung, HfG). Benezra considers his role in the short-lived Chilean Cybersyn project: the computational planning of socialized industrial production under Salvador Allende’s Unión Popular government. Bonsiepe’s retro-futuristic Operations Room—with its Star Trek-like swirling chairs and datafeed screens—provides the central nexus for a sweeping reading of the HfG Ulm’s controversies on functionalism, of the politics of cybermanagement in its complex and ambivalent relation to Chilean domestic politics, and of global political and socio-economic constellations during the final years of crisis of the post-WWII welfare state.

    Benezra’s criteria for selecting this corpus over others are not always clear, and the absence of any substantial discussion of Brazilian post-Concretist art is somewhat mystifying. Yet her in-depth engagement with Masotta, Paz, Híjar, Ehrenberg and Bonsiepe—not just as producers of artworks but as authors of art and design theory and criticism—offers an important corrective to art history’s common approach to the Global South as a provider of aesthetic “raw material” to be processed and refined by Northern metropolitan curation. The downside of giving over large parts of the book to the artists’ and theorists’ critical writings on dematerialization (as opposed to the artworks themselves) is that the feedback loops between ‘art theory’ and ‘practice’ they set in motion remain at times more abstractly implied than concretely illustrated. The chapter on Masotta, for instance, would have benefited from a more extensive discussion of the Grupo Arte de los Medios and of the trajectory of Jacoby in particular; Jacoby’s subsequent interaction with the Rosario-based group around Graciela Carnevale and Juan Pablo Renzi produced the legendary Ciclo de Arte Experimental and ultimately the counter-informational circuit of Tucumán Arde. This context would have added depth to the discussion of Masotta’s work.

    Benezra argues that Masotta’s writings on art occupy a crossroads where “the theoretical and practical imply each other and become legible together” (36). This claim could be extended to the other authors under study, and in fact constitutes one of the main tenets of her analysis as a whole. For Masotta, the artwork itself is already conceptually productive in its own right “at the disjunctive point between consciousness and structure” (31). In a detailed archaeology of its successive iterations, Benezra shows that Masotta’s notion of dematerialization—“as an interrogation into the logic or structuration of structure as such” (36)—comes into being in response to the controversy around the 1964 Di Tella prize. International jurors Clement Greenberg and Pierre Restany presented rival accounts of modernist art, the former praising abstract expressionism and the latter advocating for an object-based new materialism. In contrast, Masotta’s preference for pop must be read as “a metacritical polemic” (40) that seeks out the real as a structuring absence in the symbolic codes of mass culture that pop art brings into relief. Pop art “both describes and performs the experience of apperception” of the code (47), which the ideological work of mass-cultural apparatuses renders otherwise inaccessible. Thus, Benezra concludes,

    Masotta’s proposal for art’s dematerialization addresses the genesis of structure on two levels: both as a philosophical problem for materialism and as practical artistic response to the historical novelty of a society formally subsumed under the mass media. (47)

    Conversely, for Tomás Maldonado (in his almost simultaneous polemic with Max Bill over the transformative properties of functionalist design), dematerialization names a critical inflection; the earlier trust in design’s capacity to supersede the consumer object’s (mis)appropriation of use value gives way to an idea that style exceeds (social) function, at the same time pointing to the transformative potential latent in the design object’s own formal excess. During Maldonado’s time at the Ulm School of Design, and prior to its closure in 1968, the school’s focus gradually passed from the material object to the machinic patterns and cybernetic management of its production, into which “design planning” would intervene in an attempt at “expanding the field of applications for industrial design from household consumer objects to technological and information systems” (140). Bonsiepe attempted to bring this notion of design planning to the project of rationalized industrial production (itself cybernetic) under the umbrella of the Chilean Social Property Area, aiming to “find a new social outlet for the spiritual significance of form”: “the implementation of design planning in the Third World would transcend the rationalist impetus for modernization that had motivated the previous generation and transform it into a tool of social emancipation” (142). Benezra reads the ambivalent role of “stylistic excess” (147) in Bonsiepe’s Operations Room as at once standing in for and exposing the absence of technological infrastructure that would have enabled the project to make good on its promises. The example is fascinating insofar as she is able to show, through close analysis of its design operations, how “Cybersyn reveals the historical context and limitations of both the Popular Unity’s accelerationism and the utopian underpinnings of the HfG Ulm’s embrace of technique” (148). On Benezra’s reading, dematerialization becomes a methodology for investigating late-modernist Latin American art and design’s proleptic or anticipatory capacity: the ways in which it exposed and forecast an epochal transformation in social regimes of production that were only beginning to take hold at the time.

    Jens Andermann teaches at NYU and is an editor of the Journal of Latin American Cultural Studies. He is the author of Tierras en trance: arte y naturaleza después del paisaje (2018, forthcoming in English from Northwestern), New Argentine Cinema (2011), The Optic of the State. Visuality and Power in Argentina and Brazil (2007), and Mapas de poder: una arqueología literaria del espacio argentino (2000). His current work explores unspecific aesthetics as modes of survival in the inmundo, or earthwide precarity.

    Works Cited

    • Longoni, Ana and Mariano Mestman, eds. Del Di Tella a “Tucumán Arde”: Vanguardia artística y política en el 68 argentino. Eudeba, 2008.
    • Pedrosa, Mário. “Arte ambiental, arte pós-moderna, Hélio Oiticia.” (1966) Dos Murais de Portinari aos Espaços de Brasília. Perspectiva, 1980.
  • Afterword: Across Difference, Toward Freedom

    Keguro Macharia (bio)

    Invitation

    I was delighted when SA Smythe invited me to write this Afterword. It extended an earlier invitation issued in 2018 to participate in a symposium, “Troubling the Grounds: Global Figurations of Blackness, Nativism, and Indigeneity,” held in May 2019. My response to Dr. Smythe was short: “My mother has cancer—not a secret—and I’m her primary caregiver. I’m unable to travel out of the country.” It was more curt than I’d have liked; the schedule of doctor’s visits and regular tests and intermittent hospitalizations and homecare left me too exhausted to think with others, even too exhausted to write more elegant emails. Some tethers are more weighted than others. I am so grateful that the invitation remained open, and returned, and that I could accept it this time.

    This invitation arrived during a global pandemic, at a time of unrelenting grief and exhausting carework, a time of compounding losses and inventive mutual aid. A time when those vulnerable to premature death have been made even more vulnerable, while others have been made newly vulnerable. A time when thinking and writing have felt clotted: urgent in the face of ongoing devastation and impeded by the halting rhythms of fear and mourning. Time has felt interrupted and unending, labyrinthine and borrowed. We—I?—have struggled to document what it feels like to try to live now, and wondered what forms of analyses and invention can suffice to name our present.1 We—I?—have wondered if all writing is useless unless eulogy and obituary, and know that, in some way, every piece of writing is infused with the sound and feeling of loss.

    Interruption and truncation have become rhythms of living and thinking, ways of marking the impossibility of time. Rest in Peace (RIP) and pole saturate the air:2 grief thickens, as does rage. And these mark the sayable—often choked out, always necessary, especially when survival and freedom are at stake, and especially when survival and freedom are framed as antagonists by those who want our survival, but not our freedom. I am not trying to be abstract—it is simply that geohistories stack against each other, and over and over we tell each other that India feels like Kenya feels like South Africa feels like Canada feels like England feels like the U.S. feels like Uganda feels like . . . : minoritized lives are at stake; minoritized lives are considered disposable; and minoritized lives are further minoritized by state neglect and abandonment. Everything is not everything—sometimes, it feels like it is.

    And still, there is invitation: to think with and along, to imagine from where we are toward freedom, to see with clarity all the ways we are assembled as the undone and the unmade and to know with certainty all the ways we make ourselves possible as we pursue freedom. I can do no better than to echo and amplify the invitation that was extended to me. I invite you to read and reread the assembled writing, as I have also been invited to read and reread, to learn and to imagine toward freedom.

    Geohistories

    I am writing from Nairobi, Kenya. The name Nairobi is derived from the Maasai phrase Enkare Nyrobi—place of the cool waters. A wandering nation, a nation of people who pursue life on the move—contact, pleasure, trade, food, adventure—the Maasai model ways to think about ancestral naming that do not privilege ownership. Not “I name this and so it belongs to me,” but “I passed here, noticed my experience of it, named that experience, and in that naming created dreams that might shape how others experience it.” Against the press of dangerous, ongoing ethnonationalisms in Kenya, where certain ethnic groups claim specific lands and attempt to expel others from those lands, I have been trying to imagine relations to place and space that are not based on exclusionary ownership. It might be that some names invite us to share experiences—a club named bliss, a bar named happy, a mountain named cold, a food named delicious—and that place is an invitation, not a boundary.

    Geohistories: Where we call from and are called to assemble so that we may think together, dream together, imagine freedom together, practice freedom together.

    From this particular geohistory, the term “indigenous” resonates differently. The history of what was first named part of British East Africa in the 1890s and then Kenya in 1920 is often taught as a history of migration by diverse people into this region. When they arrived—from western Africa or northern Africa or central Africa or southern Africa or from the Indian Ocean coast—they mixed in a range of ways, sharing some resources and fighting over others, trading with and raiding from each other. They borrowed names and rituals, ways of living and loving, forms of being legible and gendered. Perhaps I am being romantic about this. Yet Kenya’s historians teach us that what we now know as fixed ethnic groups with discrete characteristics took shape during colonialism: laws restricted movement, insisting that particular people came from and inhabited certain areas. Groups were described as “agricultural” or “martial,” as “traders” or “nomads,” as “sedentary” or “mobile.” Colonial laws insisted on genealogy and identity: colonized Africans needed to carry identity cards that named an ethnicity, a bounded region named “origin,” a white employer’s name, and an African father’s name.3

    I am burying a story.

    Those who migrated to what became Kenya found other people living here: the Ogiek and the Sengwer, among others. The Maasai described some of these people as “Dorobo,” which means people without cattle, poor people. In the Coastal areas, the Somali named them “Boni,” which means people without possessions (Schmidt-Soltau 15).4 Difference precedes colonial naming, even as colonialism shadows what we know as knowledge, and it’s difficult to know how the Maasai and Somali intended these terms. It’s easy to hear contempt in what might simply be a way to describe difference. In the colonial languages we have inherited, members of these groups were called “hunters-gatherers”; contemporary official documents still use the term. This designation erases the ways in which these groups tended to and were tended by the lands they traversed, how they named place and space, formed maps of experience and intimacy.

    Those who moved to Kenya interacted with these indigenous groups. At a benign level, they exchanged goods and practices, and were intimate in a range of ways. Less benignly, some migrating groups dispossessed indigenous groups, snatching lands and other resources. There might have been attempts at ethnocide. During the colonial period (1895–1963) and post-independence (1963 to the present), successive governments continued to dispossess indigenous groups, primarily by evicting them from traditional forests they inhabited and tended. As elsewhere around the world, indigenous people in Kenya—and Africa—are subject to state violence.

    Per the 2005 Report of the African Commission’s Working Group of Experts on Indigenous Populations/Communities, the term “indigenous” is contested.5 All African people are indigenous to the continent, the Report specifies, but “African people have for centuries been migrating from various parts of the continent and there have been wars of conquest, which shaped the character of nationalities” (12). I appreciate the report’s attention to movement and experience, to an Africa of migrating people who lived with difference and conflict, war and conquest. Yet as the Report notes, those who moved found other people living where they settled, people who had relations to their spaces, including the Hadzabe in what is now northern Tanzania; the Batwa who live in the equatorial forests of Central Africa and the Great Lakes region; and the San of Southern Africa. I find useful this general description from the Report:

    To summarize briefly the overall characteristics of the groups identifying themselves as indigenous peoples: their cultures and ways of life differ considerably from the dominant society and their cultures are under threat, in some cases to the extent of extinction. A key characteristic for most of them is that the survival of their particular way of life depends on access and rights to their traditional land and the natural resources thereon. They suffer from discrimination as they are being regarded as less developed and less advanced than other more dominant sectors of society. They often live in inaccessible regions, often geographically isolated and suffer from various forms of marginalisation, both politically and socially. They are subject to domination and exploitation within national political and economic structures that are commonly designed to reflect the interests and activities of the national majority. This discrimination, domination and marginalisation violates their human rights as peoples/communities, threatens the continuation of their cultures and ways of life and prevents them from being able to genuinely participate in deciding on their own future and forms of development. (89)

    As might be expected in an official document from the African Union, terms such as “dominant society” and “national majority” obscure the role of the state in harming indigenous groups. Moreover, the human rights frame used to address ways in which these groups are minoritized relies on definitions of the human that must exclude these groups, given that rights discourses and practices are subtended by white supremacist definitions of those humans who are eligible for rights. And let me emphasize one final point: these groups have been victimized by extractive practices that steal and poison their lands, on the one hand, and by conservation practices that purport to save forests and other natural resources on the other.

    I am still trying to work the seam between indigenous and African, to trouble the idea of indigenous African by pointing out that it must hold at least two meanings: to name the rupture of colonial modernity that deracinates through slavery across all African oceans—the Atlantic, the Indian Ocean, the Mediterranean—and to name various groups whose practices of living and tending to the earth are disrupted by European colonialism and the extractive practices it bequeaths to Africa’s nation-states. Indigenous African sounds and means differently depending on who says it and where they say it from and what forms of relation they want to name and foster.

    In a remarkable conversation with Dionne Brand, Michi Saagiig Nishnaabeg writer, artist, and scholar Leanne Betasamosake Simpson provides a way to think about indigenous relations to land and the ongoing work of dispossession by the Canadian state. She states:

    Land is very important to Indigenous Peoples, but we think of land quite differently from the colonizers. For us, land is not an enclosure that is protected by a border. Land is not a natural resource to exploit. Land is not a commodity. It is a particular space full of relationality to which we form very deep attachments over very long periods of time. Nation-states need to remove Indigenous bodies from land in order to commodify land and exploit natural resources.

    Simpson’s thinking gives flesh to a common understanding in Kenya: indigenous communities tend forests and waterways, as they are also tended by those forests and waterways. Despite knowing this, the Kenyan state is determined to dispossess these communities. And it might be that the very idea of Kenya depends on dispossessing indigenous communities, repeating and extending the violence of dispossession through which Kenya came into being.

    Listening

    I am listening to and listening for.

    Listening to attempts to suspend those habits of interruption that would demand context and theory and justifications and persuasion and evaluation. It is difficult and necessary. Listening for attempts to catch those difficult registers, barely audible in the noise of the quotidian. It is ongoing training in working across difference. Listening for has no interest in mastering what is heard, nor in deferring ethical and moral questions. It knows that much is missed, but hopes that what is caught enables the shared work of pursuing freedom.

    Listening to and for.

    Drawing on the practices and histories of our ancestors and our interactions with the indigenous peoples of these lands, scholars within western hemispheric Black Studies continue to ask ourselves, how does black life fit into (or not) the histories and ongoing conquest and colonization of peoples and their homelands? (Sandra Harvey)

    Listening to and for.

    We cannot want witchcraft—even as we might want its heresy—and yet it remains, producing spectacular violence and spectacular objects that unsettle the social. And yet, there is something seductive about witchcraft, about the power it possesses and can transmit. This power is not just a discursive referent to things that have actual power. In this sense, witchcraft is not merely a critique of capitalism or of the particular workings of any given African nation state, but of sovereign power and those who wield it. (Alírio Karina)

    Listening to and for.

    What does it mean for African-descended and Indigenous communities to farm alongside one another in the urban Bay Area?

    . . .

    The vegetable beds tended by Sogorea Te’ Land Trust and Black Earth Farms offer an existing model of co-constituted, land-oriented care between Black and Native communities. This site of growth and abundance – fed by and illustrative of Black and Indigenous political imaginaries that diverge from the model of nation-making predicated on exploitation, dehumanization, and dispossession – pushes against prevailing white settler geographies that imagine African-descended and Indigenous peoples as placeless. (Sarah Fong)

    Listening to and for.

    Sonja Larson, Camari Serau, and Mere Tuilau are all born out of a Blackness whose lineages of resistance and liberation anchor and overlap in Papua. . . . This essay bears witness to the clarity and courage of Melanesian women and gender nonconforming people.

    Black is the color of solidarity. (Joy Enomoto)

    Listening to and for.

    My Central America is Caribbean. My Central America is a Caribbean Coast whose natural resources and peoples have and continue to be exploited by US imperialism. My Central America is Black, Black Indigenous to be exact, whose descendant’s survivors of the transatlantic slave trade and Carib-Arawak indigeneity on the Antillean island of St. Vincent and whose marronage and exile call Central America’s Caribbean Coast: home. To be Garifuna is to be Caribbean and Central American simultaneously. I am the grandchild of banana workers from Tela and Balfate, Honduras whose transmigrations to Harlem, New York, in 1964 was made possible by the political mobilization of Garveyism and whose parents met in Bedford-Stuyvesant, Brooklyn in 1982. My Black Central America is also New York City. (Paul Joseph Lopéz Oro)

    Listening to and for.

    In 2015, we began assembling a dialogue among Black identified scholars committed to research focusing on Black diasporan people about how Black Studies might approach Native and Indigenous Studies. (Chad Infante, Sandra Harvey, Kelly Limes Taylor, Tiffany King)

    Listening to and for.

    The recognition of genocide is caught in a double bind. Where acknowledgement of an ongoing genocidal process unfolds before a spectatorial international community, or where retrospective recognition is circumvented because of its political inconvenience and unsettling potential, inaction is tantamount to denial. But limiting our understanding of victimization by framing it according to the western episteme is also a kind of a denial. It renders and interprets history solely as an attempt to reassert the primacy of imperial humanity: the reinscription of the power to demarcate the killable from those who must not and should not be killed (and the mutable boundary between these non-discrete categories). Whether this is a product of our limited socio-political imagination or of the legal structure’s limited capacity for redress (and the destabilizing potential of reparations, particularly if recompense were to be defined by the harmed parties in question), it is certainly reflective of the pitfalls of endeavoring towards “the human.” (Zoé Samudzi)

    (At this point, every single part of me that has ever taught is telling me I have over-quoted and I need to summarize and synthesize so the reader can grasp my main point. I am still listening to and listening for.)

    For several years, Christina Sharpe has posted two or more images simultaneously with the tag, “Thinking Juxtapositionally.”6 From this practice, I have learned to ask what kind of thinking happens when synthesis is not the goal, when there is no single position to stage or oppose, when we are told to hold multiple things together. To be against synthesis? Yes, when such synthesis overlooks the textures of difference, misses the accents and demands of geohistories. Placed alongside, some things may desire contact, inch toward a seam, perhaps tight, perhaps gaping. Other things may desire touch but know that it cannot be sustained, and so they approach each other carefully. Longing is the name of the gap. And yet others fold into each other, forming a sharp crease—the join is visible, and difference remains. Freedom is a practice of and across difference. I will return to this.

    Difference & Freedom

    Freedom is a practice of difference.

    Increasingly, I am convinced that difference must subtend and sustain freedom dreams and practices, and that in starting with and staying with difference, those of us interested in pursuing and practicing freedom might avoid the disappointments that come with demands for unity. I am guided in this by Audre Lorde:

    Within the interdependence of mutual (nondominant) differences lies that security which enables us to descend into the chaos of knowledge and return with true visions of our future, along with the concomitant power to effect those changes which can bring that future into being. Difference is that raw and powerful connection from which our personal power is forged. (111–112)

    By way of closing, and by closing I mean to extend the invitation with which I started, let me return to thinking in this issue. Chad Infante writes, “The Black diaspora in the Americas need not claim indigenousness or nativeness to the Americas—or even to Africa for that matter—to make political and long-lasting connections with the Indigenous peoples of Africa or the Americas.” And I nod: freedom is a practice of difference. Tiffany Lethabo King writes, “I tend to find that much of the literature and critical theory in Black diasporan studies that addresses the Middle Passage and the enslavement of Black people lacks a robust grammar for talking about land. I think it is very difficult for descendants of the middle passage to have a discussion with Indigenous people in the Americas, Africa and across the globe about land.” And I nod, and I wonder what relations to earthliness might sustain engagement across difference. And perhaps the experience of space to which I gesture in the brief discussion of Maasai cosmologies is useful: not ownership, but an experience of place, an expectation of place. I garden—badly, amateurishly—and so I was drawn to Sarah Fong’s writing about how Black and Native communities farm alongside each other, tending the earth as it, in turn, tends them. What might it mean not simply to attend to each other, as is now common to say in an academic vernacular, but to tend to each other? To tend to each other in how we tend to the earth? How might grammars and practices of care and repair be central to inhabiting the seam of difference between and across Black and Native in shared quests for freedom?

    I am listening to and listening for the registers in which freedom is sought and practiced, across difference. And I am grateful for the care with which the contributors to this issue have listened to and listened for each other, across geohistories, daring to imagine that the difficult is not the impossible, and that we can imagine and tend a more shareable earth. We dream freedom as we practice it every day.

    Keguro Macharia

    Nairobi

    January 2021

    Keguro Macharia is from Nairobi, Kenya. Author of Frottage: Frictions of Intimacy across the Black Diaspora, Keguro blogs at gukira.wordpress.com.

    Footnotes

    1. Repetition has become one of those forms. I repeat myself constantly in this writing. It mirrors how often we now express condolences. It is deliberate.

    2. Pole is a Kenyan term to share grief. See Macharia, “Pole.”

    3. For more, see foundational works by Bethwell A. Ogot, A History of the Southern Luo (East African Publishing House, 1967) and Godfrey Muriuki, A History of the Kikuyu: 1500–1900 (Oxford UP, 1974).

    4. Also see http://www.ogiek.org.

    5. I dislike reading and citing from such reports very much—I use them to track official narratives by state and extra-state bodies.

    6. Much of this practice is archived on a tumblr space https://hystericalblackness.tumblr.com

    Works Cited

    • African Commission on Human and People’s Rights. Report of the African Commission’s Working Group of Experts on Indigenous Populations/Communities. Banjul, 2005.
    • Lorde, Audre. “The Master’s Tools Will Never Dismantle the Master’s House.” Sister Outsider: Essays and Speeches, Crossing P, 2007, pp. 110–114.
    • Macharia, Keguro. “Pole.” Popula, 20 Dec. 2018. https://popula.com/2018/12/20/pole/. Accessed 9 Jun. 2021.
    • Schmidt-Soltau, Kai. Indigenous Peoples Planning Framework for the Western Kenya Community Driven Development and Flood Mitigation Project and the Natural Resource Management Project.
    • Final Report, Republic of Kenya, Office of the President & Ministry of Water and Irrigation & Ministry of Environment and Natural Resources, Dec. 2006. https://documents1-worldbank-org.ezproxy.library.uvic.ca/curated/en/117131468091477136/pdf/IPP199.pdf. Accessed 9 Jun. 2021.
    • Simpson, Leanne Betasamosake and Dionne Brand. “Temporary Spaces of Joy and Freedom: Leanne Betasamosake Simpson in conversation with Dionne Brand.” Literary Review of Canada, Jun. 2018. https://reviewcanada.ca/magazine/2018/06/temporary-spaces-of-joy-and-freedom/. Accessed 3 Jun. 2021.
  • Paradox of Recognition: Genocide and Colonialism

    Zoé Samudzi (bio)

    Abstract

    The recognition of and desire to prevent genocide are unquestionable social and political necessities. But despite genocide’s standardization and codification in international law, understandings and applications of its meaning are still contested. Using Germany’s response to the 1904–1908 Ovaherero and Nama genocide and Raphael Lemkin’s response to the Civil Rights Congress’s 1951 “We Charge Genocide” petition to the United Nations, this paper argues the necessary existence of an anti-Black exception to acknowledgements of genocide, yielding a paradox in our understandings of recognizing genocide that renders Black death necessary.

    I

    Paul Gilroy offers “paralyzing guilt” and “productive shame” as two approaches to state and community engagement after genocide (99). He confers upon shame positive political and psychological qualities, including the collective impulse to repair historical harm. Yet it is paralyzing guilt that compels Germany to commemorate in perpetuity the genocidal wrongdoings it perpetrated against German and European Jews in the Second World War to the preclusion of proper recognition of and restitution for other genocidal crimes for which it is responsible. The specter of the Nazism rightfully drives both national and continental commemorations of lives taken so that such horrors might not be repeated: “Never again, goes the maxim. The Nazi Holocaust provides the framework for the definition of genocide under international law. The 1951 United Nations Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide formalizes Raphael Lemkin’s definition of mass eliminatory murder first published in his 1944 landmark text, Axis Rule in Occupied Europe. The term combines the Greek génos (meaning “race” and denoting a group of people with a common origin or descent) with the Latin suffix –cide (meaning “killing”). Lemkin’s definition revolves fundamentally around colonialism, emerging from his study of the collective annihilation of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire and colonial projects in the Americas. The Convention posits a standard definition for prosecuting “acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group,” and its passage in 1951 formally criminalizes genocide while implicitly codifying who can and cannot be killed.

    In a recent iteration of the enduring debate about historiographic considerations of German genocide (i.e. whether Nazi genocide was a singular phenomenon as opposed to part of a historical arc or relational framework of German racial statecraft), historian Dirk Moses offers a provocation that analogizes dominant German memory culture as religious orthodoxy. This political catechism is governed, most critically, by the twinned ideas that, first, the uniqueness of the Nazi Holocaust arises from the hate-motivated desire to eliminate European Jewry: that “it was the unlimited Vernichtung der Juden (extermination of Jews),” which is distinct from the “limited and pragmatic aims of other genocides.”1 Second, the attempted racial annihilation driven purely by this antisemitic ideology thus represents a politically foundational “Zivilisationsbruch (civilizational rupture)” for which Germany has a responsibility to atone (Moses).

    In the case of the Ovaherero and Nama genocide during and after the 1904–1908 Herero Wars in German South West Africa (present-day Namibia), inertia has forestalled productive shame or even the complete acknowledgement of violence. We may understand the roots of this denialism—the relative lack of public recognition and acknowledgement in Germany and around the world—as a coupling of anti-blackness with a hesitation to frame the processual and destructive violence of coloniality as genocidal. To recognize it as such would negate the dominant idea that collectivized punishment and community destruction are rare and preventable as opposed to a common aspect of colonial projects. Instead, genocide is understood as singularly event-based per jurisprudential precedents set by post-war prosecutions of Nazi perpetrators at Nuremberg. Culpability for genocide is also informed by the ideological genesis of property rights: a legal subjecthood centered on the singular citizen-subject. It is, therefore, part of the Eurocentric framing of genocide that responsibility for perpetrating acts of mass atrocity resides with guilty individuals and political regimes rather than with entire nation-states and the logics that animate and sustain them. The precedent set by Nuremberg adjudicates that “crimes against international law are committed by men, not by abstract entities, [and] ‘only by punishing individuals who commit such crimes can the provisions of international law be enforced’” (Nollkaemper 621). But in the wake of the Nuremberg and Tokyo trials, and in a jurisprudential moment shaped by subsequent ad hoc tribunals (e.g. the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda) and the creation of the International Criminal Court, new legal attention has been paid to hybridized individual-structural notion of responsibility where acknowledging state responsibility does not preclude that of the individual (Milanović 554; Gaeta 643). In asking about complicity, international law grapples with the question of whether the real agent of genocide is the state itself or those working on its behalf:

    What is the role of each? . . . There is no question that the state can act only through its agents. On the other hand, the agents, if acting within their powers, are acting only for and on behalf of the state. When genocide is committed, upon whom then must the curtain fall? Is the responsibility of one dependent on the other? (Asuncion 1218)

    Many of the machinations of the Nazi Holocaust were founded in Germany’s colonizing of South West Africa (Madley 430). Where genocidal antisemitism is an attempted extermination of European Jews following the molecularized distillation of Jewishness to an essential racial quality, Germany’s genocidal practices were first enacted outside of the European continent; necropolitical organizing forms in the metropole were first attempted in the colony, the “site where sovereignty consists fundamentally in the exercise of a power outside the law” (Mbembe 23). After all, Hitler “applied to Europe colonialist procedures which until then [had] been reserved exclusively for the Arabs of Algeria, the ‘coolies’ of India and the ‘niggers’ of Africa” (Césaire 36). Before the Nazi campaign embarked on its “struggle for space,” imperial Germany materialized its conquest of German South West Africa in similar ideological terms (Giaccaria and Minca 20). It strove to create an outpost in its southern African colony “that did not have to shy away from a comparison with the German homeland,” exporting the notion of Lebensraum that had captured the German geopolitical imagination to actualize it via a careful “‘scientific method’ in ‘indigenous policy’” (Zimmerer, “In Service of Empire” 69). While “scientific method” may be a metaphor for methodically crafted bureaucracy and policy directed toward the native inhabitants of this conquerable African land, it can also allude to the methodological crafting of spatial management administration: a part of what Bench Ansfield describes as “the spatial and bodily purification of blackness and the environmental conditions associated with this racial classification” (127). The logics for racial management in both German genocides are rooted in colonial claims to land-based sovereignty defined by bounded territorializations of identity. In considering these two genocides the results of that racial policy, it becomes unnecessary to assert singular causality (i.e. the Nazi Holocaust was motivated solely by antisemitic animus, though it was an overwhelming and significant motivation) or exceptionalism of either event (i.e. the unprecedentedness of Nazi antisemitism, German genocide, or Nazi race science). The varying contexts of genocidal crimes make all genocides unique, but the layered and processual governing logics of race-making co-constitute anti-Black and antisemitic racialization. The horrors enacted in German South West Africa provided the ideological and material scaffolding through which German statecraft unfolded itself in Europe in its management of populations perceived to present existential threats to German sovereignty. Rather than competition for primacy in historical memory, we can recognize how the genocide of the Ovaherero and Nama brought race war and mass extermination into the arsenal of future German necropolitical possibility and the state’s brutal attempt to resolve the ongoing “Jewish question” once and for all.2

    The social Darwinist paradigm of the time informed an organismic view of community interactions within nation-states rooted in the concept of purity. These ideas underpin Lebensraum, in which Raum (“room”) contours oppositional definitions of the self and the other within a regime of biologized state-making that is always already racialized (Heffernan 45). Skirmishes over land and resources were formalized into military strategies like the Herero Wars. General Lothar von Trotha’s declaration in October 1904 was decidedly genocidal; in threatening all Ovaherero peoples who did not cede their land with certain death, all indigenous people were transformed into enemy combatants by the mere nature of a blackness that presented an obstacle to German claims to land. War extracted indigenous Namibians, now enemies of the state, from German subjecthood and from any proximity to the realm of the human; “savage life [was] just another form of animal life,” and this animalization of native Africans through eugenicist racial science further nullified African land claims and social orders and enabled Europeans to impose their own notions of ownership and personhood/subjecthood (Mbembe 24; Nhemachena and Dhakwa 73–6).

    Von Trotha’s “race war” produced racialized and gendered geographies by coupling premeditated extermination with “cleansing” space through internment and labor/prison camp structures (Zimmerer, “The Model Colony” 51). The notion of Lebensraum (“living space”) is incomplete without a corresponding Entfernung (“removal”) in whatever manner the specific racialized nation-state project dictates. The shared logics of German racial production within both imperial and Nazi moments are striking. Rather than being unique to the Nazi regime, biologizations of citizenship and territorializations of a racialized nation-state identity are fundamental to the European liberal project that contoured relationships between the [unenslaveable] white European and the racialized and enslaveable non-European “Other.” The racial “Other” exists, foundationally, in a subjugated master/slave symbiosis with the dominating force of whiteness grounded in the social death of an African native recognized solely through its subordination by European coloniality. The natives were alienated and socially-dead persons whose own social orders were delegitimized (and eventually destabilized and destroyed), and so had “no socially recognized existence” outside of European subjecthood. This social death of the native—one rooted in eugenicist explanations of inferiority—justified segregation and a ban on racial mixing. The socially-dead person is a polluting person, and mixing would compromise racial purity (Patterson 322).

    Since Namibian independence in 1990, the question of reparations has been actively engaged by survivor communities, complicated by the fact that all the perpetrators have long since passed away (Sprenger et al. 132). In 2017, an American federal court heard the first arguments of the descendants of surviving Ovaherero and Nama peoples in a class action lawsuit brought against the German government. A previous suit was filed in 2001; the Herero People’s Reparations Corporation made an unsuccessful legal claim, which nevertheless widened the forum of public debate about Germany’s obligations for victims of its colonial past. Though the Minister for Economic Development and Cooperation stated in 2004 that the nation accepted its “historical and moral responsibility,” Germany has also stated publicly that any court settlement would not include reparations to the communities of survivors even if Namibians were successful in their legal claims. The longstanding line taken by the German state is that only historical events committed after 1951—when the convention went into effect—can be classified as genocide. Yet in 2016 the German Bundestag passed a resolution describing the Ottoman massacre of Armenians (in which Germany was complicit) as a genocide, even jeopardizing diplomatic relations with Turkey in doing so. In May 2021, the German government announced it would officially recognize the atrocities committed in Namibia as genocide. The German government additionally but separately pledged €1.1 billion (USD $1.3 million) towards existing Namibian development programs to be disbursed over the next thirty years, but has been adamant that this payment should not be understood as reparations for fear that a successful reparations claim would set a precedent for similar demands by other formerly colonized peoples (Oltermann “Germany Agrees to Pay”). Ovaherero and Nama communities and leaders were insulted by the diplomatic gesture: not only were negotiations conducted in their absence (the deal is a bilateral agreement between the German and Namibian governments), but it is unclear whether any of the pledged aid will be allocated to them. Part of Germany’s justification for refusing reparations is the unprecedentedness of restitution being paid more than a century after the event, yet how is it possible to atone for a genocide without pointedly addressing the demands and/or material conditions of affected communities?

    The 2017 lawsuit involved Germany’s claim to sovereign immunity, which the Ovaherero and Nama delegation contested (as plaintiffs). In appellate court following the original filing, the delegation argued that the human remains included in the sale of Felix von Luschann’s teaching collection to the American Museum of Natural History (AMNH) constituted commercial rather than sovereign activity, because “Germany packaged, shipped, traded, and trafficked its genocide victims to New York in 1924, within a ‘[p]urchase’” and that “the skulls were ‘[r]eceived [f]rom’: the ‘Museum für Völkerkunde, Berlin, Germany,’ the Museum of Ethnology, a German agency and instrumentality” (Plaintiffs-Appellants’, Rukoro). The international nature of the acquisition, transfer, and sale of the remains underscores the internationalism of geographies of domination, which are “conceptually and materially bound up with racial . . . displacement and the knowledge-power of a unitary vantage point” (McKittrick xvi). Despite having previously acknowledged responsibility for these colonial acts of violence, Germany’s legal rebuttal describes the “alleged. . . genocide of Ovaherero and Nama civilians and unlawful taking of their property in violation of international law in 1884–1915 in Hereroland and Great Namaqualand, sovereign polities now part of the Republic of Namibia” (Brief for Defendant, Rukoro; emphasis added). But while genocide was not specifically a crime until its formalization in the Convention, international customary law nevertheless criminalized “wars of extermination and annihilation against peoples and tribes capable of life and culture” (Plaintiffs-Appellants’, Rukoro). The plaintiff brief goes on to state:

    Germany’s logic was that, as the Ovaherero and Nama faced extinction by genocide, samples of these two peoples must be preserved for science and posterity. These takings were thus the souveniring of genocide and so a continuation of the same, which makes the AMNH as much a locus of Germany’s crime as [the] Shark Island [concentration camp] itself.3 [The nature of the taking of human remains] is also reflected by its methods; here, for example, forcing women prisoners to remove the flesh from boiled heads of their own kin. . . . Germany sought to cause maximal loss, extract all profit from its slaves (down to their skulls), and reinforce white supremacy through dehumanization. By taking these skulls, Germany’s message was not only that Herero and Nama lives did not matter, but that they were not really human lives at all. (Plaintiffs-Appellants’, Rukoro; emphasis added)

    The lawsuit came to a close in 2020 when the United States Court of Appeals for the 2nd Circuit dismissed the Ovaherero and Nama delegation’s appeal, affirming the reality and legitimacy of claims of genocide but finding the “plaintiffs’ allegations insufficient to trace the proceeds from property expropriated more than a century ago to present‐day property owned by Germany in New York” (Ruling on Appeal, Rukoro).

    In returning to the idea that the definition of “genocide” effectively codifies who can and who cannot be killed, it is imperative to understand that the application of this international law is constrained by the ideology of the global political system that constructs it. Central to European subjecthood is the idea of property rights and individualism: a racialized regime of ownership that renders some citizens, and others property (Bhandar 3–7). Per Walter D. Mignolo, “the concepts of ‘man’ and ‘human’ went hand in hand with the emergence of the concept of ‘rights,’” imagined in service of the construction of a colonial world, and so were inextricably linked to state/nationhood (“Who” 7–8). “Human rights law . . . aspires to name, define, call into being, [and] redeem the human” through the transformation of what should be some innate or inalienable condition to a legally informed social-political status, or what Esmeir names “juridical humanity” (1544). The codification of humanity established by human rights conventions is an institutionalization of racial hierarchies and a “narrative privileging of white life/death as the instance through which other peoples’ encounters with Western modernity’s logics of racial extermination/terror…are to be apprehended, calibrated, and conceptually qualified” (Rodriguez 20). Discussions of African genocide in relation to colonial violence become paradoxical because “the African anthropos who exist (not live) in the zone of nonbeing cannot suffer human rights abuses when they are in fact regarded as ‘non humans’. Non-humans cannot suffer human rights abuses” (Benyera et al. 190). Foucault usefully shows that the emergent biopolitical regime equates corporal punishment with a political anatomy: the body is understood as a malleable and manipulatable “docile body” that can be maximized and transformed and treated as a means of social and economic production through racial capitalist systems of enslavement (135). He also describes a modern disciplinary regime inextricably linked to medicalization, demonstrating the emergence of the panopticon from strategies of medical containment during the bubonic plague (195). But he notably fails to account for the centrality of colonization and racialization in this genealogy of Man4: he does not connect racial production in the colonial elsewhere to the violence within and by the modern European state, yet this violence animates what Frantz Fanon describes as the “epidermalization of inferiority” (xv), and inscribes the schema of anti-Blackness upon the bodies of people racialized as Black. Race-making is a part of a sociogenic5 process through which racialization acts as a “biocultural stigmatic apparatus,” where desires for dominance are justified through scientific articulations and “assemblages of human flesh that invest human phenomenology with an aura of extrahuman physiology” (Weheliye 51). The scientific logics that justify race, equivalent to biological life itself, become “a master code within the genre of the human represented by western Man,” yoked to “species-sustaining physiological mechanisms in the form of a global color line” (Weheliye 27). There is no a priori or autopoietic6 existence for blackness within the realm of humanity: the “human” emerges only through material articulations constructed and propagated by sovereign and other powerful entities able to project their own notion of the “human” and of the “self.”

    In considering these non-recognitions or even articulated recognitions that attempt to minimize or circumvent responsibility for harm,7 we find that denial acts not simply as a refusal to acknowledge an event, but also in the truncation of the event’s historicization (Moses, “Conceptual Blockages” 9, 12). This form of denial coheres around discursive attempts to put forth a particular kind of legitimate claim to victimhood ultimately rooted in anti-blackness. The Nazi Holocaust was not simply an event carried out by a fascist regime whose genocidal actions were mobilized solely by a contempt for European Jews.8 The exterminatory process, rather, was part of a trajectory of German coloniality multiply marked by social Darwinist attempts to “purify” its population and its claimed territory.9 Germany’s failure to confront its colonial conquests in Africa, and therefore to contextualize the Holocaust and German antisemitism within this trajectory of racial citizenship, amounts to a kind of genocide denialism.

    II

    What exactly does it mean to attempt to recognize a genocide? Is recognition the ultimate practice of empathy, of seeing the humanity of an oppressed and long-suffering people and responding in kind? In a world where our own subjectivity is defined by hierarchal relations—a defining of the self through “Others”—we are individually and collectively able to overcome urgent self-fashioning as dominant in order to truly feel with others. The actualization of empathy demands an equal capacity to humanize, and our performances of empathy through imagined embodiment deny the reality of a moral-material world defined and ordered by those understood to be “fully” human against those for whom full humanity is foreclosed. This reality produces legibility, using testimony via the model of recognition to produce a subject deserving of acknowledgement and maybe even restitution. Ultimately, this so-called empathy demands assimilation into a framework of sameness: one that enables a relation through similarity (or hypothetical similarity) to some fully humanized self. It is a perverse ubuntu, a colonial seeing/locating/understanding of the self through others. Recognition by the western episteme is positioned as universal because western-ness is exported as universal. The “human” emerges only through articulations and “enunciations” of humanness constructed and propagated by those with the power to project and impose their own selves onto a universally accepted notion of what is human (Mignolo, “Sylvia Wynter” 108–9).

    The commonly-held framework for defining and understanding genocide—both popularly and within international law—describes the act as a “predictable but not inexorable” singular event. But rarely does the idea of culpability or prosecutability for the act of genocide intersect with the fact that the destruction of an indigenous population (whether through forcible assimilation, ethnic cleansing, violent depopulation and killing, or some combination of acts) is by definition part of establishing and maintaining settler states (Wolfe 388). The understanding of genocide as an anomalous, aberrational, and avoidable act forecloses understandings of the ways in which coloniality and state domination require the management and/or destruction of populations (whether through killings or forced assimilation) as a part of the articulation of a state apparatus and its (biologized) definitions of citizenship and belonging. To recognize is to acknowledge the validity, legitimacy, and legibility of a thing; to bring it into the fold of experience and understanding so that it too can become universal (no matter the particular trajectory or consequences of the event). Inherent in the politics of genocide recognition is some ushering into whiteness: the affirmation of genocide is, functionally, an extension of and assimilation into humanity through a frame of uniqueness. The existent discourse of recognition as legibility—as making genocidal process clear enough to morally and ethically grasp and enclose —is antithetical to a Glissantian embrace of difference, which engenders solidarity in opacity as opposed to translation, transmutation, and ordering into hierarchy (Glissant 191, 193–94). To recognize a genocide is not to humanize in any altruistic sense, but to dictate that the goal of any indigenous community is to become assimilated into the anthropocentric project of Man as “human,” as opposed to attaining a recognition that strengthens their own sovereign claims and/or begins to attempt to offer whatever kind of restitution might compensate for the human capital lost to genocide.

    The Ovaherero and Nama genocide is unique in its firstness: historians largely agree it is the first genocide of the 20th century. But even this uniqueness or firstness is insufficient to unsettle the foundational nature of indigenous African genocide on the continent (including the transatlantic trafficking and trade in enslaved indigenous African peoples foundational to modernity itself). How can a necessary death constitute an acute crisis of recognition? The Black/Afro-diasporic/African subject suffers the “ontological ‘flaw’” of non-being that bars entry into any dialectic in which it could be recognized as “human” (Ciccariello-Maher 55). The Hegelian dialectic presumes a reciprocity and universality in recognition, and only nurtures the ontological inferiority of the Black/African subject by continually forcing them to self-define through a discursive framework of domination within which it has no epistemic authority. Blackness exists within the sub-ontological realm where being human is impossible to claim. Attempting to recognize the subject—and to understand the trajectory from full indigenous personhood and sovereignty to “native” colonial subject to post-genocide indigenous subject within a postcolonial “native”-ruled nation-state—means we must refuse this presumed universality and an Africanness (as opposed to blackness) that exists solely in its relationship to European coloniality.10

    It’s useful here to examine the response to the Civil Rights Congress (CRC) petition presented to the United Nations meeting in Paris at the end of 1951. In We Charge Genocide: The Crime of Government Against the Negro People, the CRC and its signatories “charge their own government with mass murder of its own nationals, with institutionalized oppression and persistent slaughter of Negro people in the United States on a basis of ‘race,’ a crime abhorred by mankind and prohibited by the conscience of the world” and indeed criminalized by the Genocide Convention (3). There are two main arguments for this charge of genocide. The first is “killing members of the group,” a violation of Article II of the Genocide Convention. As evidence, the CRC offers “killings by police, killings by incited gangs, killings at night by masked men, killings always on the basis of ‘race,’ [and] killings by the Ku Klux Klan,” despite the universal citizenship that ought to have been afforded by the constitution (4). The second is economic genocide or, per the Genocide Convention’s language, “deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its destruction in whole or in part.” The petition outlined the creation and maintenance of conditions so egregious that the “American Negro is deprived, when compared with the remainder of the population of the United States, of eight years of life on the average.” It described how the violence of the transatlantic slave trade and the indignity of the Southern planation system begot exploitative sharecropping, while Jim Crow segregation forced Black Americans into “city ghettos or their rural equivalents” and “filthy, disease-bearing housing, and deprived [them] by law of adequate medical care and education.” These combined acts of violence are made possible by the “emasculation of democracy,” the structural prevention of Black Americans from voting and organizing, and by “dividing [of] the whole American people, emasculating mass movements for democracy and securing the grip of predatory reaction on the federal, state, county and city governments” (CRC 4–6).

    The CRC’s petition was a seminal articulation of the Black freedom movement’s use of the then-new anti-genocide norm,11 and serves as a useful example of the ontological and analytical limitations of the international definition of genocide (Solomon 130–31). Crucially, the petition used the criminalization of genocide—a crime targeting individuals and communities explicitly because of their group membership—to contest the maintenance of racial hierarchies: “accusations of genocide reprised a vocabulary designed to challenge the suppression and destruction of minority life,” which of course presented the particular concern “that an international law against genocide would challenge existing state and nonstate practices designed to maintain white supremacy” (Meiches 23). The petition also had disconcerting international implications (disconcerting to hegemonic powers, at least) because it offered the possibility that the Genocide Convention could contest racial discrimination internationally, a frame articulated by the petition’s “solemn warn[ing] that a nation which practices genocide against its own nationals may not long be deterred, it has the power, from genocide elsewhere” (CRC 7). The invoked Du Boisian “problem of the color line” was politicized in such a way that it “link[ed] the racial terror of the lynch mob directly to more organized campaigns of colonial warfare”; a critique of imperialism is conspicuously absent from the United Nations’ 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights (Meiches 24).12

    Unsurprisingly, the petition was poorly received in the United States, but the most notable rejection of its legitimacy came from Lemkin himself. In a 1953 letter to the editor of the New York Times, Lemkin re-emphasized the rarity and socio-political magnitude of genocide, describing not only the tens of millions of lives lost in the 20th century, but also the gravity and necessity of the “serious mental harm” provisions of the Genocide Convention. Characterizing the petitioners as “opponents of the Genocide Convention” (rather than individuals seeking to broaden its scope beyond its original intent), Lemkin questioned whether “one can be guilty of genocide when one frightens a Negro”; “fear alone cannot be considered as serious mental harm,” and the acts of intimidation are not “directed against the [entire] Negro population of the country” (“Nature of Genocide”). In response to Lemkin’s op-ed, Oakley C. Johnson, social activist and member of the Communist Party of America, wrote that his characterization of “fright” is insufficient to describe actions intended to incite race hate, terrorize an entire racial group, and maintain the existence of anti-Black racial hierarchies (Elder 42). Lemkin concluded that the conflation of genocide with the injustice of discrimination besmirches “the good name of some democratic societies which might be unjustly slandered for genocide” (“Nature of Genocide”).

    We can understand Lemkin’s trivializing response to the petition primarily through a prevailing anti-blackness, consistent with his writings about the Ovaherero and Nama genocide. While colonialism was foundational to his theorizations of genocide, his writings on African colonization contain substantial contradictions that undermine his ideas. Writing about the genocidal violence against the Ovaherero, Lemkin attributed state cruelty to Germany’s improper practice of colonial rule; the British system of “indirect rule,” which allowed for indigenous cultural maintenance and complementary administration, would have been more suitable and humane. In line with other historiographic theses that emphasize exceptional German cruelty, brutal suppressions of Ovaherero rebellions were understood as a result of “Prussian militarism,” which actually overstates the function and efficiency of the imperial German administration prior to the 1904 war (Schaller 89). While Lemkin does not retroactively apply his neologism “genocide” to the Ovaherero context, his description of the Herero Wars would undoubtedly have fit his own criteria.13 Yet his analysis of the violence does not hold European colonialism sufficiently responsible for the production of genocide-making/justifying epistemes and practices. Further, he perpetuated the racist myth that the Ovaherero were committing “race suicide,” a popular theory promoted by Willem Petrus Steenkamp who claimed the Ovaherero “could not reconcile themselves to the idea of subjection to Germany and thus loss of independence” and so, “having nothing left to exist for as a nation,” proceeded to commit “national suicide” (qtd. in Schaller 90). Lemkin believed (and wrote) that Ovaherero women and men alike consumed a particularly strong beer called Kari —“the drink of death” —that “had a most weakening and exhausting effect on their [re]productive powers” (qtd. in Schaller 90). This theory was forwarded to hold the Ovaherero people, especially women, responsible for their declining birthrates rather than the genocidal conditions imposed by imperial Germany. With regards to the petition, Cold War-era McCarthyism was also a means of discrediting the CRC’s claims. Lemkin often discussed the “Russian practice of genocide” saying that antisemitic propaganda under Stalin “matched the efforts of Streicher and Goebbels”; he asserted that Paul Robeson and William L. Patterson, prominent African-American communists and signatories of the petition, were “falsely accusing the United States of genocide to divert UN attention from true genocidal crimes being committed against Soviet-dominated people” (“UN Asked”; Weiss-Wendt 108–9). Lemkin’s understanding of genocide complemented the Nuremberg precedent, set just a few years before: genocide was not to be understood as a long-existing structural phenomenon, but rather as an acute flare-up of violence perpetrated by a prosecutable group of people.

    The recognition of genocide is caught in a double bind. Where acknowledgement of an ongoing genocidal process unfolds before a spectatorial international community, or where retrospective recognition is circumvented because of its political inconvenience and unsettling potential, inaction is tantamount to denial. But limiting our understanding of victimization by framing it according to the western episteme is also a kind of a denial. It renders and interprets history solely as an attempt to reassert the primacy of imperial humanity: the reinscription of the power to demarcate the killable from those who must not and should not be killed (and the mutable boundary between these non-discrete categories). Whether this is a product of our limited socio-political imagination or of the legal structure’s limited capacity for redress (and the destabilizing potential of reparations, particularly if recompense were to be defined by the harmed parties in question), it is certainly reflective of the pitfalls of endeavoring towards “the human.”

    Zoé Samudzi has a PhD in Medical Sociology from the University of California, San Francisco where her dissertation research engaged German imperialism, colonial biomedicine, and the Ovaherero and Nama genocide. She is currently a Postdoctoral Fellow at the ACTIONS Program in the UCSF School of Nursing where she is working on research around transgender health, reproductive justice and autonomy, and material-epistemic violences.

    Footnotes

    1. On the relationships between genocide and permanent security, see Moses’s The Problems of Genocide: Permanent Security and the Language of Transgression, Cambridge UP, 2021.

    2. With regards to “the tendency of racializing logics to change scales in an effort to resolve contradictions internal to the logics themselves,” see Dorian Bell’s Globalizing Race: Antisemitism and Empire in French and European Culture, Northwestern UP, 2018.

    3. On the militarized science produced in/by concentration camps and the exploitation of the war as an opportunity to access human remains for ethnological and anatomical study, see Reinhart Kößler’s “Imperial Skullduggery, Science and the Issue of Provenance and Restitution: The Fate of Namibian Skulls in the Alexander Ecker Collection in Freiburg,”Human Remains and Violence, vol. 4, no. 2, pp. 27–44.

    4. Mbembe’s “Necropolitics” is instructive as a rebuttal to this end as he notes that the social death to which the colonized and enslaved were subjected and that configured hierarchal racial relations “could be considered one of the first instances of biopolitical experimentation.” With the plantation at the core of necropolitical formations, the tripled losses of “domination, natal alienation, and social death” comprise the logics of imperial world-making (21).

    5. Sociogeny refers to a Fanonian understanding of socio-historical development. Fanon demands that any naturalization of racial formations as biological reality be grounded in an understanding of social orderings that cast the Black “other” into subjugated relation with the white standard of humanity—this is a central analytical feature of Black Skin, White Masks (1952).

    6. The term “autopoiesis” refers to a system able to create, reproduce, and maintain itself. The term was introduced in 1972 by biologists Humberto Maturana and Francisco Varela, who used it to describe the self-maintaining capability of living cells.

    7. An example of this is the language utilized by state officials. In its motion to dismiss the eventually dismissed legal case, the German state asserted that the “legal concept of genocide does not apply in this case.” Despite acknowledging that such violence constitutes genocide over the past several years, the state nevertheless refuses to entertain any legal rebuttals to Ovaherero and Nama accusations because the alleged genocide occurred before the passage of the 1951 Genocide Convention.

    8. There is a necessity to use the phrase “racialized as white” as opposed to “white” because of a contemporary conditionality of whiteness (as opposed to unequivocal absorption of white Jewish people) into the category of whiteness. Despite many Jews’ phenotypical presentation as “white,” the racial logics of whiteness have constructed Jewishness as an essential racial identity. This is the enduring nature and function of antisemitism it is the desire to legitimize centuries of hegemonic Christian Judenhass (“hatred of Jews”) by using the racist pseudoscientific convention of the mid- to late-19th centuries and designating/derogating Jewish people as a unique and inferior discrete Semitic race (in contrast to the allegedly superior Aryan race). See David Nirenberg’s “Mass Conversion and Genealogical Mentalities: Jews and Christians in Fifteenth-Century Spain,” Past and Present, no. 174, pp. 3–41.

    9. Michael Rothberg offers “multidirectionality” as a syncretic framework for understanding “the significance of both genocidal imperialism and the totalitarian Holocaust,” which transcends the analytical debate pitting exceptionalism/uniqueness against the idea of genocide continuity; see Rothberg’s Multidirectional Memory: Remembering the Holocaust in the Age of Decolonization, Stanford UP, 2009.

    10. About the limitedness of this binary, Édouard Glissant writes that where “the Western nation is first of all an ‘opposite,’ for colonized peoples identity will be primary ‘opposed to’—that is, a limitation from the beginning. Decolonization will have done its real work when it goes beyond this limit” (17). Wilderson writes, about the Middle Passage’s ontological transformation of the racialized figure of “the African,” that “Jews went into Auschwitz and came out as Jews. Africans went into the ships and came out as Blacks. The former is a Human holocaust; the latter is a Human and a metaphysical holocaust. That is why it makes little sense to attempt analogy: the Jews have the Dead (the Muselmann) among them; the Dead have the Blacks among them” (38).

    11. Solomon describes the anti-genocide norm as “an individual or organization’s explicit or implicit expressions of opposition to the past, present, or future occurrence of genocide” where “implicit expressions consist of analogies between instances of violence or repression and canonical genocidal events, in particular the Nazi Holocaust” (131).

    12. Keguro Macharia, (2019) in contrasting the 1945 Pan-African Congress’s Declaration to Colonial Workers, Farmers, and Intellectuals with the 1948 United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights, describes how the latter “refused to acknowledge (or contradict) the contemporary distinction between colonizer and colonized,” a history of domination that was central to the former. The United Nations and the structure of international [criminal] law was not only “understood to be compatible with imperial ventures,” but the anti-Black regime of racialized humanity is an enshrining of racial hierarchies within and through the very structure of human rights. See Macharia’s “1945 & 1948,” as well as Mignolo’s “Who Speaks for the ‘Human ’in Human Rights?” and Esmeir’s “On Making Dehumanization Possible.”

    13. In his unpublished and uncompleted manuscript, Lemkin writes about the Ovaherero: “After the rebellion and von Trotha’s proclamation, the decimation of the Hereros by gunfire, hanging, starvation, forced labour and flogging was augmented by prostitution and the separation of families, with a consequent lowering of the birthrate” (qtd. in Schaller 90).

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  • Black is the Color of Solidarity: Art as Resistance in Melanesia

    Joy Enomoto (bio)

    Abstract

    This essay centers on three Melanesian women artist activists who use art as a tool for social justice and as visual archive: Camari Serau and Mere Tuilau both of iTaukei descent living on the island of Viti Levu, Fiji, and Sonja Larson of Papuan Tolai descent living in New Mexico. This essay adds to Black/Indigenous Studies in conveying a more nuanced understanding of Blackness from within the Pacific. In this context, Black Oceania is not merely a conceptual counterpoint to the Black Atlantic but a center point of political and artistic solidarity that recognizes the sacredness of Black lives in unexpected and unpredictable ways. Drawing upon the activism and mentorship of the late Dr. Teresia Teaiwa, this essay also illustrates the necessity of highlighting and acknowledging the work of Black/Pacific women artists engaged in West Papua’s struggle for self-determination and collective liberation.

    The first people to settle the Pacific were Black.
    —Teresia Teaiwa, “Mela/Nesian Histories, Micro/Nesian Poetics”

    The late I-Kiribati, African American scholar and poet Dr. Teresia Teaiwa poetically reminds us that Blackness not only exists within but is rooted in the Pacific. Black women of Oceania are often left out of the frame in discussions about global Black liberation struggles, and ironically they are left out of many conversations of Black indigeneity, even though they remain central players in movements for Black self-determination. Perhaps this is because indigeneity in the South Pacific takes precedence over Blackness, or because the Atlantic and the Caribbean have stood for the entirety of the Middle Passage and the motion of Black bodies. Whatever the reason, beyond the South Pacific, Melanesia—and particularly the activism of Melanesian women—remains largely ignored in Black, Indigenous, and diaspora studies. In recent years, several contemporary scholars have developed significant scholarship on the so-called Black Pacific. The work of Quito Swan situates Melanesia in relation to the Pan-Africanist movement and draws out the rich complexities of the rise of Pacific Feminism, particularly in Melanesia during the 1975 Pacific Women’s Conference in Suva, Fiji. Historian Gerald Horne delves deeply into the impacts of the slaving practice of blackbirding in the South Pacific following the US Civil War. Post-colonial scholar Robbie Shilliam examines the conceptual space of diasporic kinship across space and time shared by the African Diaspora and the Maori. Other scholars, such as Joyce Pualani Warren, Maile Arvin, and Nitasha Sharma, interrogate how conceptions of white supremacy and eugenics leeched into the Pacific, effectively ranking its inhabitants according to their “proximity to whiteness,” and also examine the ways that Pacific peoples view themselves (Arvin 4). While the contributions of Shilliam, Warren, Arvin, and Sharma are important, they focus primarily on Hawaiʻi and Polynesia, hence their writings are not considered in this essay.

    This essay is part of a continuing dialogue regarding the interventions into Blackness and anti-Blackness in Oceania that began at a performative roundtable entitled “Afro-Diasporic Women Artists on History and Blackness in the Pacific” at the Pacific Histories Association (PHA) Conference in 2016 (“Afro-Pacific Women”). During the first iterations of the Black Lives Matter movement, Pacific scholar Dr. Teresia Teaiwa felt compelled to bring together a small collective of women artists and scholars of Black and Pacific Islander descent to address the rarely-discussed but deeply-felt issue of anti-Blackness among Pacific Islanders. I take my title, “Black Is the Color of Solidarity,” from Teresia Teaiwa’s poem “Mela/Nesian Histories, Micro/Nesian Poetics” (171), in memory of Teaiwa as an artist and to honor her unwavering commitment to placing Black Indigenous and Pacific feminism at the center of her work toward our collective liberation. The roundtable participants included Dr. Teaiwa, Samoan ethnomusicologist and musician Dr. Courtney Savali-Andrews, CHamoru performance artist Ojeya Cruz Banks, and me, a Kanaka Maoli visual artist. Our discussant was ethnomusicologist and assistant professor Dr. Alisha Lola Jones. The design of the roundtable, which combined performance, visual art, poetry, and music alongside presented papers, was unique for a conference, and especially for a history conference traditionally dominated by white male scholars. We opened the space by building an altar and singing a collective song. Each of us in turn shared both art and scholarship on what it means to live as “Afro-diasporic children of the Pacific” (Teaiwa, “Introduction” 145). The forum raised the question, “how have we addressed these culturally and historically complex conditions in our work as artists?” (Teaiwa, “Introduction” 145). Although our experiences have been vastly different, we share the particular experience of being both Black and Pacific Islander but not Melanesian. Our Blackness has remained somehow outside of Oceania. Even though Teaiwa and her sisters were raised in Fiji, their Blackness was still somehow set apart from that of the iTaukei (indigenous) Fijians. What has become clear since the PHA is that there are solidarities that exist within Melanesia that are in alignment with the liberation struggles of the African Diaspora, yet those solidarities remain distinct. As a Black and Kanaka Maoli artist and organizer committed to international liberation, part of my intention in this essay is to honor and center the contributions of Black / Indigenous liberation struggles within Melanesia. This remapping, I argue, has the potential to reorient how we understand Blackness, Indigeneity, and the intersection of the two.

    For several scholars writing outside of Oceania, the Black Pacific is a “sort of imagined community” (Taketani) that must somehow be in relationship with Paul Gilroy’s “Black Atlantic” in order to be considered a valid Black space, and its Blackness one that does nothing more than expand African American or Afro-Caribbean geographies. It is difficult for scholars outside of Oceania to disentangle a Blackness rooted in Africa from a Blackness rooted in the Pacific because of its long entanglement with the violence of European colonization and the mid-nineteenth century enslaving practices of South Pacific Islanders by Australians, Europeans, and Americans known as blackbirding (Horne). Yet it is important to acknowledge the very real Black Indigenous geographies, complexities, and lived experiences that exist within Oceania. There are more than ten million people living throughout Kanaky (New Caledonia), Papua New Guinea, Vanuatu, Fiji, the Solomon Islands, the Torres Straits, and Aboriginal Australia who speak over 1,300 languages and who were the first to navigate and settle the Pacific nearly fifty thousand years ago. Engaging with the Black Pacific and Black solidarity requires a deeper interrogation into the ways in which conceptions of Blackness in the Pacific overlap with the struggles of the African Diaspora and Black Power movements as well as examinations of those ways in which they remain independent from each other.

    Like the term “Black,” “Melanesian” is a complex term rooted in European colonialism and anti-Black racism. During the rise of the Black power movement in the 1970s, embraced as a term of empowerment, referred to as Melanesianism (Kabutaulaka 134). However, the term “Wantok”—a linguistically unifying term referring to a common pidgin spoken across the region (Kabutaulaka 131)—is more commonly used. In 1832, Jules Dumont dʻUrville labeled the islands of so-called Melanesia based on the darkness of the islanders’ black skin and the wooliness of their hair, labelling the men savages and the women undesirable (Tcherkézoff). This description essentially erased the millennia it took Wantok countries to learn the winds and rains, birdsong and plants of two thousand islands, erased the time it took to develop trade relationships, forms of governance, epistemologies, cosmographies, and ontologies that were centered in the Pacific. Although, the identities and cultures of ni-Vanuatu, Kanaky, Papuans, iTaukei, and Solomon Islanders developed completely disconnected from an African homeland and they are not a part of the African Diaspora, Wantoks are bound to the diaspora through shared subjugation, but more importantly through solidarity .

    While not African, Melanesians were also enslaved by Europeans, sometimes on their own land, other times kidnapped and displaced permanently. Between 1863 and 1904, 62,000 Pacific Islanders were kidnapped, tricked into servitude, or “blackbirded” from 80 Melanesian Islands, primarily within the Solomon Islands, Vanuatu, Fiji, New Caledonia, New Ireland, and Milne Bay Provinces in Papua New Guinea, but also Tuvalu and Kiribati, to work in the sugar and cotton plantations of Queensland, Australia, Fiji, and Sāmoa (“Plantation Voices”). Thousands of men, women, and children died in the plantations, while their homelands were depleted. By 1908, these same people faced compulsory “repatriation” to the islands under the White Australia Policy and the Pacific Island Labourers Act of 1901. Those who remained often suffered harsh treatment and discrimination. Their descendants, known as Australian South Sea Islanders, are now considered “not indigenous to any one place or land” (“Plantation Voices”). They became a diasporic identity unto themselves, and as fourth generation South Sea Islander artist Jasmine Togo-Brisby explains, “it is still so hard for our people to identify, that sometimes our people choose not to identify, because it is such a struggle. You can’t just say, ‘I’m Australian South Sea Islander’ and expect that the person on the receiving end knows what you’re talking about” (“Unfurling Tākiri”). The failure to honor the trauma of blackbirding is not unique to white Australians. Here in Hawaiʻi, we are only beginning to recover and collect blackbirding stories through scholarship, activism, and art. Perhaps unsurprisingly, Black women artists like Togo-Brisby are taking leadership in bringing these stories to light.

    Blackbirding is a painful memory specifically held in the bodies and memories of the peoples across Oceania. The rise of blackbirding throughout Oceania coincided with the rising demand for new sources of sugar, cotton, and guano as slavery was coming to an end in the US and the Caribbean. Between 1862 and the 1870s, other Pacific Islanders, such as the Rapa Nui, Tokelauans, Tuvaluans, Niueans, Tongarevans, and Marquesans were blackbirded to the Chincha Island guano mines of Peru (Maude). Because these populations were considerably smaller and easier to kidnap, they were devastated both through the extraction of laborers but also by infectious diseases brought back by those very few who were repatriated. It is clear that American and European enslavers were not content with the trans-Atlantic slave trade but pillaged further into the Pacific. Their voracious greed subjected Melanesians and other Pacific Islanders into the violence of plantation slavery, displacement, depletion, and disease, all predicated upon a notion of Black bodies, Pacific bodies, and especially Melanesian bodies, as enslavable. Confederates left the American south and started new chapters of the KKK in Fiji and Queensland, Australia, joining British settlers to form “a kind of White Pacific/White Atlantic of planters” (Horne 5) to expand slavery into the Pacific just as the trans-Atlantic Slave trade was ending. The legacy of blackbirding is therefore one of the points of entry when considering the solidarity of Black Oceania with the African Diaspora.

    During a panel discussion at the Sundance Film Festival 2021, entitled “Black Visuality and Solidarity in Oceania,” iTaukei scholar Dr. Ponipate Rokolekutu stated:

    When I talk about blackness, as an iTaukei and as a Melanesian, my notion of blackness is intertwined with my identity as an indigenous Fijian. And as an iTaukei, I come from the clan of the Mata ni Vanua . . . So when I think of blackness, It is not only former slaves through the trans-Atlantic slave trade or blackbirding, but someone who is also dispossessed of their lands. So my notion of blackness is complicated, because of the complexity of where I am situated as an indigenous Fijian and as a Melanesian. (“SFF21”)

    Rokolekutu conveys that Oceania enters the conversation on Black solidarity not just via blackbirding, but through the dispossession from our ancestral lands. Here the Pacific Diaspora and the African Diaspora flow into each other.

    The use of the term “Black” as it relates to Black Power and solidarity was not taken up until the mid-twentieth century, when it became a “rallying cry of Pacific Islanders under European occupation” (Elnaiem), appealing not only to Melanesians and Australian aboriginals, but also to other Pacific Islanders across the region, either because of their historical relationship to blackbirding or because they were often called black and treated in derogatory ways by white settlers. In this context, to identify as Black is politically strategic, aligning Oceania with what Rokolekutu calls the “collective Black experience of marginalization, exploitation, slavery and denigration” (“SFF21”) and the global struggle for decolonization, self-determination, and liberation. However, this type of expansion of Black identity can and does continue to render invisible the anti-blackness that is particular to Melanesians, Australian Aboriginals, and Torres Strait Islanders. Blackness is not only a tool with which to fight white supremacy, but also to fight the anti-blackness that comes from other Pacific Islanders. Dr. Tarcisius Kabutaulaka reminds us that because Western discourse has produced over two centuries of negative representations of Melanesia and its peoples, these perceptions have become internalized by Pacific Islanders, including Melanesians themselves, and used to “perpetuate relationships with Melanesia that have racist, essentialist, and social evolutionary elements” (110). Hence by taking up the call for Black Power, Pacific Islanders did not necessarily undo anti-blackness toward Melanesians.

    It is perhaps because of all of these complex positionings and embodied relationships to Blackness that Melanesians and Australian Aboriginals were among the first to rise up when cries for Black Power echoed across the world in the late 1960s. They began to reclaim the term Melanesian and to develop the ever-evolving process of Melanesianism, as described by Kabutaulaka: “Melanesianism is rooted in and draws strength from the past but is not confined by it. It exists and is ‘real’ because it is talked about, lived, and experienced, not because it is defined” (127). By asserting the “Melanesian Way” (111), Melanesians determine for themselves with whom and where their solidarities lie. Even today, when they lift their voices for Black Lives Matter, it is not for a Blackness in the US, but to uplift the peoples of West Papua, the Kanaky of New Caledonia, the Aboriginals of Australia, the Torres Strait Islanders, and to support all other powerful Black struggles of the Pacific by people who remain under the yoke of white settler repression. It is on this multi-layered foundation that Black lives matter in Oceania.

    To interrogate these complexities even further involves centering Black women and Black gender nonconforming people at the heart of both historical and contemporary black international solidarities. The works of Camari Serau, Mere Tuilau, and Sonja Larson are among the many important interventions that I have had the good fortune to witness. Each uses art as a tool for resistance, storytelling, and solidarity in relation to what Katherine McKittrick calls “geographies of domination” across the solwara.1 Through the use of photography, poetry, stitching, cowrie shells, and their presence in unexpected spaces, these women push the limits of Black women’s geographies and open up new imaginings for Black diasporas.

    Fig. 1.
    Camari Serau with Morning Star flag at Melanesian Arts Festival 2018. Photograph courtesy of the author.

    We Bleed Black and Red

    The first people to settle the Pacific were Papuan.
    —Teresia Teaiwa, “Mela/Nesian Histories, Micro/Nesian Poetics”

    To understand how anti-Blackness works in Melanesia, a critical understanding of the history and presence of the West Papua freedom struggle is imperative. On December 1, 1961, the people of West Papua raised the Morning Star flag as a symbol of their independence from the Dutch. But Indonesia, which had gained its independence from the Dutch in 1949, desired all of the former Dutch colonial holdings and invaded West Papua in 1963. Unable to secure support for its invasion, Indonesia turned to the Soviet Union for help. US president John F. Kennedy wrote to the Dutch prime minister, urging him to support Indonesian occupation over West Papuan plans for independence. The US orchestrated a meeting between Indonesia and the Dutch, known as the 1962 New York Agreement, which “effectively signed West Papua over to Indonesia (West Papuans were completely excluded from the agreement negotiations)” (Webb-Gannon 354). In 1967, West Papua was transferred to Indonesia, and the American-owned mining company Freeport McMoRan was given consent to begin open-pit mining for gold in the formerly Dutch owned Grasberg gold and copper mine. White supremacy colluded with the postcolonial Indonesian state to advance capitalist mining interests, a devastating blow to West Papuans.2 Two years later, in 1969, under the guise of democracy, 1,026 Indigenous West Papuans were held at gunpoint and forced to vote for Indonesian rule. This so-called “Act of Free Choice” was rubber-stamped by the United Nations and the United States. Grasberg is now the largest open-pit gold mine and the second largest copper mine in the world.

    As West Papuans try to protect their land from this colonial and corporate violence, they face genocidal tactics, media censorship, and near silence from the international community. The Amungme people of West Papua refer to Grasberg as Nemangkawi or “the womb” (“Nemangkawi”). They believe that Nemangkawi is the place of their creation and that when their spirit dies it goes to Nemangkawi to dwell with their ancestors and other supernatural beings. For this reason, the tops of their mountains are considered sacred (“Amungme”). If we consider Nemangkawi a symbol of the Amungme mother, then its carving out through open-pit mining is akin to the desecration of the Amungme woman. Today the Grasberg mine produces 700,000 tons of toxic tailings per day, which wash into the Aikwa River system and the Arafua Sea, killing nearly all aquatic life. It is also estimated it will generate about 6 billion tons of waste in the course of its existence (Perlez and Bonner). Acid mine drainage is leeching into groundwater and surrounding farmland. If, as Teaiwa claims, the first people of the Pacific were Papuan, then Indonesia, the US, Australia and other foreign interests are imposing complete control over the lives of peoples of West Papua and attempting a total annihilation of Black lives at the very center of where Blackness originates in the Solwara.

    Given the significance of Nemangkawi to the Amungme and the peoples of the Papua highlands, it comes as no surprise that the Indonesian government faced strong resistance when, funded by Freeport McMoRan, it chose to militarize the mine in 1977. Members of the Free West Papua Movement (Organisasi Papua Merdeka or “OPM”) attacked the mine, and Indonesia responded with several military operations near Wamena, resulting in anywhere from 5,000 to 10,000 deaths between 1977 and 1978 (International Coalition). Deaths caused by the Indonesian military have continued to mount since the 1970s. Today, the 250 indigenous tribes of West Papua are still subject to systematic torture, rape, and genocide by the Indonesian military, but they continue to fight for self-determination. Having no legal protection, women feel the violence of this constant military occupation most severely. The widows and children of former OPM members are consistently discriminated against. They are denied access to support services, education, and employment (International Coalition). Their husbands, brothers, and sons are often imprisoned or killed, so that women must carry on the struggle for liberation and the care of the family. Their resilience is the inspiration for pan-Melanesian solidarity and solidarity throughout Oceania.

    Indonesia’s aggressive censorship of the media regarding its human rights violations means that the people of West Papua must often rely on its allies to tell their story. Activists, artists, performers, poets, and musicians must constantly find new and creative ways to outsmart Indonesia’s attempts to silence the demands to end the genocide. I have found the courage of developing young women and gender non-conforming Melanesian activists to be particularly inspiring. From marches to social media campaigns to concerts and live paintings, they use whatever is available to them to stand up for West Papua. These activists know that they will not be free until West Papua is free. The murdered West Papuans are the Black lives they will not let us forget. They are teaching us what it means to defend Black life and land in the solwara.

    West Papuan solidarity among young Melanesian activists is not surprising given the strong Pacific feminist tradition that is particular to the women of Fiji, Kanaky, Vanuatu, and Papua New Guinea. In the mid-1970s, scholars and activists such as Claire Slatter, Vanessa Griffen, Amelia Rokotuivuna out of USP, Fiji, and Kanaky activist Dewey Gorodey, situated mainstream feminism’s engagement with issues of gender and culture in the “context of imperialism, colonialism, and liberation” (Swan). The radical stance of Melanesian women stood out among Pacific feminists, because they often looked beyond the customary and familial roles of women toward internationalist issues (George 63). These feminists directly informed the work of Teresia Teaiwa, who went on to mentor the iTaukei organizers Camari Serau and Mere Tuilau, who are continuing the anti-colonial Pacific Feminist tradition developed over the past forty years in Fiji.

    In 2014 in Madang, Papua New Guinea, a youth activist organization called Youngsolwara Pacific was developed out of a workshop called the “Madang Wansolwara Dance.” Wansolwara (“one salt water”) means “one ocean, one people.” The gathering brought together community-based organizations, activists, artists, academics, and theologians in order to re-ignite a movement of solidarity across the Pacific with the motto Teaiwa, “One Ocean, One People.” The following year, Youngsolwara Pacific organized its first campaign to build regional awareness about West Papua. The “We Bleed Black and Red” campaign included several marches and events that gained attention on social media, despite the violent threats and intimidation of the Indonesian government. But there is one event I witnessed that I must recount in its entirety in order to communicate its significance.

    Between July 1 and 10, 2018, the Solomon Islands hosted the 26th Melanesian Arts and Cultural Festival (MACFest) in Honiara, Guadalcanal. MACFest is held every two years and brings together over 2,000 participants from throughout the region. The purpose of the festival to celebrate the dance, song, and arts of Melanesian countries. Although the Festival of the Pacific Arts began in Suva, Fiji it quickly became a more Polynesian dominated event, making it difficult for several Wantok delegates to attend. MACFest, was created in direct response to this and while open to delegates from other Pacific countries, remains governed by Wantok delegates, centering Melanesia. When Solomon Islands Prime Minister Rick Houenipwela allowed Indonesia to participate in the festival, he departed from the longstanding pro-West Papuan independence position of previous governments. This decision was considered an insult by many of the festival participants, most especially Solomon Islanders. Houenipwela demonstrated a blatant complicity with genocide and willingness to provide a venue for Indonesia’s self-serving narrative of colonial innocence.

    On July 5, 2018, without announcement or performance, gender non-conforming iTaukei poet Camari Serau quietly stood in front of the “Melanesian Provinces of Indonesia” pavilion on the Panatina Grounds in the middle of the festival and unfurled the Morning Star flag of West Papua (see fig. 1). It is illegal to fly this flag in West Papua, and anyone who does so risks arrest. Even into the fifth day of the festival, the “Melanesian Provinces of Indonesia” pavilion had no crafts or food for sale, no information to hand out, no adornments, no symbols of national pride, nothing and no one to represent it, unlike every other country’s pavilion in the festival. A sign above the pavilion served as a political signifier of power, to assert Melanesia’s place in the region. The barren pavilion stood out as a space uninvested in and unconcerned with its presence as a participant in the festival. Serau’s decision to unfurl that flag was a direct challenge to the legitimacy of the Indonesian government’s presence at the festival and an assertion of West Papuan sovereignty. This courageous act transformed an otherwise predicatable arts festival into a tinderbox of political tension by provoking an unexpected display of Melanesian solidarity for West Papuan Independence throughout the festival, thus denying Indonesia validation on Melanesian soil.

    Serau was joined by fellow poet and media specialist, Mere Tuilau, who photographed her. Serau and Tuilau are both members of Youngsolwara Pacific and two of the founding members of the We Bleed Black and Red Campaign. Together they reclaimed the Indonesian Pavillion for West Papua. At first, a delegate from Vanuatu and Kanaky arrived with their countries’ flags and joined Serau. More people approached the pavilion, and ultimately entire families and children from other island provinces in the Solomons, as well as Australian tourists, Fijians, Maori, Samoans, Tongans, Taiwanese, ni-Vanuatu, and many more joined the crowd, seeking a photograph with the Morning Star flag. Tuilau transformed the moment into a social media campaign. A small crowd of community members and members of the local Free West Papua Campaign Solomon Islands Youth movement also gathered. One man from an outer province of Guadalcanal stated: “I want to fly a big flag over my village for my brothers and sisters in West Papua. The Solomons have a deep love for West Papua.” It was quite an amazing action to witness: this was a moment to protect Black lives in the Pacific, with Black women artists leading the charge. On the surface, their action may not seem particularly extraordinary, but the choice for a young woman and gender non-conforming iTaukei to provoke the Indonesian government and festival officials in the middle of festival grounds is quite radical. The Indonesian government is notorious for harassing and threatening anyone willing to challenge their validity in the region. The Honiara government wants the income generated by tourists and are denying the political implications of Indonesia’s presence at the festival. By instigating an impromptu protest without any consultation or plan for their own protection, Serau and Tuilau were actively putting themselves in harm’s way. Even the local Free West Papua Campaign members were very hesistant and remained on the edges of this action, tentatively waiting to see the end result.

    About a half an hour later, well-known Papuan artist Jeffry Feeger arrived at the pavilion with a painting he had created just minutes before on the main music stage alongside a band from Papua New Guinea (PNG). He painted a portrait of a West Papuan with a Morning Star flag across his forehead. More than aware that his painting may be considered controversial by festival officials, he had received permission from the PNG delegation to show it. The arrival of the painting along with the pop-up photo action created a small frenzy of curiosity and an overwhelming outpouring of solidarity. Over one hundred people waited to have their picture taken with the Morning Star flag, and an announcer for the festival addressed the crowd: “If you would like to show your solidarity with West Papua and take a picture with the Morning Star flag, please go to the West Papua pavilion.” We were there for nearly two hours, and throughout that time the air was filled with beautiful conversations of solidarity. The crowd was made of residents from the islands of Taumotu, Rennel Island, Kanaky, Fiji, PNG, Australia, and Aotearoa.

    Then Indonesian government vehicles arrived. Two military vehicles pulled up beside the pavilion. The Indonesian officials stood by, quietly but visibly angry, taking out their phones to photograph the scene and the crowd. The pleasant atmosphere that had existed for hours before shifted in seconds. The tension was palpable. The lone woman among the military personnel was the designated speaker for the delegation. She asked about those who were in attendance and whether we would be returning to the pavilion the next day, because that is when the West Papuan delegation was expected to arrive. The sudden reclamation of the pavilion as belonging to West Papua and not to Indonesia clearly incensed them. The Indonesian and festival officials let the afternoon pass, but this action would not be the end of it.

    That night, Youngsolwara Pacific members and the Solomon Islands Free West Papua Campaign members danced together waving multiple Morning Star flags and singing songs dedicated to West Papuan self-determination. In a multitude of ways, this moment revealed “the indestructible character of the cultural resistance of the people—the popular masses—in the face of foreign domination” (Cabral and Vale 22). In this case, the masses were the people of Melanesia present on that day, who used the platform of MacFEST – a space for both art and political expression – to protest colonial occupation and genocide. The protest began with the unfurling of a flag, photographs, and a painting. This was all it took to subvert the presence of the Indonesian government.

    The next day, Serau, Tuilau, Feeger, and I were invited to speak at a community roundtable at the Leaf Haus Kava Bar along the coast of Honiara addressing the role of art in social justice movements. The moderator was Joey Tau, co-director of Pacific Network on Globalisation. As the panel opened, Serau and Tuilau each shared a poem of solidarity for West Papua. Participants were local West Papua activists from the Solomon Islands, students from the University of the South Pacific, and young writers, poets, photographers, and singers. The conversation covered many topics, most importantly the role that artists must play in struggles for social justice. It was clear to all those in attendance that art consists not only in artifacts, but also in using artistic skills to actively resist oppression. It was a truly “Wantok” (one talk) (Kabutaulaka 131) conversation: we did not share the same language, but linguistic differences did not prevent anyone from understanding each other. Rather, they worked to deepen the collective understanding that spaces like these are necessary. While this artist dialogue was taking place, the Indonesian delegation staff spent the day painting the Indonesian flag on the exterior walls of the pavilion with no West Papuan delegate in sight. The purpose of our gathering was ostensibly to celebrate art and the beauty of Melanesian culture, but the presence of the soldiers was a reminder of the bitter ugliness of colonial occupation.

    Saturday, July 7, 2018, marked the fortieth anniversary of the Solomon Islands’ Independence from the British. It was on this day that Serau and Tuilau returned to the newly painted, Indonesian flag-draped pavilion. However, this time they returned with members of the Solomon Islands Free West Papua Campaign. Serau did not hold the Morning Star flag, but handed it to West Papuan activist Ben Didiomea. They stood just outside of the pebble-lined border that demarcated the edges of the pavilion from the rest of the festival grounds. Tuilau once again began filming. Didiomea held the flag and began to speak, and almost immediately an Indonesian official tried to take the flag from him. But before the official could do anything, Tuilau ran toward him, camera in hand, and shouted, “Hey, hey, hey! This is your line! This is your fucking line!” Pointing to the rock-lined border on the ground, he shouted, “this is our soil! Melanesian soil! Shut up!” (Tuilau). Somewhat shocked, the Indonesian official took a step back. By this time, a crowd of bystanders had gathered. Didiomea began to shout, “This is Melanesia! What is Indonesia hiding in West Papua? Why are they not letting international media enter West Papua? I am a freedom fighter… International media no enter West Papua.” Meanwhile Serau stood behind him with a handmade sign that read “West Papua Merdeka” (Free West Papua). Once again, she stood in silent protest. Ben Didiomea had been present on that first day when Camari Serau brought out the flag at the empty pavilion, but he did not speak on that day, nor did he lead any actions on the day that the Indonesian officials painted their pavilion the colors of the Indonesian flag. Every action on the festival grounds for West Papua was initiated by Serau and Tuilau. In solidarity and with respect for their Solomon brothers and sisters living in Honiara, they did what they could to carve out a space that allowed the local organizers to speak and be heard. In fairness, Didiomea had more to lose for speaking out in Honiara, because men are often at higher risk for arrest or detention. There remained a high likelihood of arrest for Serau and Tuilau, but they were not afraid. When the Honiara Police department arrived, they stood and challenged the police (Toito‘ona). They did not hesitate to defend Didiomea. But neither the Indonesian officials nor the police wanted to interact with Tuilau or Serau. They only wanted to speak to the men in the movement, and it was the men who were targeted for arrest. Consequently, Didiomea and another Free West Papua campaign member, Maverick Seda, were later temporarily detained by the Honiara police and their Morning Star flag was confiscated. Honiara Police “issued a statement saying the flag was removed to prevent provocation of the Indonesians, reminding the demonstrators that it was not a political event” (RNZ Pacific).

    Serau and Tuilau’s protest at the festival did not go unnoticed by Fiji authorities. When Serau and Tuilau returned to Fiji from Honiara, “[they] were taken in for questioning by the Fiji Border Control Police. [They] were asked questions relating to pro-independence advocacy for Papua and West Papua province” (“Portrait”). Serau and Tuilau have since been told by Fijian police to stop “wearing Papuan activism t-shirts or carrying out any form of protest at public events” (“Portrait”). Serau and Tuilau’s social media accounts and activities concerned with West Papua have come under surveillance, yet they continue to fight. The detention and questioning of Didiomea, Seda, Serau and Tuilau reflects a shifting and regressive landscape in relation to Indonesia among regional governments.

    The political and economic power that Indonesia wields in the region cannot be underestimated. Because Indonesia controls the mineral wealth of West Papua, they are backed by international corporate mining interests and have developed strong military relationships with Australia and the US. Indonesia will often threaten to cut off trade with or other assistance to Melanesian countries that take a strong position against their occupation of West Papua, pressuring governments to take punitive steps toward openly pro-West Papuan Independence activists. Therefore, the acts of Camari Serau and Mere Tuilau should not be taken lightly. It is important to recognize their solidarity with those on the ground in Honiara, to honor their creative and fearless demands for justice, and to mark their intervention against Indonesia’s violence, which otherwise might go unnoticed. Tuilau and Serau use art as a tool for liberation and incorporate multiple genders into Black liberation, expanding the scope of previous conceptions of Black feminism in Melanesia. They may not declare themselves feminist in the same ways as their predecessors, but their relentless demands for West Papuan self-determination and their willingness to directly challenge Indonesian harassment places them in the continuum of radical Black Pacific feminist solidarity. Following their example, I include the people of the Melanesia and their urgent cry for freedom when I say “Black Lives Matter.” The West Papuan freedom struggle has much to teach the rest of us about what it means to demand liberation under militarized occupation, and what it means to push back against corporations that are protected by a government seeking to extinguish the beauty of Black life, land, and self- determination.

    Mourning and Solidarity in the time of COVID-19

    the salt in our veins, the who we are and the who we are not. we have not yet seen the bottom of it, the depth of mourning that birthed us here.
    Alexis Pauline Gumbs, M Archive: After the End of the World

    These words by Alexis Pauline Gumbs’s M Archive capture the deep mourning generated by the loss of so many Black lives due to state violence and now COVID-19. In the spring of 2020, the COVID-19 pandemic sent the world into quarantine as people around the globe began dying at alarming rates. The quarantine revealed cracks in the facade of the health care system worldwide: disparities in wealth, wage protections, and access to healthcare. Reactionary, slow-to-respond governments, particularly in the US, caused many deaths. As of June 23, 2021, 3.88 million people have contracted COVID-19 (World Health Organization). On May 25, 2020, a Black man named George Floyd was murdered by Minneapolis Police officer, Derek Chauvin, who was filmed forcefully kneeling on Floyd’s neck, preventing him from breathing. Floyd’s dying words were “I can’t breathe” (Hill et al.). This recorded murder set the world ablaze overnight. The unbearable sense of rage, pain, and devastation in witnessing in real time the state-sanctioned murder of yet another Black man could not be contained. The murders of Trayvon Martin, Eric Garner, Michael Brown, Philando Castille, Tamir Rice, Sandra Bland, and so many others were still fresh in our collective memory. Uprisings and protest erupted across the US and around the globe. Freeways were shut down and police stations and police cars were set on fire. There were also marches to protest the recent murders of Ahmaud Arbery, Toni McDade, and Breonna Taylor. All of these murders intensified the demands for state accountability and structural change. Organizers such as Patrice Cullors, co-founder of Black Lives Matter, and M Adams of the Movement for Black Lives began shifting the narrative beyond prosecuting the police to defunding the police, moving toward a Black feminist abolitionist praxis that promotes moving funds away from institutions that have historically brought harm to Black communities and toward an economy that could lead to transformative healing and growth.

    Many people in Oceania rose up in solidarity with the movement for Black lives. On June 6, 2020, designated as an international day for marches of solidarity, a march in Honolulu, Hawai‘i led by twelve high school organizers suprisingly drew a crowd of over 10,000 people. The march included many Pacific Islanders and Kanaka Maoli who were kiaʻi o Mauna Kea (protectors of Mauna Kea). Thousands of kia‘i had spent the previous summer on the summit road effectively preventing the multinational Thirty Meter Telescope (TMT) corporation from any further desecration of the summit of Mauna Kea on Hawaiʻi island, which already has thirteen telescopes and is considered to be one of the most sacred mountains in the Hawaiian archipelago. The momentum of this movement, which recognized the value of international solidarity, spilled over into the Hawaiʻi movement for Black Lives march, effectively making it one of the largest marches in Hawaiian history.

    There were also numerous large-scale solidarity marches throughout the Pacific, particularly in Wellington and Auckland in Aotearoa, and in cities throughout Australia. USP students in Vanuatu waved signs, and a group of eighteen Fijians placed flowers in front of the US embassy in Tamavua to draw attention to police violence both abroad and in Fiji. They stood in quiet protest for 8 minutes and 46 seconds, the time it took for George Floyd to pass away from asphyxiation. Fijian police removed the flowers as soon as they left (Boyle), a reminder that threats to freedom of speech exist there also.

    Pacific student organizing has been critical in combating anti-Black racism, and the 2020 global protests strengthened movements calling for global solidarity. A group of anti-racist Papuan students, known as the “Balikpapan 7,” was arrested in 2019 for leading protests in Jakarta that called for an end to racism and to violence against West Papuans (Piersen). Student protestors were called “monkeys” and taunted with racist epithets. The protests calling for the release of the Balikpapan 7 were clearly informed by the resurgence of international support for the Black Lives Matter movement, as can be seen from the social media tag #PapuanLivesMatter. Papuan activist Buchtar Tabuni told the Los Angeles Times that “The government was afraid. Black Lives Matter has triggered support for oppressed Papuans” (Piersen). The Balikpapan 7 all faced the possibility of being sent to prison for up to seventeen years on the charge of treason. As a result of BLM protests, the group was only sentenced to serve eleven months. Tabuni continued: “I extend my sympathies for the passing of George Floyd. We know exactly how it feels. But we also ask Americans for their solidarity; to help us stand on our own two feet as an independent West Papua” (Piersen). Tabuni, while extending sympathies to Floyd’s family, reiterates the need for solidarity with the peoples of West Papua. This solidarity is long overdue.

    I now turn to the important work of diasporic Papuan artist Sonja Larson. Unlike Camari Serau and Mere Tuilau, Larson did not identify as an activist before the summer of 2020. However, it would be a mistake to underestimate the importance of her intervention, entitled BLM Meri Blouse 2020 (see fig. 2). The piece of clothing in the pictures is a handstitched dress known as a Meri blouse, which is worn in PNG. The blouse is covered in both historic and contemporary photographs commemorating Black liberation struggles, social justice activists and those murdered by the state from the United States to West Papua, with delicately placed, sewnin red beads and cowrie shells. This work provides a powerful visual mapping of intersections of Blackness as seen by a Black Pacific woman living in the diaspora in the time of COVID-19.

    Fig. 2.
    BLM Meri Blouse 2020 by Sonja Larson. Photograph courtesy of Sonja Larson.

    Larson descends from the Tolai people of the Gazelle Peninsula of East New Britain in Papua New Guinea, but she has never known these lands. Her only connection to these lands and waters comes from listening to her mother and aunts speaking in Tok Pisin, a language neither she nor her sister speaks. Like many diasporic peoples, Larson has found it difficult to develop a deep connection with her mother’s homeland. Larson was born and raised in Albuquerque, New Mexico, where, she stresses, she is “always read as African American” (S. Larson, Interview). Larson was a student in a Pacific Islands Studies course, “Art, Ritual, and Performance,” that I was teaching at the University of Hawai‘i. Larson was longing to see a reflection of herself at the university, so the opportunity to engage with Melanesian artists opened up new possibilities for her creative expression.

    I introduced Sonja to the work of Australian-based Tolai artist Lisa Hilli, which addresses Black identity and colonial encounters. Hilli curated an exhibition of her work called Trade and Transformation. The purpose of the exhibition was to draw out narratives of the Tolai people and “non-indigenous people to that land—Europeans, missionaries, and colonists” (Hilli, “Trade and Transformation”). Hilli’s exhibition focuses on the small red beads that were ordered by the pound from Europe, which missionaries would hand out to the Tolai inhabitants, initially as a tool to convert them to Christianity but eventually as material with which to acquire land and to extract labor. Hilli ordered twenty pounds of red beads, based on a passage she read in the journal of a reverend who engaged in this trade. She then strung them into rows and hung them from ceiling to floor in multiple strands of varying lengths to display what this payment for labor looks like. At the end of each strand, she added small colonial coins, crosses, or photographs of her ancestors in lockets to represent the unknown history of the Tolai people (Hilli, “Trade and Transformation”). In this same exhibition, Hilli shares a video of green beads being poured into thimbles, invoking workers being paid by German plantation owners “four thimblefuls of beads for every pound of coconut or copra in a coconut pound bag… I wanted to see what that looked like in Black hands” (Hilli, “Trade and Transformation”).

    Inspired by Hilli, Larson stitched in a few small red and green beads at the neck, hem, and sleeves of the blouse, thereby putting Larson into conversation with ancestors she had never known. According to Larson’s mother, Diane Mali Larson, Meri blouses were first given out on the Islands of New Ireland, New Britain, Manus, Louisiade Archipelago, and the Northern Solomons by missionaries in the 1870s to promote humility in bare-breasted Black women. Over time, however, the blouses became a marker of Papuan women’s identity. Women individualized their blouses by embroidering designs or adding different textures or prints. Larson chose to hand-stitch a blouse made of cotton with a faint floral print. Her choice of white cotton was, in part, a practical one, as it is easier to transfer black-and-white photographs onto white cloth, but she chose white cotton also because it was a primary commodity of colonial plantations. It then becomes a material in conversation with the plantations of Fiji and Queensland and the Americas, which are key sites of blackbirding, as Gerald Horne’s work has shown. By hand-sewing the blouse, a craft taught Larson by her mother, she joined a diaspora of Black women artists–from the outer islands of Papua New Guinea to Gee’s Bend–who use cloth and thread to reclaim their identities.

    The materials that Larson chooses transport the viewer across spatial-temporal realms of Black resistance and survival. The cowrie shells stitched into the sleeves of the blouse are particularly relevant from a Black historical perspective. The shells were collected by Larson’s mother from the shores of her home in New Ireland. Larson shared, “By hand-stitching these specific Cowrie shells onto my blouse, it is as though I am bringing a piece of New Ireland closer to me” (“Meri Blouse 2020”). But the cowrie shells are much more than just reminders of her homeland. Cowrie shells or “blood cowries” were ballast on slave ships and a currency for Black bodies (Hartman 205). In this way, Lawson notes that cowries can be both Pacific and Atlantic, both beautiful and bloodstained, gesturing toward an inclusive vision of global Black liberation. As Tolai artists living in the diaspora, Larson and Hilli navigate centuries of anti-blackness and colonialism across oceans. By creating the BLM Meri blouse, Larson hoped to “illustrate the complexity of Black-Pacific identity within the diaspora” (S. Larson). But her decision to incorporate iconic Civil Rights photographs, contemporary photographs of the protests for West Papua, and images of the protests for George Floyd also visually brings to the forefront those intersections and distinctions that define Black Pacific women in the diaspora.

    On the last day of the course, I invited Black Pacific scholars Courtney Savali Andrews, Joyce Pua Warren and Black Maori artist Poata Alvie McKree to critique the students’ final projects. While all of the students in the class shared powerful and moving work, Sonja Larson’s BLM Meri Blouse 2020 produced a collective silence. Larson’s work had marked and made visible the collective pain that we were all holding. This one small garment conveyed colonial violence, our being severed from our ancestors, and the cries for liberation we could not name. In its shells it held the sea and the whispers of those unnamed, carrying all of us to the shores Larson hopes to touch one day.

    Sonja Larson, Camari Serau, and Mere Tuilau are all born out of a Blackness whose lineages of resistance and liberation anchor and overlap in Papua. Their actions and art explore the ways in which Blackness ebbs and flows within the same salt water as the African Diaspora but is grounded in their experience as Pacific peoples. Their work creates a new locus from which to understand Blackness not as an imagined, distant place but instead as a vitally important multi-faceted region that “becomes ‘real’ through pan-Melanesian connections that are manifested in the idea of ‘Melanesia’” (Kabutaulaka 127). From this pan-Melanesian center they build international solidarity. This essay bears witness to the clarity and courage of Melanesian women and gender nonconforming people. Their longings, their suffering, their imagination, and their struggles for liberation provide visionary leadership for Black futures that is so urgently needed.

    Black is the color of solidarity.

    Joy Lehuanani Enomoto is a community organizer, visual artist and lecturer at the University of Hawaiʻi at Mānoa in Pacific Islands Studies. Her work on climate justice, embodied archives and demilitarization in the Pacific is featured in Frontiers Journal, The Contemporary Pacific: Experiencing Pacific Environments: Pasts, Presents, Futures, Detours: A Decolonial Guide to Hawaiʻi, Routledge Postcolonial Handbook, and Amerasia Journal. Her current work focuses on anti-Blackness in Oceania/Solwara.

    Footnotes

    1. The term “solwara” is Tok-Pisin word for “salt-water” or “ocean.”

    2. This history stands in contrast to rosy accounts of Indonesia as the host of the infamous 195 Bandung conference, still imagined by scholars an activists as the apex of Third World solidarity.

    Works Cited

    • “Afro-Pacific Women in the Diaspora, Pacific History Association #SayHerName.” YouTube, uploaded by Alisha Lola Jones, 11 Aug. 2016, youtu.be/iAShZYjqSlw. “Amungme: Mountain Papuans Deprived of Their Land.”
    • Papua Heritage Foundation, www.papuaerfgoed.org/en/amungme:_mountain_papuans_deprived_of_their_land. Accessed 10 July 2020.
    • Arvin, Maile. Possessing Polynesians: The Science of Settler Colonial Whiteness in Hawaiʻi and Oceania. Duke UP, 2020.
    • Boyle, Maggie. “Fijians Pay Tribute to American George Floyd.” FBC News, 3 June 2020, web.archive.org/web/20200616134119/https://www.fbcnews.com.fj/news/fijians-pay-tribute-to-american-george-floyd/. Accessed 3 Oct. 2020.
    • Cabral, Amilcar, and Michel Vale. “The Role of Culture in the Struggle for Independence.” International Journal of Politics, vol. 7, no. 4, 1977, pp. 18–43. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/27868865.
    • Elnaiem, Mohammed. “On Black Power in the Pacific.” JStor Daily, 20 Aug. 2020, daily.jstor.org/on-black-power-in-the-pacific/.
    • George, Nicole. Situating Women: Gender Politics and Circumstance in Fiji. Australian National University, 2012.
    • Gumbs, Alexis Pauline. M Archive: After the End of the World. Duke UP, 2018.
    • Hartman, Saidiya. Lose Your Mother: A Journey Along the Atlantic Slave Route. Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2007.
    • Hill, Evan, et al. “How George Floyd was Killed in Police Custody.” New York Times, 31 May 2020, www.nytimes.com/video/us/100000007159353/george-floyd-arrest-death-video.html.
    • Hilli, Lisa. “Trade and Transformation.” Vimeo, uploaded by Blak Dot Gallery, 20 June 2018, www.vimeo.com/276158481. Accessed 12 Oct. 2020.
    • ———. “Trade and Transformation: Blak Dot Gallery Solo Exhibition.” Lisa Hilli, lisahilli.com/papalum-na-lima-practice/trade-transformation/. Accessed 1 Oct. 2020.
    • Horne, Gerald. The White Pacific: U.S. Imperialism and Black Slavery in the South Seas after the Civil War. U of Hawaiʻi P, 2007.
    • International Coalition for Papua. Human Rights and Conflict Escalaton in West Papua (2019). The Neglected Genocide: Human rights abuses against Papuans in the West Highlands, 1977–1978. Accessed 9 Oct. 2020. https://www.humanrightspapua.org/images/docs/NeglectedGenocideAHRCICP2013hires.pdf.
    • Kabutaulaka, Tarcisius. “Re-Presenting Melanesia: Ignoble Savages and Melanesian Alter-Natives.” The Contemporary Pacific, vol. 27, no.1, 2015, pp. 110–145. Project MUSE, doi:10.1353/cp.2015.0027.
    • Larson, Diane Mali. “History of Meri Blouse.” Interview by Sonja Larson. 28 July 2020 and 20 Aug. 2020. ———. “Meri Blouse 2020.” University of Hawai’i, 2020. Project proposal.
    • Maude, Henry Evans. Slavers in Paradise: The Peruvian Labour Trade in Polynesia, 1862–1864. Australian National UP, 1981.
    • McKittrick, Katherine. Demonic Grounds: Black Women and the Cartographies of Struggle. U of Minnesota P, 2006.
    • MTG Project Banaba. “Project Banaba: Katerina Teaiwa.” YouTube, uploaded by MTGHawke’s Bay, 6 July 2019, youtu.be/hvXe0OabqRg.
    • “Nemangkawi.” Freedom Flotilla, 10. Feb. 2014, freedomflotillawestpapua.org/2014/02/10/nemangkawi/. Accessed 10 July 2020.
    • Perlez, Jane, and Raymond Bonner. “Below a Mountain of Wealth, a River of Waste.” The New York Times, 27 Dec. 2005, www.nytimes.com/2005/12/27/world/asia/below-a-mountain-of-wealth-a-river-of-waste.html. Accessed 9 Oct. 2020.
    • Piersen, David. “George Floyd’s Death Inspires an Unlikely Movement in Indonesia: Papuan Lives Matter.” Los Angeles Times, 2 July 2020, www.latimes.com/world-nation/story/2020-07-02/papuan-lives-matter.
    • “Plantation Voices: Contemporary Conversations with Australian South Sea Islanders.” State Library of Queensland, 16 Feb. 2019, www.slq.qld.gov.au/discover/exhibitions/plantation-voices-contemporary-conversations-australian-south-sea-islanders. Exhibition.
    • “Portrait of an Activist: Camari Serau.” Amnesty International, 30 May 2019, www.amnesty.org/en/latest/education/2019/05/camari-serau/. Accessed 10 Oct. 2020.
    • “West Papua Activists Stopped by Solomons Police.” RNZ Pacific, 9 July, 2018 https://www.rnz.co.nz/international/pacific-news/361417/west-papua-activists-stopped-by-solomons-police
    • “SFF21: Black Visuality and Solidarity in Oceania.” YouTube, uploaded by Honolulu Museum of Art, 3 Feb. 2021, youtu.be/nJTJv4TpSnc.
    • Swan, Quito. “Giving Berth: Fiji, Black Women’s Internationalism, and the Pacific Women’s Conference of 1975.” Journal of Civil and Human Rights, vol. 4, no. 1, 2018, pp. 37–63. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/10.5406/jcivihumarigh.4.1.0037.
    • Taketani, Etsuko. “The Black Pacific Narrative.” Process: A Blog for American History, 19 Nov. 2015, www.processhistory.org/taketani-black-pacific-narrative/. Accessed 15 Sept. 2020.
    • Tcherkézoff, Serge. “A Long and Unfortunate Voyage Towards the ‘Invention’ of the Melanesia/Polynesia Distinction 1595–1832.” Journal of Pacific History, vol. 38, no. 2, 2003, pp. 175–196. JSTOR, jstor.org/stable/25169638.
    • Teaiwa, Teresia. “Black and Blue in the Pacific: Afro-Diasporic Women on History and Blackness.” Amerasia Journal, vol. 43, no. 1, 2017, pp. 145–146. Taylor & Francis, doi:10.17953/aj.43.1.145-192.
    • ———. “Mela/Nesian Histories, Micro/Nesian Poetics.” Amerasia Journal, vol. 43, no. 1, 2017, pp. 169–178. Taylor & Francis, doi:10.17953/aj.43.1.169-178.
    • ———. “One Ocean, One People: Interview with Teresia Teaiwa on Self-Determination Struggles in the Pacific.” Fightback, 29 Oct. 2014, fightback.org.nz/2014/10/29/one-ocean-one-people-interview-with-teresia-teaiwa-on-self-determination-struggles-in-the-pacific/.
    • Toito‘ona, Ronald. “MACFest Honiara and Morning Star Flag.” Melanesia News, 10 July 2018, www.melanesia.news/blog/2018/07/10/macfest-honiara-and-morning-star-flag/.
    • Tuilau, Mere. “This is our SOIL (Melanesian)!” Free West Papua Campaign, 11 July 2018, www.freewestpapua.org/2018/07/11/melanesian-arts-and-culture-festival-indonesia-tries-to-stop-melanesians-supporting-west-papua/. Accessed 25 Sept. 2020.
    • “Unfurling Tākiri with Jasmine Togo-Brisby.” YouTube, uploaded by NZmaritimemuseum, 1 Mar. 2020, youtu.be/gfnaVu8Ue4w.
    • Webb-Gannon, Camellia. “Merdeka in West Papua: Peace, Justice and Political Independence.” Anthropologica, vol. 56, no. 2, 2014, pp. 353–367. JSTOR, jstor.org/stable/24467310.
    • World Health Organization. “WHO Coronavirus Disease (COVID-19) Dashboard.” covid19.who.int/. Accessed 21 June. 2021.
  • Unsettling Diasporas: Blackness and the Specter of Indigeneity

    Sandra Harvey (bio)

    [T]he wake has positioned us as no-citizen … with no state or nation to protect us, with no citizenship bound to be respected.

    Christina Sharpe, In the Wake

    In her much-celebrated The Transit of Empire, Chickasaw critical theorist Jodi Byrd begins a chapter on colonial multiculturalism with a story about land desecration and grave robbing that has stuck with me for years. As she writes, around the turn of the 20th century, archeologist Charles Peabody hired black workers to excavate mounds within the Mississippian Ceremonial Complex. These were burial sites, sacred land that the Choctaw and Chickasaw tend. The Mother Mound, Ninih Waiya, is the site of creation for the Choctaw who are called to be its stewards (Osburn). The 1830 forced removal of the Choctaw to what is currently called Oklahoma was disastrous not only for the violence enacted on their living bodies but for the violent attempt to sever care between the Choctaw, the land, and their deceased relatives dwelling within the land. One elder described the nightmare of removal in the following way: “We were to cast away the bones of our fathers, mothers, brothers, sisters, for the wild dogs to gnaw in the wilderness, our hunters could kill no more meat; hunger and disease would follow; then confusion and death would come … The vengeance of the offended spirits would be poured out upon this foolish nation” (Akers, “Removing” 133). When a Choctaw dies, one spirit holds vigil over their remains to ensure proper care. The other spirit, the shilup, travels west to the “Land of Death.” For the Choctaws, forced removal to the west literally meant being relegated to the land of the dead where they would potentially be unable to reach the afterworld (Akers, “Living”).

    Peabody’s anthropological craft emerged from the American settler colonial and slave owning project and perpetrated this project’s violence simultaneously upon three peoples: he instigated and oversaw the removal of Choctaw and Chickasaw ancestors from their mounds, and he also recorded exploited black workers in song as they carried out the bulk of the grueling physical labor.1 What struck me and continues to weigh on me in this story is the ethical/political relationship of black peoples and, in a more abstract sense, blackness, to the mounds, to the sanctity of the land which we inhabit, and its relatives in this so-called “New World.” This essay represents an attempt at contributing to the many traditions and conversations that try to better understand and enact this relationship, its nuances, and the ethical/political possibilities, both those opened up and foreclosed within its contexts. Drawing on the practices and histories of our ancestors and our interactions with the indigenous peoples of these lands, scholars within western hemispheric Black Studies continue to ask ourselves, how does black life fit into (or not) the histories and ongoing conquest and colonization of peoples and their homelands?2

    The question is salient, in part, because of how foundational ideas of diaspora have come to be for both black intellectual history and black politics. The term often conjures up an existential pull or directionality, a persistent elsewhere that renders black existence, especially but not solely outside of Africa, permanently and always already “unrooted.” In one sense, this has been reduced to a deleterious trope within certain diasporic black political circles that engage a projection of Africa rather than Africa itself as an actual, present constellation of geographies, global capital, colonial ties, and post-colonial struggles. In these balancing moves, an uninterrogated or a carelessly interrogated loss or alienation and desire for or recovering of Africa, mirroring the trope of black colonial “unrootedness,” is paradoxically ingrained in the episteme of what Congolese philosopher and cultural anthropologist V.Y. Mudimbe calls the European project of “Africanism.” Here, Africa as image or object arises only as either completely inaccessible to the descendants of transatlantic enslavement and other black diasporic subjects, or romantically awaiting rediscovery or historical recovery.

    Yet, diaspora has also been the organizing force of Pan African politics, black internationalism, and other black transnational solidarity efforts. It has come to strengthen lateral socio-cultural exchanges between black peoples across Europe, Canada, the United States, the Caribbean, and parts of Central and South America. As Paul Gilroy argues of the Black Atlantic, such ties are manifestations of the “desire to transcend both the structures of the nation state and the constraints of ethnic and national particularity” (19). Despite this productive cross-oceanic pull, Gilroy insists that black existence (outside of one’s so-called original or ancestral homeland) demands a connection to place in its immediate locality. Such a claim frames diaspora in terms of “multi-rootedness” rather than “unrootedness.” He notes, for example, that black Britons are “linked into the social relations” of the UK such that “[b]oth dimensions [the diaspora as transnational and its ties to the nation] have to be examined and the contradictions and continuities which exist between them must be brought out” (156). Gilroy teases out the tensions within the binaristic pull between “home” and colonial metropole that constitutes black life in diaspora.

    Yet, what if we understood diaspora as one point of a definitional web that does not rely on rootedness, however complicated, in the Western nation-state as its counter point? What if we, in addition to diaspora, turn our attention to the condition of indigeneity, which remains undertheorized in most renditions of diasporic Black Studies? How might considering indigeneity and our relationship to it offer insight into who “we” are and what “our futures” can be? I’d like to stage a conversation about the ways in which diaspora has been positioned in opposition to indigeneity, the two reflected as geopolitical poles. I venture that the work of bringing into view the constitutive binary of diaspora and what I argue is its specter, indigeneity, allows us to interrogate the political and cosmological force of its structure as such and the implications for how we might understand our world otherwise. The goal is to pay attention to the multiplicity of ways blackness is coded and recoded in various colonial, post-colonial, and settler colonial geopolitical intersections.

    One of the challenges to posing a conversation between Africanists, post-colonial theorists, migration scholars, Latin Americanists, Black Studies scholars, and Indigenous Studies (including Two Spirit) scholars is not just that each approaches (or dismisses) the idea of “indigeneity” through different conceptual frameworks, different collections of knowledge, and different histories. As scholars, even if we are aware of the work of “other” communities, we have not always taken in their various logics to consider their implications for our own communities. No doubt this article is subject to the same mistakes. However, this failure should not precipitate abandoning the effort. On the contrary, it is indicative of the need for the project itself, given that we are often, as Saidiya Hartman notes, “intellectual strangers” and also—I might add—politically, culturally, epistemically, and genealogically estranged. This article makes an attempt to put into conversation some of these disparate scholarly and political habitus that, while at the level of institution remain siloed, are not so neatly separate in lived experience. I hope it offers additional entryways into thinking about the meanings and relationships between “indigeneity,” “blackness,” and “diaspora.”

    Who “We” Is

    This call also necessarily turns anew to the question of who “we” are, in hopes not of shoring up boundaries but rather of sitting with their necessary and productive porosity and friction.3 The consideration requires attention to the multiple iterations, fault lines, and convivialities within both the “we” of black people (including Indigenous black people) and Black Studies as a field formation that traverses multiple disciplines, area studies, and imperial/colonial institutional power relations.4 In the Western Hemisphere, it is critical to be intentional about these questions, specifically because of the ways that the diasporic / indigenous binary in the Americas has been mapped onto the categories of “black” and “Native” and racialized as such. Tiya Miles, Sharon Holland, and Circe Sturm have contested this reductive demarcation through their work on the history and culture of black members of the so-called Five Civilized Tribes who participated in the chattel slave market, had slaves themselves, and also made kin with Africans and Afro-descendant people. Black peoples (including those enslaved by Indigenous families) engaged in the cultural and kinship practices of the Five Civilized Tribes and many times identified and were recognized as Native peoples. In the United States and Canada, these histories are often understood as exceptional; anti-racist scholars and activists alike in the West often commit the mistake of considering that while black people in these particular cases are Native (“by blood” or “by treaty”), most Natives are not black and most blacks are not Native.5 The consequences of this assumption are severe at the conceptual and thus political levels. The presumption reifies the boundary between blackness and indigeneity such that at present, academic conferences and activist spaces generally take on the interrelations between black and Indigenous peoples and consider these identities as mutually exclusive in attempts to parcel out what solidarity between peoples might look like. In this way, the intra-relationality of black indigeneity becomes unthinkable in a Trouillotian sense (Trouillot).

    I would like to push back on this generalized assumption, and instead to hail as interlocutors black peoples who have no legible (political or cultural) claim to a position of indigeneity. That is, I seek to open up the conversation as a matter of concern amongst black people who are generally identified through the narrative of diaspora. In one sense, this call is anchored in what Tiffany King describes as our conditions as black people “living under relations of conquest” (King, Black Shoals xiii). King prioritizes a conversation amongst black people because, in her words, “I care about Native people’s survival. And I do not care because I have a Native grandmother or ancestor. I care because the Black radical politics that I have inherited cares about Native people … This ethics that eschews and actively resists genocide as an order of modernity and making of the human subject proper is an ethics of Black radical struggle, period” (King, Black Shoals xiii). King attributes this ethics of care not to an identity claim or a claim for political inclusion but to a recognition that the black radical tradition requires a future that wholly ruptures the foundations of conquistador modernity (the modern, Eurocentric and patriarchal idea of the human, the propertization of land, the invention of race and, in particular, blackness as antithetical to freedom) that make black and indigenous life impossible. King hails a black “we” based in a black radical care for the “other” (but not necessarily the other as stranger and even maybe the other as “we”) made possible by her trust in black people and the righteousness of our freedom dreams in as much as they must and do “consider Native freedom” (xiii). One of the most important contributions of this discussion of “we” is that it moves the expectation of concern about colonialism and for indigenous futures beyond the focus on a so-imagined smaller group of black people on Turtle Island who are legally and culturally recognized as also Indigenous. King returns to the Black Studies’ tradition of considering the violence of colonialism as a core component to black freedom and a charge that must be taken up by black scholars and activists in the present.

    This tradition, however, is complicated. Even with trust in (or in other cases, desire for) a black peoples—and not simply those living but our ancestors, if one considers them—“we” are often strangers. I do not mean this only metaphorically or ideologically. Alzheimer’s runs in my family. Many of us are obligated to forget. I am haunted by these doubts: Would my grandmother—as ancestor—recognize me now? Do I or how do I want her to recognize me? Do I have a choice? Here, I invoke recognition in the sense that Fanon through Hegel, Audra Simpson, and Glen Coulthard discuss the term. Yet I also emphasize that recognition is both a political process and an actual material question, whether that be limited by the brain’s grey matter or the emptiness of the National Archives. “Making generations,” as Gayle Jones reminds us in Corregidora, or belonging to generations, is risky and often outside of our control (and perhaps desires). Moreover, alienation is different from unrootedness. One lives estranged within relations of subjection, an almost unbearable circumstance for certain. Yet, almost always, it is that sort of alienation that “we” have in common, even if differently. In mediating on purposefully building relations, Keguro Macharia notes, “Queer studies teaches me to distrust community. From here, (Kenya, personal history, Gikuyu supremacy, heteronormative ethnopatriarchy), family is too toxic to be useful” (“Mbiti & Glissant”). Macharia moves away from the filial as heteronormative and towards what he calls we-formations, and the risky, chaotic, erotic work of relating to one another. To the extent that one desires a “there, there” for blackness, for a black “we,” and for the stability that this might afford particularly in the context of the present task of considering indigeneity alongside, within, rubbing up against blackness, I attempt to take up the opportunity to reckon with these conditions of alienation, to remain open or vulnerable to multiple openings and configurations. To expose oneself to these opportunities and risks is to call for a “we” in which the possibilities of ancestry, in all its queerness and estrangement, confront us. Black Studies is an institutionalized reflection of these silos, investments, desires—one that is beholden to the political economic constraints of an ever more privatized, and US-centric academe. Yet it is also one of the fraught places in which “we” struggle for such formations.

    The Ungeographic

    Black diaspora studies has focused on the Atlantic and its coasts as the points of reference for understanding both black life and black death. Whether it be, for example, through Paul Gilroy’s Black Atlantic, Stephanie Smallwood’s littoral, Saidiya Hartman or Dione Brand’s Door of No Return, Christina Sharpe’s wakes, or Tiffany King’s shoals, these geographical locations, the writers insist, are more than mere positions on a map. They are epistemological and ontological thresholds. That is, the Atlantic and its coasts are not simply borders or boundaries through which subjects of history have passed. Rather, they are people-making (or object-making) geographical constructs that have given form to a key paradox for subjectivity in the soon-to-be-called “New World.” The Middle Passage establishes captive Africans as both objects of commerce and as subjects, but only as pertains to their capacity—if not propensity—for legal or social perversion. The slave trade arranges space and gives meaning by transmogrifying people into commodities.6 Indeed, in Saltwater Slavery, historian Stephanie Smallwood describes the littoral as that place where “a human being could fail to be a person” (63).

    The logic of the market produces place—the littoral—and subject/object together. This was so much the case that within the littoral, even as the enslaved were commonly able to flee particular slavers, they were rarely able to escape enslavement more permanently. Prices for captives were higher closer to the coast, and as such, there was a strong incentive for others to recapture fugitive slaves quickly and sell them back. As Smallwood notes, “sooner rather than later the commercial tide inexorably returned to the water’s edge most of those who had escaped from European captivity” (55). Identified by their emaciated bodies and estrangement from any local kinship ties, they could escape a particular fort or ship but could rarely escape their status as chattel. Thus, the trade altered geographic points of reference for Europeans and Africans (both captive and those who remain on the continent). If prior to the Atlantic slave market the trading centers of west Sudan were a major focal point, once the slave trade increased, the west coast and its logic became a central organizing space (Smallwood). Belying the very definition of the littoral as marginal, slave trafficking rendered the coast a center of West African life.

    The illogic of the periphery-as-center matters for Europe’s projected framing of black and African peoples’ existence in the world as always already detached from origin, and particularly from land as origin. Scholars of the Atlantic, the littoral, and the wake historicize this predicament and yet make sure not to re-claim these geographic configurations as stable ground. On the contrary, it is just this instability, this not fitting into appropriate normative geographies of groundedness, that may serve as a productive force. Leaning into black as ungrounded, as either a geographic non-presence or at least a not fully visible presence, acts as a foil for colonial fantasies of stability, or mastery of space—as do the shoals that disrupt the currents of the Atlantic (King, Black Shoals). Tending to these shoals or the wakes and the understandings of space that they open up is a critical component for a black ethical relationship to land.

    The Atlantic as a point of reference focuses diaspora as a central framing of Black Studies. We have seen, as Stuart Hall insists, “the black experience as a diaspora experience” (253). Yet it is worthwhile to ask whether our existence might be more than “diaspora” as such, or rather if our current understandings of the idea of diaspora obscure various modes of black relating to land. Thus far, our nuanced theorizing of diaspora’s transnationality, uprootedness, and multi-rootedness has often referred back to the colonial or postcolonial nation, even when we believe we are undermining it. This idea of diaspora responds to the ways colonial geography has authorized spatial meaning in the world. The black subject emerges as socially and politically legible as a modern subject in the West through this notion of diaspora and uprootedness. However, despite the complex understanding we have of diaspora, we have generally not paid enough careful attention to whether (or how) this experience is exclusive of indigeneity, which hovers closely by as a specter of black life. For certain, terms such as “indigenous,” “native,” “aboriginal,” and “original peoples” emerge through the making of colonial empire and anthropology as institutions of colonial knowledge production.7 In its attempts to identify and regulate difference, anthropology employs the idea of indigeneity as a place marker of modernity’s boundaries. Many colonized peoples have taken these terms up for resignification. They refer both to various hegemonic colonial designations and to their beyond.8 With this in mind, it is important to look anew at the term and ask after its political (political economic) and ethical and cosmological (or worlding) force. To take indigeneity in relation to diaspora seriously requires rethinking the “point of departure” or “origin” as, instead, multiple points of departure, nodes of movement that of course travel the transits of empire (the Atlantic and the Pacific), but that also exist and make place in excess of colonial logic.9 To exist in such an anarchic way with regard to place, creatively and carefully, isn’t an abstract political choice but the condition of existence (worldly and otherwise) for those of us collectively known as black.

    Part of the reason Black Studies in the West often undertheorizes indigeneity is the prominence of the notion that captive Africans and their black descendants lost all native ties, having passed through the “Door of No Return.”10 Our scholarship recites Orlando Patterson’s observation that natal alienation, or the severing of kinship ties, is a central characteristic of the enslaved. We have given less attention, however, to Patterson’s argument that enslavement also involves a loss of one’s nativeness. He explains that natal alienation has “the important nuance of a loss of native status, of deracination” (7). For Patterson, the idea of the “native” is almost entirely folded into questions of kinship and specifically of lineage. Yet he alludes to the fact that it involves more than genealogy. A loss of native status included severing “attachment to groups or localities other than those chosen for him by the master” (7, emphasis added). Here we see again how kinship and place are related. Note that these violent forms of intertwined alienation seem to be true not just of the transatlantic trade but also more broadly in African and transaharan slave trading societies. For example, Saidiya Hartman offers as a cultural fact that “The most universal definition of the slave is a stranger” (Lose Your Mother 5). In Hartman’s account, with regard to estrangement, place is just as critical as kin. She goes on: “Contrary to popular belief, Africans did not sell their brothers and sisters into slavery. They sold strangers: those outside the web of kin and clan relationships” (5). The stranger was found to be out of their element: their kinship circle and their homeland.

    Hartman’s reflection picks up on a critical point made earlier by Sylvia Wynter regarding the importance of kinship as a logic that protects one from the possibility of enslavement. According to Wynter’s rendition of the “Congolese symbolic-representational system,” men and women who had “fallen out of the protection of their own lineages (in which metaphysically normal being was alone possible)” came to be understood as vulnerable to enslavement (33). Here again, lineage or kinship offers actual existence, and dispossession—or the estrangement of one’s familial relationship to place—engenders an ethics of enslavability. Opposed to “slave,” “native” as an anthropological term holds within it metaphysical consequences. Its designation opens up the possibility of inhabiting the status of personhood or “normal being.” The opposite is also true: to enslave is to sever the captive’s native ties.

    Deracination, at the level of representation and ontology, is intricately tied to colonial geography, and thus comes to describe the condition of blackness after its passage through the so-called Door of No Return or on the shores of Turtle Island. Yet this is not the product of an automatic alchemy that converted captive Africans and Afro-descendants into a complete objecthood. Rather, in the West, it occurs via the logics of trafficking and processes of law making, Christian messianic theologies, and scientific knowledge production, and via the ways each interacts with the others. For example, in seventeenth-century Virginia, the colonial Assembly sought to repress Powhatan-led resistance after Nathaniel Bacon’s rebellion by making a legal equivalence between captured Africans and Powhatans with regard to enslavement. The legislation insisted that “all servants ‘whether Negroes, Moors, Mollattoes and Indians’ were to be considered slaves if their parents and native country were not Christian at the time of their first purchase” (Brown 180). This early legislation is indicative of a series of colonial projections and preclusions. First, by rendering individual Powhatans enslaveable, the Assembly reduced these individuals to the status of captive Africans. In this case, white settler/slave owners surreptitiously projected blackness onto Native peoples as a means of both materially and discursively obviating their threat to settler sovereignty. I say they projected “blackness” because this legislation occurred at the same time that blackness became legally fixed to the position of the slave through the recently passed partus law. This law rendered the black womb as that which produced slaves and not legally recognized and protected kin.11

    I argue that blackness, rather than black people, becomes the signifier of enslavement in order to be precise about the structure of the developing symbolic representational system. Blackness, or what Hartman calls the “figurative capacities of blackness,” becomes an abstract signifier of the slave, the non-being or the oxymoronic being-who-lacks-will (Scenes 22). It refers to the black body and black geographies but also to abstract or projected representations. That is, there is nothing (biologically) essential about the black body that renders it or its person vulnerable to enslavement. Rather colonial imaginaries suture blackness to bodies as an effect of exercising sovereignty over oneself as master/property owner (of people and land). One may read the legislation as projecting blackness onto Native peoples, an ultimate affront to Native sovereign claims.

    Second, and paradoxically, in locating the justification for enslavement in the captives’ non-Christian parents and “native country,” the legislation momentarily recognized a parallel between African and Powhatan experiences of colonialism. The law references both African and Powhatan ties to kinship and place of origin, a place to which they were indigenous, and (at least at one point) a native status. Not yet can these Anglo colonists easily make the argument that enslaved Africans came from nothing, that they had no history. Moreover, the law conceives of a constitutive likeness between relations and place, if not land. These two conceptual nodes point to a slip in the doctrine of the “colonialism that never happened” (Smith), or the disavowal of the colonialism that occurred in West Africa beginning in the fifteenth century and through the transatlantic slave trade and its afterlife. This particular and short-lived law attempted to exclude both Africans and Powhatans from the status of free human based on the argument that they were not of a Christian country. According to this law, we might infer that Africans actually brought with them a specter of their one-time indigenous relationship to place or land and, thus, origin. Africa stubbornly materialized on the shores of what came to be called Virginia. That is, this legal doctrine superimposed lineage and land onto each other; the entanglement of the two determined one’s enslavability.

    The example of colonial Virginia’s attempts to contain both African and Powhatan life exemplifies the ways geography, as a technology of colonial nation-building, works as a practice of subjection with consequences for what is or is not intelligible. Indeed, Katherine McKittrick underscores the importance of this arrangement for the stability of the Western world as we know it. She writes, “Geography’s discursive attachment to stasis and physicality, the idea that space, ‘just is’ . . . not only anchors our selfhood and feet to the ground, it seemingly calibrates and normalizes where, and therefore who, we are” (xi). Yet this sort of “transparent geography,” as McKittrick calls the discipline’s rootedness in positivism, belies the ways conquest and ongoing colonialism as epistemological and material forces shape space. The claim to transparency, then, is a farce that renders illegible or illogical those black relationships to place that challenge the ontological claims of colonial geography and world-mapping. McKittrick argues, thus, that black peoples themselves come to be understood as “ungeographic.” This is because the logic refuses to see the complexities of black relationality or sociality as committed to place in nuanced ways. This nearsighted perspective refuses Africa’s specter on the shores of Virginia.. I am not interested in rendering black life and relationship to space or land legible in any transparent way. Instead, I view transparency’s oversight as a provocation in itself. In other words, what interests me is what it means to be ungeographic. What are the illogical and thus radical possibilities that are opened up for black and African peoples’ relationship to place/space/the world, given our ungeographic rendering? This includes a necessary care for other Indigenous people’s relationships to land (in particular, land as familial relations) and to a worlding that is not loyal to the fantasy of mastery that undergirds the project of positivist geography.

    Indigeneity, Race, and the Secular State

    If early modern colonial legislation located black and Native difference in their non-Christian “souls,” a product of their intertwined country and kinship ties, modern legal-rational knowledge regimes reduced this difference to the body through the idea of “race.” This understanding of the human and its other becomes a building block that makes possible the rational administration of peoples within the bounds of the nation-state and its political economy. The process of racialization is important not simply because it instantiates a hierarchy, but because it summons subjects (or objects) to serve as beings-for-the-nation, as markers of its sovereign, life enforcing and death making boundaries. Western political theorists have observed this dynamic in Europe’s metropoles regarding citizenship and the so-called “Jewish Question.” As part of the formation of the modern state, the anti-Semitic debate across Europe questioned whether Jewish people could be proper citizens. At the center of the debate were the supposedly competing interests for Jewish people between the will of the rational state and the divine law of G-d. Western statists considered secularism and Judaism as two universal claims about the world that necessarily challenged each other’s sovereignty. Wendy Brown writes that by the late nineteenth century racial liberalism attempted to resolve the issue on (at least) a discursive level by privatizing Jewish difference as race and reducing divine law to a religious choice, or the product of (humanist) belief. Liberalism allows for “religion” to be practiced at home or in a temple as private space, and for nationalism to be practiced in the public sphere. As a result, the sovereign conflict between cosmological difference is reduced or privatized to a notion of race and “identity” attached to the body (Brown). This liberal secularist logic is at least in part where the concept of Jewishness as a physiological race emerges.12 In this sense, perhaps the most important component of national racialization processes is the calling into being of the secular human. In the metropole, as Talal Asad explains, secularism “is an enactment by which a political medium (representation of citizenship) redefines and transcends particular and differentiating practices of the self that are articulated through class, gender, and religion” (5). Liberal secularism is a universalist political and epistemological claim that reduces difference to a notion of “identity,” of which race is a part, and relegates this to the private sphere for good political subjects to transcend. It thus splits the subject in two: public citizen and private ethnic, racial, and religious individual.

    What Brown makes less clear is what relationship these processes of liberal secularism and racialization might have with Europe’s own concurrent colonial and slave management projects. To return to these regimes, we can trace the ways racialization is a core component of the Western nation-state’s sovereignty, which depends on a civilizing mission to create new colonial subjects or tributes. We cannot say that the sixteenth or seventeenth-century captive Africans or their European traffickers inhabited the world through a liberal secular subjectivity. Instead, as argued above, subjection occurred through the enslaved’s loss of native status, natal alienation, and the removal of Africans across the Atlantic. Stephanie Smallwood describes the way some made sense of this commodification and removal: “In some Atlantic African communities it was believed that persons who departed in this way did in fact return but traveled not on the metaphysical plane of the ancestors but rather, transmuted as wine and gunpowder, on the material plane of commodities” (61). This is not simply “social death” as understood in various indigenous cosmologies, but a “kind of total annihilation of the human subject” (61). Emancipation in theory, then, required not simply the removal of chains but a further alchemy of the commodity/subject to a sort of liberal, secular individual able to take up citizenship.13 A bad faith liberal order discursively incorporates the black subject as citizen to the extent that blackness as difference is reduced to and contained within the body, and cosmology is reduced to the private realm of culture. It further disavows any ontoepistemic consequences of slavery’s afterlife for Afrodescendents. Within such a logic, to move blackness from the private sphere to the public is to introduce the unwieldy specter of non-sovereignty into the heart of the sovereign national body politic.

    This is understandably one reason Indigenous peoples have argued against a designation that reduces them to “an additional special (ethnic) group or class” within the multicultural state, as Eve Tuck and Wang Yang write (2). Yet, herein lies an assumption that has not been scrutinized sufficiently by those making such an argument against the violence of inclusion. This assumption, which pushes back against racialization for those recognized as Indigenous, takes for granted and shores up the racialization of Afrodescendents. This may be the gravest of epistemological violences for the colonized: the invisibilized work of deracination. It isn’t about a loss of identity. On the contrary, it is the creation of the very idea of identity and one’s access to it. Being called into “being” as black within the modern secular liberal world is 1) to maintain a loss of native status, including access to a possible multiplicity of West African cosmological differences with regard to land and kin; and 2) to re-emerge as a subject whose difference is only legible through the language of privatized and minoritized racial identification.

    I wonder, too, if this is what is at stake for the white settler state in the marking of “indigeneity.” It is not simply an indicator of time and space—one’s presence in one’s homeland prior to European colonization—but the sovereign threat of a competing universal claim about the very way time and space (place) work together. The onto-epistemological violence that liberal secularism authorizes involves viewing any other cosmology or way of being in the world as a threat to the sovereignty of the nation-state and, therefore, relegating it to the status of nonsense. The making of the liberal, secular state is rooted in the business of colonization and chattel slave ownership, in large part through racialization. Indigeneity as a concept, then, is partly a marker of the way colonized peoples have of inhabiting the world (and beyond) that otherwise is not able to be fully incorporated into the modern, liberal, secular state. This, at its very core, is necessarily in competition with state sovereignty. For Afrodescendants, the stakes of experiencing a loss of native status, then, must be understood in this way—as a forced cosmological transformation that demands the new modern subject’s total fidelity to the secular New World.

    The term ontoepistemic signals the conceptual level upon which indigeneity is made to disappear. Shona Jackson uses the term to describe a similar dynamic in post-colonial Guyana. She highlights the bad faith manner in which black nationalist belonging uses indigeneity to make a claim to power through the state. She clarifies that

    the term ontoepistemic is used to signal the link between Creole being and the production of discourses that support social being by narratively instituting Creole subjectivity as indigenous. In these discourses, the repetition of indigenous disappearance emerges as a significant epistemological component. (28)

    For Jackson, the legibility of post-colonial Creole nationalism depends on the trope of Amerindian disappearance. Particularly problematic is the claim that black Guyanese are the rightful inheritors of the state because they and their ancestors built the state up through their forced labor on plantations. According to Jackson, this claim depends upon a relationship to land through labor that is made legible within a modern capitalist episteme. The claim “makes sense,” as she argues, because black labor produced commodities bought and sold on the market, and its profits contributed to the development of the colonial and post-colonial state. In contrast, Amerindian relations to land are rendered illegible precisely because they do not register within modern labor and commodity market representational systems. Black Creole claims to the state traffic in settler discourse, she argues, as it disappears Amerindians while simultaneously making its own indigenous claims.14

    My interests in this important critique are twofold. First, Jackson raises the critical question of whether the post-colonial state—even when taken over by black people—is capable of being exorcised from colonial relations. The question is critical because the state’s claim to sovereignty renders any other claim, including others’ sovereign relations with land, dependent or disappeared. This move has real and violent ontoepistemic and political-economic consequences for the disappeared. Thus, one must ask how we can act ethically within the so-called post-colonial space/time in a way that does not reify colonial or slave trafficking geographies and claims to humanity. That includes narratives that commit colonized peoples to a hinterland or, I might add to a permanent status as stranger. Second is Jackson’s reading of blackness as the racial identity vulnerable to creolization.15 It raises the question, not only of the possibilities for subjectivity for black peoples in the post-colony and/or post-emancipation moment, but also for those recognized as Indigenous. Ugandan theorist Mahmoud Mamdani reads each of these positions as political identities in particular because of the ways colonial governance identified and categorized indigenous “ethnic groups” as part of a colonial structure of governance (658). Yet he does not duly consider the ways in which identity, as a form that a subject must inhabit, has been itself the product of a violent transformation. We find ourselves in the post-colonial conundrum, that we are both rightly suspicious of ideas of “primordial” culture or static “tradition” and compelled to tend to the real consequences of ontological and cosmological difference and their consequences.

    We the Estranged

    We are thus confronted with an impasse that is anchored in the epistemological demand for the modern and its outliers, which have been made possible through blackness’s loss of native status as a condition of both colonialism and enslavement. After the archival turn in particular, many black scholars decried our “stuckness” in a dichotomy of existential and epistemological loss and recovery. Once again, questions emerge about who “we” are, how we might know us, and also what sort of ethics guides our orientation to and amongst each other.

    In contrast to this consolidation of Black Studies under the metaphor of the trans-Atlantic, or of proximity to the Atlantic and the abandonment of the need to claim a native life, some Afrodecendents in Abya Yala, or what is currently called Latin America, have been forging a different sort of relationship to the place that they inhabit and the peoples to whom they belong. This is true, for example, for black peoples of the Costa Chica in Guerrero and Oaxaca, México. Here I raise this example because in considering it seriously, I believe their interaction with conditions of indigeneity in Mexico might allow us to think the relationship of indigeneity to diaspora and the Atlantic differently. Black people from the Costa Chica have much less access to the cosmopolitan worlds of Paul Gilroy’s Black Atlantic, which, as several scholars have pointed out, almost exclusively focuses on the Global North and the Caribbean.16 Instead, black people in Costa Chica have moved with rather than away from indigeneity in a way that cannot and should not be reduced to “recovery” or fully explained through the language of citizenship. According to the 2015 Intercensal Survey, 64.9 percent of Afrodescendent respondents self-identified as “indigenous.”17 Their claims challenge long-standing ideas about what the term means, and what politics are made possible by inhabiting the position. First, they challenge the de jure racialization of the category in the Western Hemisphere. They betray any claim to a local homeland on Costa Chica prior to colonization, and they demand that we consider a different temporal organization. Second, the newness of being considered “original peoples” pushes back on the relationship that modernity has with indigeneity as a prologue to the Western State.

    Black mobilization in Costa Chica has not been organized around the idea of indigeneity. Instead it initially responded to the consequences of broad erasure of black existence in the modern nation. Anti-black, post-colonial Mexican nationalism celebrates the Indigenous nations in its territory (even if condescendingly) and the mestizo (as a modern resolution of a colonial past settled through a white supremacist best-case scenario of the Casta racial framework). Critical theorist Ricardo Wilson characterizes Mexican post-colonial nationalism as dependent on a “psychic vanishing of blackness,” in which national consciousness seeks to contain a secret of black existence within a psychic crypt or “gap,” denying its presence within the country’s contemporary borders. Blackness itself, in México, is either relegated to a past and forgettable slave economy or externalized as emanating from Central America or the Caribbean. Black Mexicans, as a result, exist in a paradoxical situation of active state neglect and surveillance, that is, of both invisibility and hypervisibility. While their movement cannot be reduced to a call for state recognition—in fact, the rallying demand was for an end to the anti-black violence and erasure they face daily—the push for recognition became in large part a strategy for securing state resources (Hernández-Díaz).

    In this instance, it was perhaps at least in part because of the cultural and institutional erasure of blackness in México that the state ultimately recognized black people of the Costa Chica as “original peoples.” The states of Guerrero and Oaxaca responded to black mobilizations through what was available to them: existing legal statutes or dominant discourses aimed at tending to the relationship between the state and conventionally recognized Indigenous nations. For example, to Oaxaca’s preexisting Law for the Rights of Indigenous Communities and Peoples (Ley de Derechos de los Pueblos y Comunidades Indígenas), officials added a clause recognizing “Afromexicans” and “Indigenous peoples belonging to any other community of another state in the republic” (Secretaría de Asuntos Indígenas de Oaxaca 2005; qtd. in Quecha Reyna 163; my translation and emphasis added). Following suit, officials from the Secretary of Indigenous Affairs in Guerrero changed the state’s constitution to include the following language: “This constitution recognizes and protects the ‘Original Peoples’ of the state” including “the Indigenous nations of Naua, Nuu savi, Me’phaa and N’ancue N’omdaa, the communities belonging to them and the Afromexican peoples” (Quecha Reyna 162; my translation). While the dominant narrative celebrates this “multicultural” nationalist move to recover and recognize black Mexicans as the nation’s tercera raiz (the other two are Eurodescendents and Indigenous peoples), it is clear from the state’s response that understanding black difference at the level of a “peoples” or pueblo emerges from the same conceptual and institutional framework it uses in response to Indigenous peoples writ large.

    The words indigenous and original are provocative. There is a slippage between the two, which otherwise are used as synonyms in México and in Spanish in general. It is not clear how or if these denominations imply different relationships to land. For example, indigenous has almost always referred to a peoples’ particular relationship to homeland, while original might leave its object open for interpretation. This ambiguity allows for the state to claim “original peoples” as part of the cultural and political project of the nation state. However, the word also connotes a relationship to authenticity, stasis, or that which has not or never will change. This sort of existence, tied to prologue, is legible to the state, particularly in its multicultural formulation (Povinelli). For black peoples, who in their existence in the “New World” become the symbol of the modern and new subject, claiming original status within that so-called New World might come off as illogical or illegible. I want to entertain this illogic as a possible example of the ungeographic nature of what McKittrick has called “demonic grounds.” The term demonic, borrowed from Sylvia Wynter, denotes evil but also describes those troubling locations “outside the space-time orientation of the humunucular observer” (Wynter qtd. in McKittrick, xxv). This consideration also follows Wilson’s question about how “what emanates or escapes from” the racial psychic gap of the Mexican nation can be made “visible in order to activate anxieties that give a slight sense of the contours of the unthinkable intrapsychic gap” (31). To consider a black claim to indigeneity in this way opens up the possibilities of a relationship to place that troubles the stagnation of the label “arrivant,” which Settler Colonial Studies and some Native Studies scholarship demand of black people on Turtle Island. In one sense, it is true that black mobilization in the Costa Chica can be read as falling into the relationship that Gilroy describes as characteristic of the black diaspora: a simultaneous relationship and political/identitarian commitment to México and to Africa; after all, many black people on the Costa Chica refer to themselves as “afromexicano.” However, the community’s designation as “original,” which places them alongside other Indigenous peoples, exists in an ungeographical sense, and perhaps in its reference to Mexico’s black psychic gap, in excess of the state.

    Additionally, the origin story black peoples of Costa Chica hold onto contests the accepted narrative produced by Mexican anthropologists, who attribute their beginnings largely to what was made possible through state-sponsored emancipation of slaves and small-scale instances of fugitivity. In an article on “afro-descendant ethno-political mobilization” in the Costa Chica, Mexican anthropologist Citali Quecha Reyna quotes an elder interlocutor who recounted: “Well, there are lots of stories, but one that the oldest elders told me was that there, in front of Port Minizo, there was a shipwreck. They said it was huge and all of the broken pieces of the ship remained there and that a lot of black peoples came down from there. That’s what they told me about how we got here. And it might be why we, here, love life by the sea” (Quecha Reyna 163; my translation). The anthropologist highlights their insistence in telling their children they “come from ships” even as she scrutinizes them, noting that “their origins are diverse, and certainly shipwrecks existed, but they were uncommon” (Quecha Reyna 164; my translation).

    We are presented with two questions. First, within the context of blackness and indigeneity in the “New World,” how might we understand the elders’ insistence that they originate from a shipwreck? Second, how must we read the anthropologist’s explanation of this insistence? One aspect that jumps out is the elder’s description of her people’s relationship to place, and in particular, to the littoral instantiated not by a “Door of No Return” but by a shipwreck, ostensibly a mutiny of captives. The origin story speaks of refusal and destruction as a celebratory source of pleasure for its people. It is why they “love life by the sea.” It is also a moment that troubles the sovereignty (or mastery) of the slave owning colonizers. On the one hand, the origin story indicates a living relationship between a people and the ground upon which they emerged as defeating the power of the sovereign. On the other hand, it is questionable whether this new relationship claims sovereignty itself in as much as sovereignty seeks to police and is successful at policing the boundaries of such a stable ground.

    The anthropologist explains her interlocutor’s story within the discourse of social construction. She attributes the creation of the “myth” to the group’s needs given the experience of the “first slaves” of the “violent,” “cultural and geographic” “transformation” of the transatlantic slave trade. On the one hand, social construction as a concept indeed counters the multicultural desire for “authenticity” and “timelessness.” For example, Quecha Reyna cites anthropologist Ana Rosas Mantecón who explains, “The construction of heritage is a dynamic operation, rooted in the present, from which the past is reconstructed, selected, and interpreted. It’s not about preserving an immobile past, but inventing a posteriori, social continuity, in which tradition has a central role” (qtd. in Quecha Reyna 164). This is a valuable intervention in that it pushes back on the dichotomy of loss and recovery. Yet it is also a secular humanist reading of the origin story, which otherwise might not be legible within the bounds of transparent geography or linear history. This is to say, what if we did not insist on the exclusivity of the power of humans to shape their own relationships to land (or moments) as inanimate objects or events on a linear timeline? What if we took the origin story at face value?

    This does not mean reading the elders as completely outside modernity’s episteme, but it does mean becoming open to the possibility that this grid of intelligibility is not all-encompassing or totalizing. That is, black peoples’ existence straddles both Western modernity and the undoing of its hegemony. The demonic grounds that condition black existence, as McKittrick has argued, are unpredictable, animate, and unstable. Here then, rather than understanding black existence as having “no ground” upon which to stand, we might understand it as an orientation that emerges through ungeographic grounds upon which modern conceits of sovereignty are unsustainable. To insist on the primacy of anthropology or geography’s reading of social construction, as Native feminist Mishuana Goeman charges, “obfuscates the power of land to possess us” (27). Goeman recounts that Indigenous scholar Leslie Silko “reminded us that the earth pushes through the pavement … where no sacred sites are thought to exist, and a sacred stream may still trickle waiting to heal again” (27). Indeed, we may not be the only agential creatures in this world or its otherwise.

    Some Opening Remarks

    By way of participating in this conversation, I’d like to submit that considering head-on black relationship to, desires for, existence in, and alienation from indigeneity provides us with an opportunity to better articulate both the epistemological force of colonialism, chattel slavery, and post-coloniality, and our desires for a “we” in their eventual destruction. Saba Mahmood clarifies: “Indeed, if the religious [or, I might add, other cosmologies] and the secular are indelibly intertwined in the modern period, each conditioning the other, then the question is not so much how modern society can expunge religion from social life (as Marx envisioned) but how to account for its ongoing power and productivity in material and discursive terms” (15). Likewise, we would do well to account for the power and productivity of the colonial episteme’s dichotomous logic of diaspora and indigeneity and the ways race (and blackness in particular) is mapped onto each.

    To push back or decenter a secularism as a total logic regime also has implications for who we are and how we relate to our various origin stories, space/place, time, our ancestors, and each other. Romanticizing this relationship is unproductive, at best, and an act of violence in bad faith, at worst. To take seriously the years of critique from feminist, queer, and trans scholars as well as those coming from critiques of class and multiple geopolitical positionalities, our relations are not always benevolent; they do not always have “our” best interests at heart. In an anecdote she presents in The Transit of Empire about black workers, the colonial anthropologist Charles Peabody, and the Choctaw and Chickasaw peoples and their mounds, Jodi Byrd speculates that black workers understood and took seriously the metaphysical consequences that grave robbing would incite and for which Peabody himself was responsible. She writes,

    There is evidence within the evocations [the workers sang] of corn and fire on the one hand, and a critique of the preachers in the cornfield digging up “taters row by row” on the other, that those laborers and their songs provide resistant traces that acknowledge the desecration that is occurring—and a positioning of themselves as tied to the people buried in the mounds. The corn and potatoes reveal the bundles of bodies and skulls of those Choctaws buried at the site. As Peabody forced the laborers to disinter the mounds through terraced rows, each blow of the shovel exposed the dirt-encrusted whiteness of human bones that are evoked so provocatively by these singers as the white flesh of shovel-scored potatoes in the ground. (121)

    Such a laborers’ song certainly evokes an ethics of care concerned with the Choctaw and Chickasaw responsibility towards both the land and its inhabitants. This ethics also calls the workers to support the land’s caretakers in their duties. This is a relationship to land, not as visitors, not as always elsewhere, but one that questions and wrestles with the designation of black totalizing rootlessness. It asks, how might we turn our attention to the animacy of alienation in a way that straddles Western modernity and its other, such that being beholden to our relations includes contending with their force and refusing (our or their) possession?

    Sandra Harvey is Assistant Professor of African American Studies at the University of California, Irvine.

    Footnotes

    1. In this essay I purposely do not capitalize “black” or “native” as a reminder that the ideas of blackness and nativeness are contested and refigured grounds. In contrast, I capitalize “Indigenous” or “Native” at times to differentiate between ideas of nativeness or native peoples and Native people as recognized by the U.S. federal government.

    2. These conversations have also drawn on moments of academic work and histories of political organizing. Regarding activism, for example, the American Indian Movement (AIM), the Brown Berets, and the Red Guard of the late 1960s and 1970s modeled police patrols after those of the Black Panther Party (BPP), and like the BPP implemented social support actions including food programs, legal support, and health clinics. Activists formed coalitions to demand a Third World College at San Francisco State and University of California, Berkeley. These efforts brought forth Ethnic Studies programs in California and across the United States. The Third World alliances emerging during a time of colonial resistance in Africa and Asia focused attention on the importance of a critique of colonialism even within the metropole. Also, black historians and literary scholars have documented the experiences of black Indigenous peoples in the United States. See for example Tiya Miles, Ties That Bind; Sharon Holland and Tia Miles, Crossing Waters, Crossing Worlds; and Andrew Jolivette, Louisiana Creoles. More informally, the open access journal Decolonization: Indigeneity, Education & Society frequently showcases scholarship focused on the intersections of anti-blackness and settler colonialism. This scholarship seldom has drawn on black and indigenous scholarship focused on Latin America.

    3. I am prompted to think through the term “porous” in Tiffany King, The Black Shoals; the idea of “fault lines” in SA Smythe, “Can I Get a Witness?”; and the term “frottage” in Keguro Macharia, Frottage.

    4. I use the term “fault lines” following SA Smythe. I also thank them for the multiple conversations we have had about the need for this article to consider, once again, the “we” of both black peoples and Black Studies.

    5. Even this argument is called into question by those who assert that the descendents of Indigenous people’s black slaves should not be considered citizens of their nations and that they should not benefit from rights and privileges of citizens. Their very inclusion, so goes the argument, is the result of colonial treaties that undermine the sovereignty of Indigenous nations.

    6. In using this term, I call attention to the various dimensions embedded within it, as explored by Saidiya Hartman. First, the insistence on the word scene refers to a spatialized representation of a moment of subjection. Second, the subjection of the slave involves a calling into being as subjected to the terror of the master’s violence at the master’s will. Hartman describes such scenes as “inaugural moments” and the “primal scene,” by which she means “that the terrible spectacle dramatizes the origin of the subject and demonstrates that to be a slave is to be under the brutal power and authority of another” (Scenes 3).

    7. See Braun and Hammond (Race, Populations, and Genomics) on anthropological and linguistic practices that give rise to the idea of “native” or “indigenous” as indicating exclusive “ethnic” groups. The practices upheld Western science as the authoritative system of knowledge production and led to understandings of ethnic groups as populations and later distinct races.

    8. Here I am not referring to a beyond that transcends the colonial but to a beyond in the sense that the colonial is not successful in its totalizing attempts at mastery. One engages in ways of being that exceed colonial containment. These include otherwise cosmologies but also those ways of being that are produced and yet disavowed through colonial symbolic orders.

    9. I draw on Jodi Byrd’s term “transit of empire.” She argues that “Indianness” constitutes a transit of empire, “a site through which US empire orients and replicates itself by transforming those to be colonized into ‘Indians’ through continual reiterations of pioneer logics, whether in the Pacific, the Caribbean, or the Middle East” (xiii).

    10. There are two bodies of literature that focus more directly on the idea of black indigeneity. They include scholarship of Africa and the politics of autochthony and Caribbean creole culture. In the interest of space and due to the author’s limited expertise, this article does not address the latter form. I do, however, welcome conversations about its intersections with the fields of Black and Native Studies in the Americas. The article briefly engages the latter work on creole ways of being but recognizes further attention is needed.

    11. This is interesting to think about given the ways settler and slave owning political thinkers continued to project blackness onto Native peoples in Virginia. See Thomas Jefferson’s differentiation between the “noble” natives beyond the borders of the United States and those within the sovereign borders of Virginia who, he argues, are mostly black.

    12. Even the socialist critique of liberal secularism, which calls for the abolition of even privatized “religion,” emerges within the metaphor of skin. In “On the Jewish Question,” Marx calls for the birth of the truly free “man” by shedding religion “as snake-skins cast off by history” (Marx 213).

    13. Saidiya Hartman writes, “The transformation of black subjectivity effected by emancipation is described as nascent individualism not simply because blacks were considered less than human and a hybrid of property and person prior to emancipation but because the abolition of slavery conferred on them the inalienable rights of man and brought them into the fold of liberal individualism” (Scenes 117). Given this legal legibility, it was the civilizing mission of certain abolitionists and the Freedmen’s Bureau to make proper subjects out of the emancipated.

    14. Tiffany King critiques the centrality of labor for understanding black life during formal slavery and post-emancipation. See “Labor’s Aphasia.”

    15. Jackson also describes East Indian claims to state power through creole identity. Yet, she argues, in this case, creole is almost always used as adjective rather than noun. Further, the Caribbean cultural archives Jackson reviews contain predominantly black authors.

    16. See Feldman Black Rhythms of Peru; Walsh “Shifting the Geopolitics”; Greene, “Entre lo indio”; and Anderson, Black and Indigenous.

    17. 2015 Encuesta Intercensal (Intercensal Survey) cited in Wilson II, The Nigrescent Beyond.

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  • Garifunizando Ambas Américas: Hemispheric Entanglements of Blackness/Indigeneity/AfroLatinidad

    Paul Joseph López Oro (bio)

    Abstract

    Central Americans of African descent are in the margins on the histories of transmigrations and political movements in the isthmus and their diasporas. The absence of Black Central Americans in Latinx Studies and Central American Studies is an epistemological violence inherited from Latin American mestizaje. The insurgence of Afro-Latinx Studies is an intellectual and political response to the erasure and negation of Black people and Blackness in the field of Latinx Studies. In this essay, I map out the political urgency to call for a refashioning of Afrolatinidad that dismantles the dangerous allure of ethno-racial nationalism (i.e., Afro-[insert nation-state]) and mappability of Blackness into exclusionary geographies of Spanish-speaking Americas (i.e., “you must be Dominican, because you don’t look Guatemalan”). Drawing on oral history interviews, visual cultures, and social media analysis, I demonstrate how transgenerational Garifuna New Yorkers of Central American descent histories and politics of self-making, beginning in the late 1950s to the present, highlight their negotiations and contradictions as they perform their multiple subjectivities as Black, Indigenous, and AfroLatinx.

    When I am challenged or questioned about my identity, I respond by saying that Black people exist in Central America. Some are descendants of enslaved peoples; some are not. Some speak Spanish; some do not. Some are Catholic; some are Rastas; some are Garveyites. Some are immersed in hybridized identities that include native, Asian, and African nations. And when these Black people come to the United States, they continue to be Black people from Central America, negotiating among invisibilities.—Vielka Cecilia Hoy, “Negotiating among Invisibilities”

    In the United States, the invocation of Central America conjures a set of racial and political imaginaries that centers mestizos, Indigenous cultures, revolutionary movements, civil wars, and US occupations, eclipsing a discussion of race and racism in the region and its diasporas. Within Central American mestizaje, Blackness is relegated and ascribed to the Caribbean Coast, erasing centuries of Black folks in the interior and Pacific Coasts. By ascribing Blackness and Black people to Central America’s Caribbean Coasts, mestizaje constructs its imaginary in opposition to and as a negation of Blackness, especially when the Caribbean Coast is understood to be removed from the national public spaces of mestizo governance, for example with Managua or Tegucigalpa. Moreover, this imaginary renders Central American Blackness as Caribbean, as coming from elsewhere and not always already present prior to the formation of the Republic. More recently, Central American neoliberal multiculturalism (Hale) constructs Blackness as a folkloric caricature for tourist and popular culture consumption (Loperena). Black Central Americans doubly negotiate their invisibilities on the isthmus and in their diasporas in the United States. Despite the extensive and rich history of Africans and their descendants in the isthmus, especially their presence and contributions centuries prior to the 1821 Wars of Independence, Black history and Blackness remain alien to Central American nationhood in and outside of the isthmus (Gudmundson and Wolfe 5). This negation and erasure of Black Central Americans is produced and preserved by the dominant nationalist racial project of racial mixture or mestizaje. Black Central Americans transgenerationally carry with them when they migrate to the United States centuries of embodied histories of anti-black racism and violence.1

    Vielka Cecilia Hoy’s essay “Negotiating among Invisibilities: Tales of Afro-Latinidades in the United States” appeared in the trailblazing volume The Afro-Latin@ Reader: History and Culture in the United States. Vielka’s essay is one of three essays in the 584-page volume that is written from and about a Black Central American worldview. Born in Brooklyn, New York, Vielka Cecilia Hoy was raised in Oakland, California, by immigrant parents. Her mother is a Creole Nicaraguan woman from Bluefields and her father is an Afro-Panamanian man from Colón and a descendant of West Indian migrant workers. Her essay powerfully illustrates the nuances and complex ways her Black Latinidad is in perpetual conflict in a space like the West Coast, where the dominance of mestizo Mexican identities and cultures shapes the Californian imaginary as a Mexican/Chicanx/Mexican-American space of Latinidad. In similar ways on the East Coast, specifically in New York City as a Caribbean Latinx city, AfroLatinx peoples are often assumed to be Dominican, whereas Black Central Americans tend to be racialized as African Americans or West Indians. Hoy’s essay is striking because of the multiplicity of invisibilities and contradictions it engages. It is here, in the space of negotiations, contradictions, and articulations that I consider the ways transgenerational Garifuna New Yorkers exist, live, and articulate their multiple Black, Indigenous, and Latinidad subjectivities.

    Garifuna are Black Indigenous peoples who are descendants of shipwrecked enslaved West Africans and autochthonous Carib-Arawak on the Caribbean island of St. Vincent. Their exile by British colonial powers in 1797 to the Bay Islands of Honduras and their subsequent migrations to Belize, Guatemala, Nicaragua, and mainland Honduras script their ethnogenesis in the lesser Antillean Caribbean and mark their multiple diasporas: African, Caribbean, and Central American (England). With the economic collapse of the United Fruit Company in the mid-twentieth century, Garifuna Central Americans commenced multiple waves of transgenerational migration to major US port cities such as New York City, New Orleans, Miami, Chicago, Boston, and San Francisco. This migration continues today, as gang violence, government corruption, and economic instability dominate the Central American region. A diasporic multiplicity informs the complex ways in which Garifuna negotiate their multiple subjectivities in Central America and in the United States, as Central America’s Caribbean Coasts become nostalgic sites of home whose Black Indigeneity imagines St. Vincent as homeland.2 Garifuna Black Indigeneity unsettles racial formations in the Americas that understand Blackness, Indigeneity, and Latinidad as mutually exclusive.

    In the context of Belize, Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua, where Garifuna and Creole communities have lived prior to 1821, mestizaje discursively emerges as an ideological project of nation-building, violently negating Blackness and the existence and contributions of peoples of African descent in its construction of a racially mixed harmonious mestizo subject. The absence of Black Central Americans3 in Latinx Studies and Central American Studies reflects an epistemic violence inherited from Latin American mestizaje. The insurgence of Afro-Latinx Studies is an intellectual and political response to the erasure and negation of Latinxs of African descent in the field of Latinx Studies. I call for a refashioning of AfroLatinidad that dismantles the dangerous allure of ethno-racial nationalism (e.g., Afro-[insert nation-state]) and that refuses cartographies of Blackness that map exclusionary geographies of Spanish-speaking Americas (“you must be Dominican, because you don’t look Guatemalan”). Drawing on oral history interviews, visual cultures, and social media, I demonstrate how, from the late 1950s to the present, transgenerational Garifuna New Yorkers’ histories and politics of self-making highlight their struggles to negotiate, perform, and articulate their multiple subjectivities as Black, Indigenous, and Latinx. In the following section, I begin with a mid-19th century and early 20th century history of anti-Black racism on Central America’s Caribbean Coasts to argue that hemispheric travel from South (Central America) to North (United States) shapes how Garifuna New Yorkers negotiate and articulate their Blackness, Indigeneity, and Latinidad in the United States.

    Central America’s Caribbean Coasts: Racialized Geographies of Anti-Blackness

    In Central America, Blackness and geography are intrinsically entangled with histories of Spanish colonialism, mestizo governance, and the alienation of Blackness to the Atlantic Coast (Gordon 133). Mestizaje as a racial discourse emerged in the early twentieth century in response to a larger hemispheric critique of US imperialism, which grounded Latin American’s myth of racial democracy as a distinct marker of racial egalitarianism in the face of Jim Crow apartheid in the US (Hooker, Theorizing Race 158). Central American ideologies of mestizaje emerge in distinct geographies and historical moments. I turn to Honduras and Nicaragua in particular because the Caribbean Coasts become an explicit demarcation of Black geography’s detachment from the mestizo nation-state both discursively and geographically. In “‘Beloved Enemies’: Race and Official Mestizo Nationalism in Nicaragua,” political theorist Juliet Hooker charts the absence of costeños (Creole/Afro-Caribbean and Indigenous Nicaraguans) in Nicaragua’s formulation of mestizaje. She coins the term “mestizo multiculturalism” to highlight the contradictions of Nicaragua’s 1987 move to become one of the first Latin American countries to adopt multicultural citizenship reforms. These reforms assigned special collective rights to Black and Indigenous communities on its Atlantic Coast, while maintaining mestizo culture as the hallmark of national identity in the company of racial and cultural diversity.

    The Atlantic coast of Nicaragua is marked as geographically distinct in the landscape of Nicaraguan mestizo nationalism. British colonialism on Nicaragua’s Caribbean Coast produces an alterity that marks a religious, linguistic, and racialized culture different from the afterlife of Spanish colonialism in Nicaragua’s mestizo nationalism. Following independence from Spain in 1821, Nicaragua underwent a wave of domestic civil wars and governmental regimes that aimed to bring forth national unity and state formation. One of the best-remembered state-building efforts was the forcible “reincorporation” of the Atlantic Coast in 1894, an act of internal colonization on Black and Indigenous communities to assimilate into mestizo culture. 1894’s forcible annexation made Spanish the official language and Catholicism the official religion on the Atlantic Coast. This legacy informs the vexed relationship Creole and Indigenous communities have with the mestizo nation-state; therefore, the shift to multiculturalism has been greeted with much-deserved skepticism. Despite the constitutional shift toward a multicultural paradigm, peoples of African descent remain geographically and politically marked as alien and foreign, and only exist on the Caribbean Coasts removed from the interior (Pacific Coast) of mestizo political power.

    Historian Darío A. Euraque argues that the Honduran Congressional Act of 1926, which officially titled the national currency the Lempira, was an explicit response to the threat of Blackness by the growing banana economy on Honduras’s Caribbean Coast. Euraque argues:

    In the 1920s the notion of an Indo-Hispanic mestizaje represented only an emerging elite discourse. However, the 1920s effort to officially designate Lempira as the “representative” of the “other race” in “our mestizaje” involved a local racism that drew on a postindependence rejection of blackness, and especially a rejection of Garifuna blackness as a more local and immediate racial threat. (243)

    Black Hondurans were a great source of anxiety at a time when the Caribbean Coast was gaining financial and political independence from the capital city of Tegucigalpa through the presence of US-owned banana companies. This anxiety also fueled the deportation of thousands of West Indian migrant laborers, mostly from British Honduras (present-day Belize) and Jamaica. Honduran anti-Blackness made Garifuna and Creole communities on the Caribbean Coast vulnerable to border patrol harassment and increased their risk of deportation (Chambers 74). At distinct moments of nation-building in Nicaragua, Honduras, and the rest of the isthmus, Blackness was a great source of discursive and economic anxiety.4 This continues to be the case to this day.

    Anti-black racism in Central America informs the political mobilization and self-making processes of Garifuna New Yorkers. Anti-black racist histories are embodied memories that are transmitted generationally through oral histories. Garifuna New Yorkers negotiate and contradict their Blackness, Indigeneity, and Central Americanness based on that historical legacy, which shapes contemporary racial and racist discourse on the isthmus and in its diasporas. The political and cultural histories of Central America’s Caribbean Coasts are present in New York City and throughout the rest of the Garifuna diaspora in the United States, directly shaping how US Garinagu engage and mobilize alongside other Black Caribbean, African American, and Latinx communities.5 In the following section, I turn my attention to Garifuna of mostly Honduran and Guatemalan descent born and raised in New York City (Eastern Brooklyn and the South Bronx) and analyze their diasporic processes of self-making Garifunaness in the company of African Americans, Dominicans, Jamaicans, Puerto Ricans, and Ghanaians. Afro-Latinx Studies is a political project whose origins stand outside of the disciplinary boundaries of the academy and whose intellectual impulse is to disrupt the absence of Latinxs of African descent in the field of Latinx Studies.6 I therefore ask how transgenerational Garifuna New Yorkers negotiate and articulate their Central Americanness and Garifunaness simultaneously. How does an explicit politics of rejecting AfroLatinidad for Garifunaness reinscribe Garifuna exceptionalism and ethno-racial nationalism?

    Before turning to these questions, a brief note on Garinagu Indigenous Blackness is necessary to establish a conceptual framework. Blackness and Indigeneity remain codified and ascribed as mutually exclusive racial categories and identities in the Americas. Garifuna folks are persistently constructed as an anthropological puzzle because their contradictory and choreographed negotiations as simultaneously Black Indigenous peoples present a richly compelling conundrum (see Anderson). However, as we deepen our historical and contemporary understanding of Black and Indigenous peoples throughout the Americas, we can begin to dismember these colonial logics of racial compartmentalization and excavate multiple Black Indigenous histories, cultures, and politics. Garinagu articulations and self-makings of Indigenous Blackness are not unique to Garifuna, as there are several communities of African descent throughout the Americas whose Indigenous ancestry and lineage shape their political consciousness as Black Indigenous, such as Gullah/Geechee, quilombos in Brazil, Jamaican maroons, palenques in Colombia, and Seminoles, among others. Furthermore, it is important to note that my interlocutors—who mostly find themselves living or having lived in New York City—understand their Garinagu Black Indigeneity as rooted in the Caribbean, Central America’s Caribbean Coasts, and the United States. The terms used are multiple, and include: negro indígena [Indigenous Black], afroindígena [Afroindigenous], Black Indigenous/Afro-Indigenous, and Black Carib. These variations point to the multiplicity of geographies, spaces/places, and racial identity formations that Garinagu engage. In the context of Honduras and the rest of Central America’s Caribbean Coast, for example, Garinagu articulations and self-makings of Black Indigeneity are performed, negotiated, and lived in distinct ways from U.S.-based Garifuna folks. In Central America, Garinagu notions of (Black) Indigeneity are bound to land and cultural traditions: claiming indigeneity is a political move to claim land rights, tenure, and titles. In the United States, and more specifically in New York City, Garifuna folks use Indigeneity (read: Carib Arawak lineage) as a marker of cultural alterity within Blackness. To claim Indigeneity is thus to perform different political subjectivity labor in these different geographical racialized spaces.

    My framing of hemispheric Indigenous Blackness thus comes directly from my interlocutors. In the context of Central America’s Caribbean Coasts, Garinagu communities articulate their Caribbean Indigeneity as one bound to land rights; this is why Garifuna Settlement Day originates on the Atlantic Coast of Central America (Belize to be precise) as an Indigenous articulation of land tenure and rights. Garifuna Indigeneity in Central America is used to gain discursive, ontological, and material land/territory vis-à-vis an articulation of indigeneity as an ancestral heritage and a contemporary identity. Ancestral land/territory is the epicenter of the way in which Garifuna Indigeneity is articulated materially on Central America’s Caribbean Coasts. However, in the United States there is a shift in how Garinagu articulate and invoke their Indigeneity, which is rooted in St. Vincent. In the United States, Garifuna Indigeneity is articulated, invoked, and performed as an Othered formation of Blackness. Garifuna Indigeneity in the United States is constructed and performed as a signifier of Caribbeanness, of exceptional marronage, and locates a Caribbean geographical site of Garifuna ethnogenesis: St. Vincent. Therefore, in the United States Garifuna Indigeneity finds an imaginary homeland in St. Vincent as not solely a site of ethnogenesis but of nostalgia for marronage and Black Indigeneity. Garinagu articulations and performances of Black Indigeneity are not universal. They are distinct based on the specific geographies in which Garinagu folks find themselves. Garifuna communities in Los Angeles, Houston, Chicago, and New York City have different expressions of and relationship to their Indigeneity based on the racialized geographies of those spaces, while retaining commonalities. Black Queer Feminist theorist Tiffany Lethabo King notes that:

    genocide and slavery do not have an edge. While the force of their haunt has distinct feelings at the stress points and instantiations of Black fungibility and Native genocide, the violence moves as one. To perceive this distinct yet edgeless violence and its haunting requires a way of sensing that allows moving in and out of blurred and sharpened vision, acute, and dulled senses of smell. It requires that taste buds at the back of the throat and the pinch of the acidic in the nerves of the jawline. Edgeless distinction is a haptic moment, shared, and a ceremonial Black and Indigenous ritual.

    King’s provocation to pay attention to the edgeless colonial hauntings of Blackness and Indigeneity is generative as we think about the ways in which Garifuna folks negotiate and contradict their articulations and self-makings of Black Indigeneity. The Black Indigeneity of Garifuna folks is a significant marker of distinction on Central America’s Caribbean Coast (and in the United States). In the context of Honduras, Garifuna have politically mobilized with the nation-state to gain constitutional rights to ancestral lands and inclusion into the polity through a politics of Afro-Indigeneity, pointing to a political subjectivity of Black Indigeneity tied to land rights and cultural heritage.

    The Insurgency of Black Latinidad: Unsettling Hemispheric Mestizaje

    “No matter your race because you know you’re Latino” N.O.R.E. (October 2004) “Si tú eres Latino, saca tu bandera.” Gente de Zona(April 2015)

    Latinidad in the United States is built on, travels, and performs the ideological legacies of Latin American mestizaje as a political project of racial mixture that seeks to distance itself from its northern imperial neighbor: Jim Crow apartheid (Hooker, Theorizing Race). Mestizaje also romanticizes Spanish colonialism and the caste system in its national memory of a past Indigenous culture and civilized Spanish conquest, omitting the gendered and sexualized violence of Spanish colonialism in the Americas from this historical memory (Mendoza). The negation of Blackness within the project of mestizaje or the recovery of it, as in the example of Mexico’s Third Root, problematizes mestizaje as a racial project that imagines racial mixture as the solution to racism and racial inequalities. It is precisely in the struggle with the negation and erasure and for the recovery of Blackness in Latin America and US Latinidad that Afro-Latinx Studies insurgency becomes a necessary political and intellectual project of Black political mobilization.

    In her New York Times article “For Many Latinos, Racial Identity Is More Culture Than Color,” Mireya Navarro writes that, in the context of the United States,

    the census categorizes people by race, which typically refers to a set of common physical traits. But Latinos, as a group in this country, tend to identify themselves more by their ethnicity, meaning a shared set of cultural traits, like language or customs. So when they encounter the census, they see one question that asks them whether they identify themselves as having Hispanic ethnic origins and many answer it as their main identifier.

    Here we see a persistent dilemma within hemispheric constructions of Latinidad: its “ongoing production” (to borrow from Stuart Hall) is rooted in ethnic signifiers in hopes of evading racial discourse for a raceless imaginary of ethnicities. The problematic news story argues that Latinos are so racially mixed that their ethnic differences mark them much more deeply than race in the United States. This is a narrative supported by the general notion that racial discourse and racism do not exist in Latin America and the Caribbean the way they do in the United States, and that any inequalities that do exist result from class and ethnic differences. This trope of Latinx racial exceptionalism as simply not fitting into US racial categories is based in a hemispheric project of mestizaje that is haunted by the mythical illusion of racial democracy (read: racial paradise) in the shadow of Jim Crow’s black/white binary. In the United States, non-Black Latinx peoples mobilize for a census category that transcends US racial categories, distancing themselves from and opposing the histories of racial formation by aspiring to racialized sameness (read: Hispanic/Latino) vis-à-vis ethno-racial nationalist identities (read: Puerto Rican, Mexican-American, etc.) in a continued negation of Black and Indigenous Latinx peoples.

    While scholarly production on Black Latin America has enjoyed a long tradition since the nineteenth century, equivalent scholarship on Black Latin Latinxs in the United States and their descendants remains absent. It is this absence that highlights the political and intellectual necessity of Afro-Latinx Studies, which involves the lived experiences of Latinxs of African descent whose transgenerational migrations, routes, and lineages are located south of the US border, as a means to disrupt homogenized Latino racial exceptionalism. Afro-Latinx Studies opens a space to analyze how Black Latinxs born and raised in the United States can potentially unsettle the media-infused narrative of African American and Latinx conflict, which foments a divisive majority-minority dichotomy.

    In their groundbreaking edited volume The Afro-Latin@ Reader: History and Culture in the United States, Miriam Jiménez Román and Juan Flores give us a useful introductory definition of Afro-Latin@s as “people of African descent in Mexico, Central and South America, and the Spanish-speaking Caribbean, and by extension those of African descent in the United States whose origins are in Latin America and the Caribbean” (1). Building upon this definition, AfroLatinidad emerges as an insurgent analytic that dismantles centuries of discursive and scholarly erasure and negation of Blacks and Blackness in Latin America and unsettles US Latinidades’ investment in an imagined racially harmonious project that reinscribes ethnonationalism as exceptional transcendence of US racial formations (López Oro 62). AfroLatinidad complicates Blackness as a site of rupture in the United States by taking a hemispheric turn to deepen our understanding of the histories, politics, and transmigrations of Blackness in the Americas.

    I now turn to three moments in which transgenerational Garifuna New Yorkers negotiate and articulate their multiple subjectivities as an act of refashioning AfroLatinidad.

    Garifunizando AfroLatinidad: The Politics of Self-Making Garifuna New Yorkers

    Many of the terms, including Latino/a, we use today were created (or influenced) by those who’ve colonized us. In using the term negra, or afrodescendiente, I’m choosing to without a doubt center Blackness. Identity isn’t clear cut. It’s complex and multilayered. As I journey through life, just as my current experiences influence how I identify, new encounters and knowledge will further shape it. No matter which term I use, my pride in my African roots will forever be a constant. Let there be no confusion as to who I am: a Black woman. In the eternal words of Victoria Santa Cruz, “Sí, soy negra. Negra soy.”—Janel Martínez, “‘Negra Soy’: Why I’ve Moved Away from the Term Afro-Latina”

    New York City is home to the largest Garifuna community outside of Central America’s Caribbean Coast. This geographic and demographic distinction matters for many historical and political motivations. It highlights an understudied history of Garifuna Central American transmigrations to New York City that begins in the late 1950s with the economic collapse of the US-owned Fruit Companies, which ignited a Great Migration of Black Central Americans from South of the US South.7 In other words, Garifuna folks are US imperial subjects before arriving at the shores of the United States. Within the broader racialized geographies of US Central Americanness, New York City is not imagined as a US Central American space due to the dominance there of Caribbean Latinx communities.

    On February 23, 2014, the image below was posted on the popular Facebook page “Garifuna TV Page,” where news on gatherings and community events in the US (New York City, Chicago, Houston, New Orleans, Miami, and Los Angeles) as well as in Central America are shared. The Facebook page also promotes Garifuna culture and music, giving publicity to local Garifuna musicians, artists, and activists.

    Fig. 1.
    Facebook post on Garifuna TV page, February 23, 2014.

    The posting was in response to an ongoing debate in Garifuna social media spaces about Afrolatinidad. The statement, “Do not call me Afro Latino!! & Do not call me an Afro-Descendant because I am a Proud Garifuna,” is accompanied by visuals of Garifuna culture and traditions, including the symbolic Garifuna flag and its colors (yellow, white, and black) and activities such as mashing plantains for a plate of machuca (hudutu), rasping coconut on a board to make either bread or stew, and carrying baskets. These are all images of labor done by Garifuna women; the only male presence in the image is the young boy being carried on his mother’s back. The Garifuna tropes invoke nostalgia for Central America’s Caribbean Coast and bestow historical weight onto diasporic Garifunaness.

    The image was created by Ana Castillo, a US-based Garifuna poet from Honduras. The loss of Garifuna culture and language to American culture, specifically African American culture, has been an ongoing concern of the generation of Garifuna Central American immigrants of the 1960s. The clear rejection of AfroLatinidad and Afrodescendants in this image is a deeply significant assertion that points to the centuries of anti-black racism and violence experienced by Garifuna Central Americans in the isthmus. The assertion of an exclusively Garifuna epistemology matters here as a point of disruption into a category that does not capture Garifuna Black Indigeneity, and it also reveals the political mobilization of Garifuna communities in Central America and in the United States in the effort to preserve their culture, language, and history. There is a generational concern here that something is lost in the United States, that values, customs, language, traditions, and music are slowly being erased because of American assimilation and because families are no longer living in their hometowns on the Caribbean Coasts. It is interesting that the categories of Afro-Latino and Afro-descendant are presented together; their conjunction conveys a reinscription of Garifuna pride throughout the Americas. “Afro-Latino,” a term mostly used in the United States, and “Afro-descendant,” which is mostly used in Latin America, have parallel political projects of insurgency that respond to the erasure and absence of Blacks and Blackness in Latin America and US Latinidad. However, here Garifuna folks are not interested in investing into a project that from its inception has erased, excluded, and voided their existence. The phrasing “Do not call me Afro Latino and Do not call me Afro-descendant, I am a Proud Garifuna” is an effective political affirmation of visibility and recognition at a moment when AfroLatinidad and Afrodescendant have taken center stage as all-encompassing umbrella terms. Garifuna folks are uneasy about the way both terms erase/silence/footnote the specific histories of Blackness in Latinx Americas. More importantly, the phrase “I am a Proud Garifuna” builds on the political genealogies of the US Black Power Movement of the 1960s and 1970s, echoing James Brown’s iconic vocals in “Say It Loud, I’m Black and I’m Proud.” “I am a Proud Garifuna” is an explicit response to the historical and contemporary manifestations of mestizo supremacy and anti-Black racism in Central America, which remains present today in spite of a multicultural shift. The echo of the US Black Power Movement here unearths the hemispheric influences of African American political thought and formations. It also exemplifies how Garifuna New Yorkers and those throughout the rest of their diaspora in the United States engage directly with US Black history, culture, and politics.

    Janel Martínez’s invocation of her Blackness quoted in the epigraph of this section is of great transgenerational diasporic importance. Her rejection of the term “AfroLatinx,” especially at a moment of hyperawareness, points to her desire to center her Blackness as something other than a racial fetish. It speaks to the broader politics of the way Garinagu New Yorkers and those in Central America negotiate and articulate their Blackness as a political project of membership to the larger African diaspora, rooted in the racialized lived experiences of being Black. Indigeneity, although it is a simultaneous Garifuna identity in these instances, takes a back seat to a politics of Blackness that highlights an interpellation as always already Black.

    “Ain’t I Latina?”: Negotiating Central Americanness vis-à-vis AfroLatinidad

    Aida Lambert, a Garifuna woman born and raised in Honduras, came to New York City in 1964 at a time when Central Americans, especially Garifuna folks, did not have much visibility in the ethnic pantheon of New York City’s Latinidad. Aida Lambert forms part of the second largest wave of Garifuna New Yorker transmigrants who arrived a few years prior to the economic collapse of the United Fruit Company. She first lived in Eastern Brooklyn and later, when she married, moved to East Harlem with her husband and children. In her autobiographical essay “We Are Black Too: Experiences of a Honduran Garífuna,” Lambert illustrates the nuanced relations between African Americans and Spanish-speaking immigrants. Lambert was a founding committee member of Desfile de la Hispanidad [Hispanic Parade]. The Annual Hispanic Parade in October emerged mid-1980s when NuyoRicans and recent migrants from Puerto Rico wanted to exhibit their culture, work ethic, and racial differences from their African American neighbors. Lambert’s involvement developed out of her language barriers with other English-speaking Blacks and her cultural and linguistic bond with Puerto Ricans and Dominicans:

    I have found that even though you are Black, the fact that you are Latina means to them [African-Americans] that you are of another race … even at home, in Honduras, our Garífuna culture, and our language, is losing ground and becoming less and less familiar. And here it is even more so.

    My own children, as much as I try to keep the culture alive, they have their own lives and often forget whatever they learn. Not to mention my grandchildren, who were born here. I warn them about my experiences with African Americans, but they play with them, are influenced by them, and join them. They make friends with them, they identify with them, in the way they dress, and talk, and the music they listen to. And what can I do, I have to let them choose their own cultural preferences. (433)

    Lambert’s testimonio is telling of her generation of Garifuna Central American immigrants and their engagement and inclusion with Puerto Rican and Dominican aspirations of social mobility. The generations of Garifuna New Yorkers following Lambert’s arrival to Brooklyn and Harlem negotiate Latinidad in multiple ways that simultaneously reject and interject into Latinidad as a marker that makes Garifuna Blackness distinct from the Blackness of African Americans, while simultaneously using Garifunaness as a means of distancing from mestizo Latinidad and AfroLatinidad. Her feeling of being rejected by Black Americans and accepted by Puerto Ricans is a significant act of remembrance for a number of reasons, particularly because Garifuna Central Americans migrate to the United States at the intersections of anti-Black racism, non-democratic governments, and economic instability. Lambert’s remembering of solidarity and support from Puerto Ricans is not a universal narrative according to Spanish-speaking Black immigrants, who continued to experience anti-Black racism from their own countrymates in the United States. The best-known example is Arturo Alfonso Schomburg, a Black Puerto Rican who migrated to Harlem in 1891 but, in contrast to Lambert, felt rejected by other Spanish-speaking immigrants and embraced by African Americans and Afro-Caribbeans (Hoffnung-Garskof). Aida’s generation resisted being labeled African American and maintained the household mantra, “somos negros pero no como aquellos” (we are Black but not like them), “them” being African Americans. This narrative does not remain true for second and especially third generation Garínagu, as their interpellation as Black Americans creates interstitial spaces between their Blackness, Garifunaness, and Latinidad. They never fully belong in any of these categories because the United States is a dislocation of birthplace, citizenship, and a fragmented home.

    Fig. 2.
    Aida Lambert in the center being honored in the 2014 Central American Parade & Festival in Crotona Park, Bronx as Madrina de Festival Centroaméricana. Photo courtesy of the author.

    Janel Martínez is a Garifuna woman of Honduran descent, born and raised in the Bronx, and daughter of Garifuna Honduran immigrants from the 1970s generation. She is the creator of “Ain’t I Latina?” an online destination created by an Afro-Latina for Afro-Latinas, inspired by the lack of representation in both mainstream and Spanish-language media. Martínez is a multimedia journalist whose work has been featured in both African American media sites, such as The Root, Black Enterprise, Madame Noire, and in Latinx media sites, such as Cosmopolitan for Latinas, Remezcla, and NPR’s Latino USA. The very question that inspires Martínez’s online site, and which provocatively connects her to Sojourner Truth’s “Ain’t I a Woman?” shows the importance of disrupting mestizo Latinidades which erase peoples of African descent. Martínez’s Black Latinidad is articulated not as separate from the Black identity of African Americans but very much in the company of African American and other non-US Black lived experiences in the United States. Her travels to her parents’ hometown communities on the Caribbean Coast of Honduras in Ciriboya and Irionia deepened her Garifuna political identity. She notes, “Garifuna was never an identity I had to unearth; it was a culture and way of being I experienced within and all around me” (Martínez, “This is What it’s Like”). Martínez points to her home life as a site of Garifuna self-fashioning where food, language, and traditions are preserved in the intimacies of her mother’s kitchen and in family gatherings in her parents’ living room. After her grandmother’s passing and the ensuing beluria, a Garifuna spiritual tradition to celebrate life in and after ancestral deaths, Martínez’s interest in learning about Garifuna life and history continues.

    Martínez’s journalistic work has examined the complexities of being raised Garinagu in the United States, where one’s identity is frequently demeaned or marginalized. Grounded in her identities as Garifuna and Black Latina, Martínez explores the complexities and multiplicities of diasporic linkages with other Black Latinxs and the intersectionality of race, ethnicity, country of birth, and nationality. While Martínez acknowledges that presuming a common AfroLatinidad, especially one that does not center Blackness (Martínez, “‘Negra Soy’”), runs the risk of homogenizing Latinxs of African descent, her work still notes that refashioning AfroLatinidad calls for an expansive and hemispheric Blackness in the Americas instead of simply relying on a politics of inclusion into Latinidad.

    Fig. 3.
    Janel Martínez on April 12, 2018 being awarded a Proclamation by New York City Council Member Vanessa L. Gibson for her activism and cultural work in preserving Garifuna history and culture in New York City. Photo courtesy of the author.

    Hemispheric Black Latinidades: Garinagu New Yorkers Presente

    On July 13, 2018, I was invited to participate in a Presidential Plenary titled “US Central Americans, Invisible, and Silent No More” for the Latina/o Studies Association biannual meeting. I began my comments with the following provocation to problematize the absence of Black Central Americans in the scholarship on US Central Americans:

    My Central America is Caribbean. My Central America is a Caribbean Coast whose natural resources and peoples have and continue to be exploited by US imperialism. My Central America is Black, Black Indigenous to be exact, whose descendant’s survivors of the transatlantic slave trade and Carib-Arawak indigeneity on the Antillean island of St. Vincent and whose marronage and exile call Central America’s Caribbean Coast: home. To be Garifuna is to be Caribbean and Central American simultaneously. I am the grandchild of banana workers from Tela and Balfate, Honduras whose transmigrations to Harlem, New York, in 1964 was made possible by the political mobilization of Garveyism and whose parents met in Bedford-Stuyvesant, Brooklyn in 1982. My Black Central America is also New York City.

    My articulations of Black Central America on the isthmus and in its diasporas builds on centuries of anti-Black racism and erasure of our existence. Aida Lambert, Janel Martínez, and Vielka Cecilia Hoy all articulate a politics of Black Central Americanness that is made and remains invisible in the face of a mythical all-inclusive Latinidad. Lambert’s political mobilization alongside Puerto Ricans, Dominicans, and other mestizo Latinx New Yorkers animates her desires to negotiate her Black Honduranness in the Desfile de la Hispanidad, where her activism allowed a Garifuna Honduran woman to win the beauty pageant contest in 1994. Martínez’s negotiation and articulation of her Black Latinidad engages a hemispheric project that centers Blackness in the Americas with an inclusionary praxis into Latinidad. Garifuna New Yorkers of Central American descent are marked by their transgenerational differences and bounded by a Garifunaness that disrupts hegemonic racial and ethnic subjectivities.

    Paul Joseph López Oro is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Africana Studies at Smith College. His research and teaching interests are on Black Latin American and U.S. Black Latinx social movements, Black Feminist & LGBTQ activism, and Black Queer Feminist ethnographies in the Américas. His in-progress manuscript, Indigenous Blackness in the Americas: The Queer Politics of Self-Making Garifuna New York is a transdisciplinary ethnography on how gender and sexuality shapes the ways in which transgenerational Garifuna New Yorkers of Central American descent negotiate, perform, and articulate their multiple subjectivities as Black, Indigenous, and AfroLatinx.

    Footnotes

    1. I refer to a violence that is both physical and epistemic, pointing to the centuries of land dispossession, US imperialism, and erasure from national subjecthood. Central Americans of African descent are in the margins of the histories of transmigrations and political movements in the isthmus and their diasporas.

    2. Garifuna epistemology is rooted in Black Indigeneity, where Blackness is marooned in the Americas, as the collective memory of ethnogenesis on St. Vincent: being descendants of shipwrecked slaves, an important marker of alterity and problematic divorcing of plantation slavery in the Americas. The Garifuna notion of maroonage is foundational to Garifuna Black Indigeneity as it invokes an act of shipwreckedness and eventual hybridity with Carib Arawak Indigenous peoples on St. Vincent in the 15th century.

    3. I reference the homogenized term Black Central Americans or Central Americans of African descent, which does not detail the multiplicity of Black Central American communities. I do this with the political intent of affirming Blackness in a region of the Americas that is racialized as a non-Black space.

    4. This is the case even during the multicultural era, especially as Creole, Garifuna, and West Indian communities continue to fight for autonomy and inclusion.

    5. Garinagu refers to the collective and diasporic identity of Garifuna peoples that extends beyond Central American nationalism or regional specificity. It is in use particularly in Garifuna linguistic spaces.

    6. I only use the hyphen when referring to the field of study of Afro-Latinx Studies. I explicitly use Afrolatinidad and AfroLatinx to refer to peoples, histories, and cultures, because the hyphenation of Afro-Latinidad/Afro-Latinx is a continued violence of erasure. A hyphen reinscribes the notion that “Black” and “Latinx” are mutually exclusive to each other. Here I build on conversations with Omaris Z. Zamora and Yomaira C. Figueroa about the idea that Blackness is always already present in our Latinidad. Hyphenation is a dislocation of Blackness in distancing from Latinidad and in this context more specifically from US Central Americanness.

    7. I refer to this understudied transmigration of Garifuna and Creole folks to the United States as a “Great Migration of Black Central Americans from South of the US South” to point to the various hemispheric Black migrations and to disrupt the grand narrative of a US-centered Great Migration. Throughout the Americas, there have been and continue to be “Great Migrations” of Black communities fleeing anti-black racism.

    Works Cited

    • Anderson, Mark. Black and Indigenous: Garifuna Activism and Consumer Culture in Honduras. U of Minnesota P, 2009.
    • Chambers, Glenn A. Race, Nation, and West Indian Immigration to Honduras, 1890–1940. Louisiana State UP, 2010.
    • England, Sarah. Afro-Central Americans in New York City: Garifuna Tales of Transnational Movements in Racialized Space. UP of Florida, 2006.
    • Euraque, Darío A. “The Threat of Blackness to the Mestizo Nation: Race and Ethnicity in the Honduran Banana Economy, 1920s and 1930s.” Banana Wars: Power, Production, and History in the Americas, edited by Steve Striffler and Mark Moberg, Duke UP, 2003, pp. 229–250.
    • Figueroa, Yomaira C. Decolonizing Diasporas: Radical Mappings of Afro-Atlantic Literature. Northwestern UP, 2020.
    • Gordon, Edmund T. Disparate Diasporas: Identity and Politics in an African-Nicaraguan Community. The U of Texas P, 1998.
    • Gudmundson, Lowell, and Justin Wolfe. Introduction. Blacks and Blackness in Central America: Between Race and Place, edited by Lowell Gudmundson and Justin Wolfe. Duke UP, 2010, pp. 1–23.
    • Hale, Charles R. “Neoliberal Multiculturalism: The Remaking of Cultural Rights and Racial Dominance in Central America.” PoLAR, vol. 28, no. 1, 2005, pp. 10–28. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/24497680.
    • Hoffnung-Garskof, Jesse. “The Migrations of Arturo Schomburg: On Being Antillano, Negro, and Puerto Rican in New York, 1891–1938.” Journal of American Ethnic History, vol. 21, no. 1, Fall 2001, pp. 3–49. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/27502778.
    • Hooker, Juliet. “‘Beloved Enemies’: Race and Official Mestizo Nationalism in Nicaragua.” Latin American Research Review, vol. 40, no. 3, 2005, pp. 14–39. Project Muse, doi:10.1353/lar.2005.0051.
    • Hooker, Juliet. Theorizing Race in the Americas: Douglass, Sarmiento, Du Bois, and Vasconcelos. Oxford UP, 2017.
    • Hoy, Vielka Cecilia. “Negotiating among Invisibilities: Tales of Afro-Latinidades in the United States.” Jiménez Román and Flores, pp. 426–430. Jiménez Román, Miriam, and Juan Flores, editors. The Afro-Latin@ Reader: History and Culture in the United States. Duke UP, 2010.
    • King, Tiffany Lethabo. The Black Shoals: Offshore Formations of Black and Native Studies. Duke UP, 2019.
    • Lambert, Aida. “We Are Black Too: Experiences of a Honduran Garifuna.” Jiménez Román and Flores, pp. 431–433.
    • Loperena, Christopher. “Radicalize Multiculturalism? Garifuna Activism and the Double-Bind of Participation in Postcoup Honduras.” The Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Anthropology, vol. 21, no. 3, 2016, pp. 521–522. Wiley, doi:10.1111/jlca.12222.
    • López Oro, Paul Joseph. “Ni de aquí, ni de allá: Garifuna Subjectivities and the Politics of Diasporic Belonging.” Afro-Latin@s in Movement: Critical Approaches to Blackness and Transnationalism in the Americas, edited by Petra R. Rivera-Rideau, Jennifer A. Jones, and Tianna S. Paschel, Palgrave Macmillan, 2016, pp. 61–84.
    • Martínez, Janel. “‘Negra Soy’: Why I’ve Moved Away from the Term Afro-Latina.” Remezcla, 17 Sept. 2018, remezcla.com/features/culture/negra-vs-afro-latina/.
    • Martínez, Janel. “This is What It’s Like to Grow Up Garifuna.” 12 Apr. 2018, Mitú, fierce.wearemitu.com/identities/as-garifuna-woman-come-from-lineage-black-female-fighters-but-didnt-always-know/.
    • Mendoza, Breny. “De-Mythologizing Mestizaje in Honduras: A Critique of Recent Contributions.” Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Ethnic Studies, vol. 1, no. 2, 2006, pp. 185–201. Taylor & Francis, doi:10.1080/17442220600859361.
    • Navarro, Mireya. “For Many Latinos, Racial Identity Is More Culture Than Color.” The New York Times. 14 Jan. 2012, www.nytimes.com/2012/01/14/us/for-many-latinos-race-is-more-culture-than-color.html.
    • Zamora, Omaris Z. “(Trance)forming AfroLatina Embodied Knowledges in Nelly Rosario’s Song of the Water Saints,” Label Me Latina/o, Special Issue: Afro-Latina/o Literature and Performance, Vol. VII, (Summer 2017): pp. 1–16.

  • The Politics of Witchcraft and the Politics of Blood: Reading Sovereignty and Sociality in the Livingstone Museum

    Alírio Karina (bio)

    Abstract

    Thoroughly entangled in the legacies of colonial anthropology, witchcraft is often presented as evidence of primitiveness or superstition, or as a metaphor for reality. This paper examines a set of witchcraft objects held at the Livingstone Museum in Zambia, reading them against anthropological and political-theoretical efforts to treat witchcraft as a metaphor—for the African nation-state, capitalism, and ethnic violence, or for African ingenuity, modernity, and liberation. It argues instead that the materiality of witchcraft invites a reconceptualization of ideas of postcolonial agency and points to the limitations of liberatory politics organized around the pursuit of sovereignty.

    There looms, within abjection, one of those violent, dark revolts of being, directed against a threat that seems to emanate from an exorbitant outside or inside, ejected beyond the scope of the possible, the tolerable, the thinkable. It lies there, quite close, but it cannot be assimilated.—Julia Kristeva, The Powers of Horror: An Essay on Abjection

    In her 1975 review of Keith Thomas’s Religion and the Decline of Magic, Hildred Geertz identifies a problem with Thomas’s sweeping history of ideas: he fails to define “magic” outside of the terms his other ideological protagonists use to criticize it. The borders of the magical come to be delineated by that which should be, but is not, there—reason, practicality, religion.

    According to Geertz, Thomas reduces all systems of magical belief to wholly psychological phenomena, which cease to be important in the 17th century as Thomas identifies a reduction in need for supernatural aid and an increase in practical self-reliance. But, for any such psychological effect to exist, magic must be reasonable, and must too be something exceeding negative definition—so under what terms does it make itself such? What, actually, is magic? I am not interested in fleshing out Thomas’s psychological account of magic, though I will explore a related psychological-rationalist reductionism in contemporary and classical anthropological accounts. Instead, I contest Geertz’s challenge. What if there was a form of “magic” that was not framed as existing on the outside of normative knowing and being, but that sought to be the frame of that outside, to become that outside? To exist willfully outside of juridical and ecclesiastical law and logic, of scientific rationality—to exist, perhaps, against it, as a sovereign without obligations?

    Such a form of magic would present a radical threat to the knowable and governable and livable world. It is such a form that we find in the news reports and rumors of witchcraft that seem to orbit the African and Afro-diasporic world. This witchcraft kills, maims, and terrorizes innocent and marginal Africans.1 It remains a threat even after more than a century of colonization brought about its criminalization, after the refusal of the traditional and a new Christian antagonism to (non-ecclesiastical) magic, and after post-colonial African governments sought to unite despite the traditionalisms of tribe. In the process, it became overwhelmed by racial and ethnographic phantasm, a sign of the most shamefully savage, of the threat of an at-once racial and ethnographic Blackness, of the utmost impossibility of desiring the non-colonial, and thus it became a site of crisis for a reimagined African Studies. While in some ways specific to African Studies, this problematic has broader ramifications, as it is the result of the naturalization of ethnographic habits in the discipline that cast African witchcraft as a peculiarly and perniciously Black and indigenous practice. This paper does not seek to “apply” Black Studies or Indigenous Studies to consider this question. Instead, it thinks through the figure of witchcraft—at once burdened by the representational weight of both fields, by the weight of aspiration—in order to explore how both contribute to its understanding as a sign of sovereignty rather than as merely a nativist symbol of the return to a pure past or a liberal symbol of an always-already modernity.

    Fig. 1.
    Witchcraft display in the ethnographic gallery of the Livingstone Museum. All photographs were taken by the author and are used by permission.

    The contours of this story are drawn out in the galleries and collections of the Livingstone Museum, in Livingstone, Zambia (see fig. 1).2 In the ethnographic gallery,3 at the very beginning of a series of displays that travel from TRADITIONAL MEDICINE, through WITCHCRAFT, to DEATH (and BEYOND…), a small label informs the viewer that there are three kinds of traditional medicine items: herbs, which are prepared ointments and oral medicines of predominantly plant origin meant to cure various ailments; stimulants and depressants, which amplify or diminish a person’s (sexual, reproductive, psychological) capacities; and charms and talismans, which confer power to the wearer. Following in the footsteps of foundational English anthropologist E. Evans-Pritchard’s work on magic, the museum builds a careful distinction between objects that belong to the realm of the “magical” and those that pertain to “witchcraft.” This distinction marks not only a difference in what these objects are capable of, but—perhaps more importantly—a difference in how these objects should be related to.

    In this paper, I examine these objects as material things critically embedded in modes of ethnographic interpretation that are signaled by both the museum’s taxonomy and the writing of anthropological monographs that seek to understand “belief” and its associated material culture. These objects are caught up in an ethnographically entangled process of missionary evangelism on the African continent and in other legal and political moments of the colonial encounter. Reading these moments together with the sociopolitical threat posed by witchcraft and its associated material, I argue that the museum’s framing of these materials works (symbolically) to mediate their sovereignty, while nevertheless ceding to their power. When read against theories of postcolonial politics that rely upon an analogy to witchcraftness, these violently heretical objects demonstrate the necessity of thinking witchcraft not merely via circulated objects of belief or superstition, but as a practice that poses real challenges to the authority of postcolonial African states. This paper develops ideas about the sovereignty of witchcraft in relation to Achille Mbembe’s “Provisional Notes on the Postcolony” and considers the questions witchcraft poses for scholars concerned with valorizing African practices that exceed the command of the colonial.

    The witchcraft objects held by the Livingstone Museum were accessioned between the 1940s and 1960s, primarily following witch-trials, and were studied by Barrie Reynolds, then the Keeper of Ethnology at the Livingstone Museum.4 The objects fall into a few categories. Many are power sources in the form of containers; others are kaliloze guns used both by witches to kill their enemies and for witch-hunting (see fig. 2); a few are large ceremonial brushes; several are ilomba, snake familiars whose form the witch would adopt on night missions; others are various kinds of familiars, divining baskets, and associated objects. Among the objects is a magical telephone for communing with the otherworld and at least one magical aeroplane for traveling large distances and conducting night missions. Many are made from common materials that signal they were likely made by the same person. But many of them share other material traits. Several objects use seeds of the Lucky Bean Creeper (poisonous shiny red seeds that are black when dried), which are embedded in the object using dark resinous wax (another feature of many of the objects, across makers), while others featuring strings of small beads embedded in the same way. Many are shrouded in layers of fabric (at times signaling that the object was a snake, at times to hold a precarious object together, at times both) that have clearly been darkened on the surface by burial. Many combine parts of animal bodies—hooves, hides, tails, turtle shells, feathers—with wooden and other natural and crafted materials. Several too—especially the kaliloze guns, but also a skull-shaped object and a necklace of teeth—involve human remains, either teeth or large pieces of bone.

    Fig. 2.
    A kaliloze gun, made to look like a rifle. Its barrel is one end of a hollowed human femur, partially filled with soil. This is attached to a wooden stock and wrapped with leaves. Aimed through a hole in a wall, or at the sun, it can kill its target at any distance. Acc. 6580.

    These objects are composites, crafted from a variety of different (primarily natural) materials that do not seem to fit, usually held together with dark resin that appears equally unsuited to the object’s components. A significant subset of the objects seem to employ impossible taxidermy. The most striking is crafted to look like a zebra’s leg filled with a zebra’s tail, made from a zebra hide, a hoof (likely equine), a combination of multiple animal tails for the tail, and wood and thread. Even non-taxidermic objects combine these forms in similar ways. While most of the kaliloze guns are made simply of wood, a sawed-off human bone, fabrics wrapped around them, and beads attached with wax (already an extraordinary and unsettling combination), some are more extravagant. One has a purple glass or semi-precious stone attached, with an inverted pound coin beneath it; the handle of another is formed from a warthog tusk and a claw. The magical telephone is a small animal horn with thick, soft fur stitched all around it and a jar lid with sticks, wax, and lucky beans that forms the “earpiece.” The “receiver” is a painted plastic cylinder filled with things that rattle (see fig. 3). In many of these cases, the objects come to look magical through the internal consistency of a mode that relates disparate forms, objects, and components, whose combination undermines any norm by which the viewer might expect to relate to it.

    Fig. 3.
    A witch’s telephone. The earpiece comprises animal horn, hide, metal, wood, seeds, and a shell. The receiver is metallic (possibly a jar lid) and coated in dark wax; Lucky Seeds dot the perimeter, with a cowrie shell on the top. The mouthpiece is a plastic canister filled with black powder, covered in fabric, resin, and strings of beads. Acc. 064 A/B.

    Even objects with aesthetic value—well-crafted, referential of the familiar, or intricate in their form and decoration—are jarring. The intricate ilomba—whose carved faces recall the more mundane carvings found in the tourist market a few minutes from the museum—are deliberately frightening to look at. Their wooden heads, carved in the likeness of the witch whose snake form they would become, have exaggerated facial features that bulge out and are often decorated with materials that augment both their power and their visual menace. One such object has both seeds of the Lucky Bean Creeper affixed to the center of each eye and human hair (likely from the head of the witch himself). The heads form the tops of otherwise uncarved slabs of wood. The “bodies” are wrapped with a tremendous amount of murky-colored fabric, often with other objects (like scissors and animal claws) slipped inside and around these layers. This wrapping recalls a straitjacket and a snake at once, while the tone of the fabric indicates the ilomba’s hiding by burial. Another object is a necklace made entirely of human maxillary incisors, attached by coils of wire to a copper choker. This necklace, containing at least ten sets of front teeth, seems to come alive when moved (see fig. 4). The teeth, loosely connected to the copper core, shift very slightly. All of these objects are crafted with a great deal of attention to their form and aesthetics, echoing the familiar while using materials that render this reference to the beautiful quite frightening.

    Fig. 4.
    An item of witch regalia, worn around the neck. It comprises 43 adult maxillary incisors affixed to a loop of copper wire. The teeth move slightly when the piece is held. Acc. 10699.

    The necklace, the kaliloze guns, and the ilomba are especially unsettling because of the way they inhabit death. Objects involving human body parts and remains become inescapably entangled with questions of how they were obtained (the morbid hope that they were stolen from graves) and, in the case of the guns, an awareness that the death that was necessary to build the object is a death that comes to generate death. Each of the objects with Lucky Bean seeds signals a relationship to the world of the dead—as well as the dangers of crossing the witch who has that relationship and the dangers of an object decorated with poison, a death-bringer. The shrouding and burial of the guns and the ilomba are reminders of precisely what these objects have the power and intention to do.5

    Despite the ways in which these objects invoke and inhabit death, the ordinariness of Zambian belief in and fear of witchcraft is often treated as puzzling. Zambia—seen as modern, urban, educated, distant from “tradition”—would not then make sense as a home for indefensible superstitions from a forgotten past, while its predominant Christianity allows visitors to assume magic belief would have been replaced, as in Europe, by religious faith (Thomas). But that is not what witchcraft is. Witchcraft is a thoroughly modern practice and it has adapted in turn to the conditions of colonial and postcolonial Africa and assisted African subjects in adapting to these changes themselves.6 Zambian witchcraft is also invariably colored by colonial influence. Distinctly European magical fears—of black cats or walking under ladders—came to form the language for talking about a local “witchcraft” (which itself earned its name through the colonial encounter) and became the basis of a reckoning with this form as equivalent to what was historically present in Europe. This connection may have been tenuous in the early encounter—indeed, it was still complicated in 1930s Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, where Evans-Pritchard used the terms “witchcraft,” “magic,” and “oracles,” which he recognized as inadequate to the task of describing the capacious modes of the social theory he was capturing. However, the question of “mistranslation” becomes murkier when we return to postcolonial Livingstone, a place where European missions and their postcolonial American counterparts have been entrenched for centuries. Zambian witchcraft was changed by its framing with European logics. Some of this involved the appropriation of European symbolism, as both Barrie Reynolds and Friday Mufuzi argue. The kaliloze guns again provide an immediate reference here, both in their form (referencing guns, with some quite distinct references to revolvers and rifles) and in the materials that decorate them.

    But this shift is perhaps most clear when we consider the medicinal objects in the Livingstone Museum collections. Unlike the objects considered witchcraft objects, which traffic in and produce death, the objects that the Livingstone Museum frames as medicinal were built around magically or medically refusing the death that the witchcraft objects created, refusing the decay of the body and healing it instead. The herbal materials are catalogued as botanical clippings, occasionally with notes indicating the appropriate methods for usage and the illnesses these materials would aim to heal. This pharmacological collection strategy grants these materials a scientificity that allows them to be read as a valued form of “indigenous knowledge.” But what brings these herbal materials and charms together is the peculiar way in which the museum comes to define the category they do not form a part of: witchcraft. Where the magic of protective charms is a magic that heals or does no harm—and a magic that, perhaps as a result, needs little justification for even a very Christian Zambian to recognize—witchcraft is the magic that is about doing violence. In the case of the needle charms that protect against kaliloze gun attacks, witchcraft is also about surviving the reflection of violence you have attempted. This distinction seems solid enough until one remembers that the most common supernatural-related violence that the region sees takes the form of the killing of marginal subjects for body parts, which can then, medicinally, assist in the production and sustenance of power. These medicinal killings and maimings continue to be a problem in the region, with the market for body parts thriving especially in electoral periods. By delimiting violence of this kind to the world of witchcraft, the museum creates a neater division between different modes of vernacular practice than seems to really exist; this move may reflect a deliberate attempt to cleanse the “medicinal” of its more horrific components, such that “medicine” as a whole—not only in its pharmacological form—can remain an indigenous form immune to moral critique.

    Due to the museum’s taxonomy and the way it is reproduced by Christian responses to witchcraft and medicine materials, these objects come to be inscribed by a very European binary: they are either white or black magic. This idea is now hard to unravel from these materials. The white magic, which is beneficial and socially acceptable, becomes “medicine” or “divination”; the black magic, which is anti-social and violent, is “witchcraft” (Mufuzi, “Practice of Witchcraft”). This distinction between social benefit and anti-social violence mirrors the origin mythology that animates tourist life in Livingstone. Livingstone the town is named after Livingstone the man, who is memorialized as the uniquely goodhearted missionary who brought both salvation and abolition to the region. The ultimate anti-social black magic would then be the violence of slavery, and its abolition is understood to be of material and moral concern—a concern both with the end of raids that brought upheaval to the north of what is now Zambia (and the danger of being abducted into slavery through these raids) and with the wrongness of the enslavement of African kin. Its counterpart is the healing force of Christianity spread by Livingstone. Indeed, contemporary Christianity in Zambia—even after excluding the more willfully syncretic African Independent Churches—is a thoroughly magical phenomenon. Ordinary and spiritual life is expected to be structured in profoundly supernatural ways, from the transubstantiation in Catholicism and consubstantiation in Anglicanism to the more recently imported Pentecostal and Charismatic churches, where locals find themselves possessed, speaking in tongues, gaining special powers, and being healed by the word of God and the hands of their preachers. More, these supernatural modes are amenable to those governing local ideas of magic, and the commensurability of religion and witchcraft in Zambia produces local witchcraft practices not as impossibilities but as evil presences in the world. It follows that the fear of witchcraft and of its objects comes to be central to conversion in the region.

    To Western audiences, these witchcraft objects appear to manifest their power and intention through supernatural means,7 a fact that presents a scholarly problem. In the most notable early attempt to resolve this problem, Evans-Pritchard’s Witchcraft, Oracles and Magic among the Azande (1937) works to find a way to rationalize witchcraft’s excess from the natural. In the text, Evans-Pritchard argues that Zande cosmology seeks to explain and respond to that which is left out of Western analyses of cause and effect—instead of the how questions, the why questions: why then, why there, why them. These beliefs in turn produce practices that help the Zande social structure retain stability in light of potentially destabilizing accidents and deaths.8 Evans-Pritchard produces a psychological account of witchcraft, describing it as a way of dealing with the inexplicable misfortunes of everyday life. In its effort to be sympathetic to magic, this mode imagines magic as the exceedingly rationalist counterpart to Western naturalist modes of inquiry (Mills). This witchcraft is not truly agential; not only does it not actually harm anyone, but it doesnt’ actually act. Instead, for Evans-Pritchard, witchcraft is a discourse applied after the fact and it produces the sense that the world it describes can be correctly understood through Western science.

    In postcolonial scholarship on witchcraft, this problematic is often addressed by studying experiences of witchcraft or witchcraft accusations through a set of concrete harms that witchcraft is understood to provide psychic or critical commentary upon. Many scholars extend Evans-Pritchard’s “misfortune” to its structural conclusion that witchcraft is the manifestation of the lived social violence of capitalism. This mode of thinking witchcraft as part of an “occult economy” hopes to take seriously the modernity of practices that are otherwise situated in the traditional past in an uncomplicated way. In Modernity and its Malcontents, Jean and John Comaroff attempt to rethink all ritual on the African continent as forming the “efforts of people to empower themselves, [and] thus to assert a measure of control over worlds often perceived to be rapidly changing” (xiv) and assert the importance of thinking ritual as symbolic action. Thus, they replicate Evans-Pritchard’s psychological dismissal of the occult. However, where for Evans-Pritchard magical practices have a stabilizing function, for the Comaroffs, they figure “in a moral economy capable of addressing the raw realities of misfortune and inequity” (xvii). The occult here is transmuted into a form of ritualized social criticism, which may come to have tangible effects. This speaks to an idealized occult world, in which the eminent adaptability of witchcraft (Geschiere) uniquely positions it as a resistant force to those geopolitical changes that affect everyday life in harmful ways (Moore and Sanders 11). But the practice of witchcraft that the Comaroffs identify routinely becomes subordinate to the moral critique that witchcraft is seen to enable. They write:

    African witches have a long legacy. Their signifying potential, moreover, has proven to be unusually dynamic and versatile. They travel across broad horizons, take up residence in towns, become mistresses of money, markets, and motorized transport, wear makeup and modish attire. They also become the personification of capricious commodities, the sirens of selfish desire. Thus Schmoll shows that Hausa “soul-eaters” in rural Niger consume the life essence of their fellows out of insatiable, uncontrolled craving. Theirs is an antisocial lust that finds its “meat” in the bodies of children, and hence subverts the process of social reproduction itself—this, Austen reminds us, being a very general motif in African witchcraft. (xxv)

    This brief historic analysis of the doings of witches is subsumed into an account of the soul-eater as a commodity that comes to threaten Hausa heritage, revealing the shifting moral margins of society. The Hausa witchcraft accusation is a quasi-Marxist critique from which we might better come to understand the economic violence of African modernity. It should come as little surprise that the discussions of magic in Modernity and Its Malcontents are animated by the idea of the fetish. This is a layered reference. The feitiço gives “fetish” its name—the enchantment, the magical object, the product of sorcery, the supernaturally animate—just as the Marxian commodity fetish describes the magic whereby circulation hides the social, becoming a veil that masks what is real. This is not just a rhetorical parallel; for the Comaroffs, much of what witchcraft appears to veil is capitalism. Despite their stated concern with taking non-Western forms seriously in their own right instead of as reflections of the West, Comaroff and Comaroff present an unveiling of the occult that is “truly” a criticism of newly entrenched forms of accumulation (xiii). Witchcraft becomes simply a metaphor for capitalism.

    For Sean Redding, witchcraft is the sign of colonial power in Union-era South Africa. Redding quotes a passage from Monica Hunter (Wilson)’s 1936 Reaction to Conquest, in which she presents an argument about the witchcraft done to the Pondo by Europeans:

    Quoting an unnamed informant, [Hunter] elaborated: “All ubuthi [material for sorcery] comes from Europeans. They are the real amagqwira (witches or sorcerers).” . . . Informants, when asked, replied that store-keepers and individual Europeans in Pondoland did not kill Pondo by witchcraft or sorcery, but “It is that European, the Government, who ukuthakatha [does harm by witchcraft or sorcery].”(10)

    For Hunter’s Pondo informant, the Union of South Africa is a witch, and colonial rule takes place by means of witchcraft. As Redding elaborates, the most frequent target of this mode of witchcraft accusation was the colonial tax, which demanded a fundamental and immediate restructuring of local forms of life, and whose authority (however illegitimate) could not be ignored. For Redding, this reading of white power as witchly is entangled with early evangelism. Christian missions and their associated civilizing projects—training grounds for appropriately proletarian, though at least initially elite, African subjectivities—were aligned with the colonial administration and colored local understandings of what the supernatural could do and for whom. The social disruption and violence of the sorcerer—the colonial administration, broadly construed—operated through the fetish of British currency, entrenching and facilitating the colonial government’s power at the cost of indigenous lives and life. Redding is concerned less with witchcraft, however, than with the witchcraft accusation. As a result, witchcraft is a metaphor and witchcraft accusations are indices of social anxiety, and thus critiques of the decidedly not supernatural operations of the colonial and postcolonial market and state.

    Henrietta Moore and Todd Sanders offer a rejoinder:

    Is witchcraft, or the occult more generally, offering a critique of globalization and modernity? Must it do so? Is witchcraft really about symbolic politics? Could it be that anthropologists are telling a popular liberal tale through “others” and, in the process, inadvertently reinscribing the very “us”-“them” dichotomies we seek to dismantle? It seems most unlikely that, in all cases and places, people are resisting or critiquing the technologies and conveniences of modernization, and they are certainly not shy of the capitalist relations needed to acquire them. (13)

    Why should allegations about occult harm so neatly mirror a left-centrist critique of capital and the modern world? Why should witchcraft be fundamentally about any such critique—why should it be reduced to discourse? By failing to think witchcraft as a practice with a social life, this scholarship cannot account for the way that the language of witchcraft in particular works to track changes in processes of “consumption, production and political control” (Moore and Sanders 9) on the African continent. This trajectory of witchcraft scholarship is well-meaning, reflecting the desire to dismiss concoctions of racist imagination, to valorize African social practices, and to retain a sense of (radical, or even revolutionary) political optimism about a continent that is often refused it. But witchcraft is not only a discourse; it is a living practice. To understand it, one must first be willing to take witchcraft as real. On one level, this might mean taking a more “rounded picture of reality, one that provides for both the visible and invisible dimensions of our world” (Nyamnjoh 47). But even if one is unwilling to countenance the agency of an invisible world, witchcraft is nonetheless agential and real. The ilomba of the Reynolds collection are especially suggestive here. These objects are crafted in ways that emphasize their identification with ethnographic Blackness, using racialized caricature to heighten the work of fear, and they are understood to be fundamentally entangled with the life of the witch. The ilomba must eat just as the witch must eat, and blood must flow through the ilomba just as blood must flow through the witch, or the ilomba and the witch will both die. This materiality does not so obviously reflect a structure of anti-social violence. But such a violence characterizes the evidently material practices that come to be excluded from the realm of the medicinal—the medicine murders and maimings of children, the elderly, and people with albinism. By failing to reckon with these, and with the convenience mapping of witchcraft accusations onto critiques of capitalist modernity, witchcraft is wholly excised from the material and social world.

    Francis Nyamnjoh’s analysis of magic in the Bamenda Grassfields of Cameroon offers a direction for resolution. Here, sorcerers are at once estranged from social life and possessed of an “undomesticated agency” (Nyamnjoh 44). This “undomesticated agency” is not only the malevolent power of sorcery, it corresponds too to the greed and pride of the economic and political climber, as part of a world in which everything—all resources, including life itself—is understood to be finite and in need of balancing. In both cases, close and distant kin are sacrificed—their lives traded at the market of a shadow world, Msa—to attain position and power. While this certainly appears to be a vernacular criticism of capitalist accumulation, it also seems to make a broader claim: witchcraft has a wild power and this power is absolute, free of the influence of any but the witch, and if left undomesticated—or at least unchallenged—it will continue to consume its kin until there are no spirits left.

    What does it mean to consume one’s kin? This is an expression of the most antisocial of violences—not only the cannibal consumption of other persons, but the literal eating of the family that grounds one’s presence in the social world. This consumption corresponds to the use of body parts in medicines that aid inattaining power and wealth. But it speaks more broadly to witchcraft as a socially disassembling force. The materials in the Reynolds collection—their aesthetics, materiality, social importance, and magical power—unmoor us and their contemporaries alike from the bounds of the social world as we have been brought to understand it. The witch’s otherworldly knowledge, signaled by the material and aesthetic mismatches in the construction of these composite objects, violently unmakes the boundaries of our worldly knowledge. In other words, witchcraft is abject. This is not as the overdetermined signifier of the horrors of the African primitivity, although an awareness of this may well be incorporated into witchcraft practice. Instead, witchcraft is the deliberate crafting and embodiment of abjection, occupying a position that is both marginal and threatening. This abjection can be seen even in the materiality of the Reynolds objects, with their malevolent superimposition of human remains with craft materials, natural dangers, and animal parts. Instead of merely surviving from a shameful traditional past, witchcraft continues to disassemble the boundaries of social meaning in ways capacious enough to incorporate the iconography and logic of colonialism.

    Whether we are concerned with the witchcraft of the medicine murder or with the way that killing itself operates through more occult means, we find in witchcraft a problem of relation. We cannot want witchcraft—even as we might want its heresy—and yet it remains, producing spectacular violence and spectacular objects that unsettle the social. And yet, there is something seductive about witchcraft, about the power it possesses and can transmit. This power is not just a discursive referent to things that have actual power. In this sense, witchcraft is not merely a critique of capitalism or of the particular workings of any given African nation state, but of sovereign power and those who wield it.

    Indeed, witchcraft is a form that challenges the sovereignty of African states. This challenge is regularly expressed in ordinary life. In one version, witchcraft is an evil obstacle to the salvation of the continent, to be overcome through novel ecclesiastical practices (Asamoah-Gyadu). This point is especially salient in Zambia, whose official Christianity has resulted in explicitly non-secular forms of governance following the 1991 presidential election of Frederick Chiluba, a Pentecostal Christian. This general Christian consensus on witchcraft in Zambia results in the idea that witchcraft is heretical, but not as discourse or representation. Instead, witches are actual combatants in a cosmological war,9 one that Christianity must win (Asamoah-Gyadu). In a somewhat parallel story, witchcraft is a superstitious practice that burdens governance and its potential to provide liberated futures (Okeja). This line of criticism reduces magical beliefs and practices to a backwards misreading of the real that produces frustrating noncompliance with the paternal authority of the state. Here the Zambian state’s position offers a useful conclusion. In the Lusaka National Museum—a fairly empty museum colored by state politics and situated next to a government office building that houses several ministries—the International Museums Day exhibit for 2017 (“Museums and Contested Histories: Saying the Unspeakable in Zambia”) featured panels on witchcraft and albinism, among other topics. The witchcraft panel, while in principle standing alone, provided the context through which to understand the other. Witchcraft and magic—including their medicinal and defensive forms, and especially the forms that enable the accumulation of wealth—are the necessary conditions for the maiming and murdering of albino Zambian adults and children. Tremendous and pervasive violence is incorporated into an illicit economy of supernatural power; superstition, if not evil itself, produces evil. And this violence is of urgent concern not only because it is horrific, but because it persists, spiting national attempts to manage it.10 Its occurrence compels international observers to call for intervention, thus reminding African governments of the subordinate position of their own “sovereignty.”

    In contrast, the heretical violence of and for witchcraft is not trapped by any obligations to appease others—any such death or maiming serves only the witch and perhaps a series of hired hands who willfully do violence to others in order to bring about or maintain the wealth or power of the witch in question. There is no decorum to maintain—no acts of violence that might (need to) be justified—nor anyone to be accountable to. There is opposition from the colonial and postcolonial state, as well as from Christian churches, and the entanglement of their challenge to witchcraft—or rather, of witchcraft’s challenge to both—signals that witchcraft’s heretical position may also be a sovereign one, as Fasolt argues in “Sovereignty and Heresy.” The attempts to criminalize witchcraft and the evangelical framing of witchcraft as an enemy force signal that witchcraft presents a critical disruption of the sovereignty of the Zambian state that, in the transit of the neocolony (cf. Byrd), must somehow be restructured from crisis into a difference that is either internal or external to the workings of the state11.

    Such an attempt was hinted at upon the election of Frederick Chiluba. On the first of November 1991, the results of the Zambian presidential election were announced. Following a staggering defeat, Kenneth Kaunda telephoned Chiluba to concede defeat and congratulate the new president. The Washington Post reported that shortly after this concession in a press conference,

    Chiluba called on Kaunda to remain in the country and help rebuild it. “I want the fears to vanish, to disappear from his mind,” he said. “There will be no witch hunting. Kenneth Kaunda is the father of this country, so we must show him respect.”12

    Chiluba’s declaration that “There will be no witch hunting” is a loaded play on words. More than just referencing the fact that Kaunda was the subject of myriad accusations of witchcraft, it nods to the legitimacy of the accusations against Kaunda. The pronouncement recognizes the growing popular frustration with Kaunda’s singular power, which, together with international pressure, produced the multiparty election in which he was unseated and through which his late autocratic rule became tantamount to witchcraft. Beyond that, Chiluba is declaring his own authority and capacity to control the world of witchcraft and dissuade it from action, perhaps by virtue of this democratic election. These two figures—Kaunda the witch, Chiluba the vanquisher—together tell a story of the success of Zambian sovereignty. The witch’s undomesticated agency is domesticated (subordinated) to the newly Christian state by means of a democratic election. But there is more than one threat of witchcraft in this account; also present are the multitudes desiring occult retribution, the witch-hunters-in-waiting (the rioters who had unsettled Kaunda’s Zambia and led to the election). And where Kaunda’s witchcraft-of-sovereignty is overcome by Chiluba’s electoral victory, this latter witchcraft—which threatened to compete with Chiluba’s role of authorizing violence for the state—is instead comfortably incorporated into Zambian statecraft, becoming part of what confirms Chiluba’s own legitimacy. The witch is dead! Long live the witches!—or so Chiluba, victorious, will tell us.

    Perhaps this signals the incorporation of witchcraft proper into Zambian nation-building. The use of witchcraft by politicians to establish their power certainly suggests as much. Perhaps witchcraft then takes the form of a commodity whose circulation is attuned to the whims of the state or its capitalist corollaries. Or perhaps instead of witchcraft being incorporated into the workings of the Zambian nation, it remains independent of and coextensive with Zambian sovereignty, a font of illicit power engaged by those who desire its legitimate corollary. The idea that witchcraft could be incorporated into governance belies both the utter social disruption it produces and the fact that, even as politicians attempt to access power by means of witchcraft, they can never acknowledge (to locals) that they are witches or (to international observers of multiple kinds) that they are primitive, superstitious, and willing to corrupt social life to attain power. Instead, it seems that witchcraft holds its own. It has become the immediate point of reference when discussing ascension to the kinds of wealth and position whose power is progressively less constrained. This does not seem to signal that witchcraft is equivalent to the tropic, populist witchcraft accusations that follow those who have attained some form of power (not least because they also follow those who have not). Instead, it seems to indicate that witchcraft, as a distinct, independent, unsubordinated sovereign form, is the sign through which power is understood.

    Thinking with Achille Mbembe, we might then be tempted to understand witchcraft as a necropolitical form, characterized by the production of lawless and excessive “death-worlds” (Mbembe, “Necropolitics” 40). In this reading, and in light of the challenges witchcraft poses to the postcolonial state (which it shadows with myth, rumor, and spectacular violence), witchcraft appears to correspond to an expression of sovereign power peculiar to the colony and its postcolonial successor. This is the logic that animates Mbembe’s “Provisional Notes on the Postcolony” (1992), which employs an extended metaphor of the fetish in its reading of postcolonial commandement. In this text, the fetish is the ideal form through which illegitimate authoritarian colonial power operates, as well as the power of its postcolonial successor.

    This fetish appears primarily to be the fetish-as-veil, although Mbembe makes use of the more occult origin of the term. But the fetish is also what structures our relations to the obscene, vulgar, sexual, phallic. Thus this contemporary-politics-as-fetish is not only a veil but a carnival masquerade (and, crucially, one known as such). This reading forces us to reckon with the permeation of political discourse with reactive and chaotic performances that undermine the recognition of political relations. Mbembe offers an account of how the grotesque, excessive, and obscene come to be incorporated into the workings of political power. What initially exceeds the capacities and domains of postcolonial governance comes to form part of what ratifies and enables the workings of the state. These changes can be read as the workings of a state aspiring to the modernity that seems to be otherwise unique to witchcraft, which is possessed of an infinite adaptability and responsiveness to change and external interpretation. As a result, Mbembe’s power-as-fetish—or perhaps, power-as-witchcraft—is capable of internalizing any obscenity or excess that should disrupt it.

    Mbembe writes this power-as-fetish as at once establishing and legitimating the authority of the state. But neither mechanism seems convincing, even within his own reading. Postcolonial potentates do not institute themselves by radical incorporation or any other means—in On the Postcolony (2001), they are instituted by a mere handover of power from a colonial commandement established by routine violence.13 Even considering only the contemporary African nations for which this claim might be held as true, the terms of this transition violently constrain African government policy. What remains relatively unconstrained is a discursive terrain through which power might be legitimated. However, Mbembe goes on to argue forcefully for an African postcolonial drama in which all parties have been radically disempowered, and both the state and the subjects of its regime are locked in a violent powerlessness due to their intimate, unwilling “conviviality” (“Provisional Notes” 10).14 In light of this, it seems odd that a mechanism for legitimation should even be necessary in the postcolony. Regardless of how political discourse might be performed here—with or without the fetish—we are left without a material account of the kind of sovereign power actually possessed by African states and the terms through which that sovereignty might be challenged or dissembled, and are instead offered something very close to an account of total domination. Mbembe reads power-as-witchcraft as a peculiarly African form characterized by excessively and arbitrarily violent state power. This peculiarity seems to be grounded in the seamlessness that Mbembe ascribes to the transfer of power from colonial administration to African government at independence, which appears as the key feature of the continent’s politics after colonialism, and through which theorization post-independence African states are assigned the full power of the colonial administrations that preceded them.

    Reading “Provisional Notes” with his essay, “Afropolitanism” (2007), a further problem emerges with the thesis of a postcolonial citizenry radically disempowered of democratic possibility. In “Afropolitanism,” Mbembe rhapsodizes about the value of an African political-aesthetic practice untethered to Africanism or Blackness (as racial, cultural, or kin-making forms). These latter forms reflect a nativism that Mbembe reads to be the problem at the heart of power-as-witchcraft.

    Partly through the indigenizing character of the African occult, Mbembe reads political claims to lineage and kinship—which he elsewhere equates to a “politics of blood,” both the blood of kin and of bloodshed (“If We Don’t”)—as commensurable with witchcraft-as-power. But, just as African states do not operate through witchcraft-as-power, violence in excess of that required to produce a nation-state can never gain hegemony across the Postcolony due to the quasi-condition of African sovereignty. Moreover, this commensuration misreads witchcraft, imagining it as a politics of kinship instead of a practice that arbitrarily and systemically brings the possibility of kinship into question. Further, and perhaps most troublingly for Mbembe’s project of reclaiming African subjectivity after colonialism, this gesture also forecloses the the affiliative models of political practice that might figure a new politics of solidarity and a new African political horizon.

    Mbembe’s criticism of the politics of custom operates within an academic conversation that commonly disparages resurgent African indigenous-coded political claims as nativist. Claims to land and lineage are seen as mired in an attachment to a past that is beyond reasonable access, and thus that is produced in the shape of existing desires, in which the customary comes to exist primarily as a legitimating force. Taking this to reflect truth, the question that follows is then, for what? The seeming answer is that claims to lineage threaten to produce ethnic division, hierarchy, and violence. This threat is in many ways evidenced by aspects of ethnic politics on the continent. But this sense of threat also reflects how the customary exists as a site of anxiety in advance of any actual violence, in ways that elide the banality of its everyday life—and indeed, the banality of the suggestion that an ethnicized context should deal with ethnicity instead of seeking to sweep it away. After all, fictive and affiliative claims to culture, kinship, and the past do not reflect politically convenient artifice, nor—much like witchcraft—are they a holdover from the precolonial. Instead, they articulate experiences with and attachments to non-Western practices, and reflect the vitality and urgency of such practices for the present day.

    The problem of wrestling with the agency and power of kinship—both in its banal and its pernicious forms—is one that the Livingstone Museum takes seriously. Its witchcraft objects are possessed of a deathly power, which is resolved by their deactivation by a witchdoctor prior to their placement on open shelves, and the restriction of access to any active objects accessioned after the last deactivation event. In the process, the museum both builds an archive of materials that can no longer threaten15 and recognizes their threat as real. The structure of its galleries offers another set of remarks; the ethnographic gallery is set up so as to critique colonialism and its effects on Zambian lives. Its entrance is marked by a curved reed fence, with sand on the ground; on the other side of this fence, a sign reads “Our Village.” The next room has several thatch-roofed buildings, sandy floors, and many traditional items meant to communicate how Zambians would have been living in the villages. Many objects, like jerricans and bicycles, signal that this is life under colonial rule. Three-dimensional sculptures of people are living their lives in this environment with these objects. The paintings on the walls continue the scene into the distance. In the next room, labelled “Their Town,” the floor ceases to be sandy, and is instead structured like a street, with pavement along the sides where the visitor walks in the road. Right in front of the entrance is a huge building with a sign labeled “Mirage House” and other signs that identify it as a government office and people’s bank. The story of this transition is clear; the urban promises of colonialism and postcolonial modernity proved mere mirages, and life in the cities and towns of Zambia is no easier than “traditional” life in the villages. Next to the building, there is a pay phone and a street light. Along the wall, extending to the right side of the entrance, a scene shows an industrial project helmed by a complaining European man, people struggling for work, and people debating whether the work—and, by extension, the colonial project—is worth it. Unlike in the scene of “Our Village,” all of the figures are two-dimensional wood cut-outs (or part of the murals). On the right side, we see a church, children walking to school, and a small shop set up in a tin shack complete with dry goods. Walking around the building, a car with wooden cut-out figures inside is being stopped by police and another person is sitting on the corner, begging.

    Fig. 5.
    Entrance to the conventional ethnographic exhibition hall following “Their Town.”

    A sign on the arched wall reading “Museum” marks the end of the installation space and the beginning of the conventional ethnographic exhibits, while also chronologically and critically situating museological knowledge in and after the destabilizing colonial encounter (see fig. 5). Thus, the structure of the ethnographic gallery suggests that the indigenous cosmologies reflected by the witchcraft objects (as opposed to by the museum, or the anthropologists that read the museum, or the colonial administrators who seek to reorganize social meaning for political and economic gain) are an inheritance Zambians cannot abandon. In making this move, the Livingstone Museum both invests in the scientificity of the research museum and challenges the singularity of its authority. The museum, we should understand, does have some (curated, colonial) relationship to truth, and as such is a resource in coming to comprehend anew the Village in the midst of (and after) the Town. Between the affirmations of and attempts to manage the threat of witchcraft and the exalting of forms of life that resist the logics of Zambian modernity without excluding its trappings, the Livingstone Museum does not make any optimistic claims about the potentiality of the future. Instead, it reckons with the problem that these witchcraft objects pose, as potently agential materials fundamentally entangled in indigenous ways of knowing. These objects also become overdetermined signs of primitive savagery and come to take newly harmful forms after colonialism and into the present.

    In its refusal of easy optimism—and even as it asserts the urgency and reality of indigenous knowledges and cosmologies—the museum also refuses a nativist appeal to origin or to a neatly defined sense of the precolonial. But it does so in ways that reflect the absence of anxiety around the power of custom, ethnicity, and the past, in sharp contrast to the scholarly discourses that concern and surround materials of the kind held in the Livingstone Museum’s collections. In the process, the museum is able to treat even the most violently overdetermined signs of cultural life as things possessing a life of their own, even the ones that have been out of circulation for half a century. It presents the idea that regardless of the impulse to authenticate indigenous practices, anthropologized African forms are not paths to the precolonial, nor do they reflect correct modes of timeless relation to the contemporary world. Instead, the Livingstone Museum’s treatment of these witchcraft objects underscores the necessity of simultaneously asking what politics are desired and what forms must be enlivened or reformed in order to ensure the possibility of these politics.

    Asking these questions means emphasizing the kinds of constraints to the quasi-sovereignty of post-independence African states posed by the economically, epistemically, and politically intrusive actions of imperial powers, and acknowledging too that life is made and remade in the midst of this. By taking witchcraft seriously—as practice and rumour and myth, as repulsion and seduction, as an antisocial violence and being-without obligation—we might gain grounds from which to understand the aspiration to sovereignty in African political life. And we might understand its fatal absence even where it is present and, more urgently, its inadequacy as a site of political aspiration whose violence—of jurisdiction, or of recognition—is not society-making but society-breaking. Crucially, witchcraft suggests too a productive inverse: sociality. Perhaps, following Mudimbe, one might instead trace the ordinary—the cultural products, the habits of life, the discourses that needn’t be spoken—and through it find a politics of kin-making that need not also be a politics of blood.

    Alírio Karina is a Postdoctoral Fellow in the Archive and Public Culture Research Initiative at the University of Cape Town, and Associate Faculty at the Brooklyn Institute for Social Research. Their research examines how the idea of Africa is the product of the legacies of anthropology, and what it might mean to do African studies—and to think Africa—in ways autonomous of anthropology.

    Footnotes

    1. Following the Livingstone Museum’s nomenclature, I use the term witchcraft here. The term is itself coherent with a lineage of writing from Barrie Reynolds to Evans-Pritchard, and with the popular terms that typically describe these practices in Zambia and beyond. Accordingly, I refer to the practitioners of witchcraft as witches, whereas practitioners of other kinds of magic might be diviners or witch-doctors. In some scholarship, my use of witchcraft is congruent with sorcery; in other scholarship and social contexts, witchcraft and sorcery are used interchangeably. In doing so, I also am responding to a set of arguments about nomenclature that would avoid the use of witchcraft or sorcery altogether, in favor of terms that speak to indigenous meaning rather than colonial assumption, and that avoid the pernicious connotations that come with witchcraft, sorcery, or witch-doctor. However, this logic falls flat in contemporary Zambia, where witchcraft is called witchcraft and bears the traces of the colonial encounter. Moreover, the attempt to avoid the negative connotations of these terms ultimately reflects a misunderstanding of (or unwillingness to understand) the extent to which these practices produce social violence. Further, in the Zambian case, the term witch, and thus the term witchcraft, is gendered in complex ways. While it is assumed that men and women are equally capable of being witches, male witches are understood to be more powerful (Mufuzi) and witch-hunts predominantly target women (and the elderly).

    2. This museum was founded as the Rhodes-Livingstone Museum, after both David Livingstone and Cecil John Rhodes, the mining magnate who conquered what is now Zambia as part of his personal colony of Rhodesia. It was affiliated with the Rhodes-Livingstone Institute (RLI) and would occasionally accession items collected by anthropologists working under the latter’s auspices. The RLI has since been renamed the Institute for Economic and Social Research (INESOR).

    3. Specifically, this display is in the part of the ethnographic gallery labelled MUSEUM and arranged with conventional museum displays, and not in the preceding part of the ethnographic gallery, a two-room installation work (“Our Village”; “Their Town”) that depicts the subtler violences of colonialism.

    4. The objects are deeply associated with Reynolds, and this collection is generally referred to within the museum as the “Reynolds Collection,” despite the fact that Reynolds is not listed as the collector for any of these materials. I will use this nomenclature in this paper.

    5. As a counterpoint to this now faded (deactivated) power, we see the present material condition of the objects. As many are made of natural materials (especially hide, hair, or dense patches of fiber), almost all of the objects are decaying, with small insect infestations resulting in dramatic shedding.

    6. See Geschiere, The Modernity of Witchcraft; Moore and Sanders, “Magical Interpretations”; Comaroff and Comaroff, Modernity and Its Malcontents; and Mufuzi, “Practice of Witchcraft.”

    7. In Zambia, the operation of witchcraft objects does not exceed the natural, nor do broader witchcraft and traditional medicinal practices.

    8. Evans-Pritchard already recognizes that this does not take the form of the “traditional,” as Anglo-Egyptian intervention had already forced the relocation of the community he studied and would do so again shortly thereafter. In some ways, these moves disabled “traditional” ways of living.

    9. This tale of the war of Christianity versus Witchcraft further complicates the idea of the “occult economy,” which serves as a mode of criticizing capitalist value structures. This is due to the Christian evangelical churches, whose leaders are conspicuous in their consumption and almost as rich in moral authority, and whose members tithe heavily, whose work entangles the capitalist and the moral and supernatural, whose adverts litter notice boards and the walls of buildings, and whose churches can be found on every block.

    10. The most obvious of these are the attempts to criminalize witchcraft, primarily under British rule, efforts that actually served to criminalize witchcraft accusations (see Redding, Sorcery and Sovereignty). But other anti-witchcraft (and anti-magic) sentiments animate African government, most clearly where public health and internal security seem to be at risk. These sentiments share a mixed lineage from both European attempts to produce modern colonies and modes of anticolonial anti-tribalism that were the result of wariness of the threats posed by attachments to ethnicity and to the making of new nationalisms, but that also took the form of a wariness with practices under sign of the traditional past instead of the modern (and in the case of Zambia, socialist) future.

    11. Together with Jodi Byrd, Sylvia Federici’s work is instructive on this point. Though the “witches” in question are altogether different, the “witch” appears as abject, against which—and in whose idealized answer—the maintenance of the Rhodesian and Zambian state as (neo)colonial forms is made possible. Indeed, even as the sovereignty of Zambian witchcraft is grounded in material violences, and responded to with equal materiality, its power is also grounded in its role as political and cultural counter-symbol to the state.

    12. This statement is complicated, as it becomes clear prior to the 1996 presidential election—for which new laws were passed barring non-Zambian born people from candidacy—that Kaunda was not welcome except as a subordinate figure to Chiluba and his political party, the Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD). In the following year, Kaunda was stripped of his Zambian citizenship altogether..

    13. This argument is central to the first two chapters of On the Postcolony.

    14. In “Provisional Notes,” Mbembe offers this as an analytic on the grounds of its superior complexity to the binarism of “resistance v. passivity, autonomy v. subjection, state v. civil society, hegemony v. counter-hegemony, totalisation v. detotalisation” (1).

    15. The absence of threat is limited to when these objects remain deactivated; the object that ceases to be an archival or curatorial object is one that might be reactivated by another witch and used again to cause harm. For this reason, witchcraft objects on open display are sometimes stolen.

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    • Mills, Martin A. “The Opposite of Witchcraft: Evans-Pritchard and the Problem of the Person.” Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, no. 19, 2013, pp. 18–33.
    • Moore, Henrietta L., and Todd Sanders. “Magical Interpretations and Mterial Realities: An Introduction.” Moore and Sanders, pp. 1–27.
    • ———, editors. Magical Interpretations, Material Realities: Modernity, Witchcraft and the Occult in Postcolonial Africa. Routledge, 2001.
    • Mudimbe, V.Y. The Idea of Africa. Indiana UP, 1994.
    • Mufuzi, Friday. “The Practice of Witchcraft and the Changing Patterns of its Paraphernalia in the Light of Technologically Produced Goods as Presented by Livingstone Museum, 1930s–1973.” Zambia Social Science Journal vol. 5, no. 1, 2014, pp. 50–71.
    • Nyamnjoh, Francis B. “Delusions of Development and the Enrichment of Witchcraft Discourses in Cameroon.” Moore and Sanders, pp. 28–49. Okeja, Uchenna B. “Magic In African Context.” Magic and the Supernatural, edited by Scott E. Hendrix and Timothy J. Shannon, Leiden, Brill, 2012, pp. 101–106.
    • Redding, Sean. Sorcery and Sovereignty: Taxation, Power and Rebellion in South Africa, 1880–1963. Ohio UP, 2006.
    • Reynolds, Barrie. Magic, Divination and Witchcraft Among the Barotse of Northern Rhodesia. U of California P, 1963.
    • Thomas, Keith. Religion and the Decline of Magic. Scribner, 1971.
  • The Grounds of Encounter: Racial and Colonial Discourses of Place

    Sarah E.K. Fong (bio)

    Abstract

    Bridging Black and Native Studies, this essay juxtaposes the speeches of late-nineteenth century social reformers with Black and Indigenous place-making practices to show that white settler spatial imaginaries depict both Black and Indigenous peoples as placeless within the lands currently called the United States. Moving beyond an analytical separation of Black and Native Studies, it employs a relational approach that reveals how racial and colonial discourses of place are co-constitutive in historical practice. The association of past and present in this essay is an invitation to consider the recursive and repetitive production of white settler spatial practices and imaginaries as ongoing sites of struggle.

    My first introduction to Sogorea Te’ Land Trust came in August 2017 when I attended a panel discussion titled “Living on Ohlone Land.” I had recently been wondering how I, as a non-Native person, could support the work of Indigenous communities in the Bay Area where I live. Sogorea Te’ Land Trust is “an urban Indigenous women-led land trust … that facilitates the return of Indigenous land to Indigenous people” (Sogorea Te’ Land Trust, “Purpose and Vision”). In order to “reclaim parcels [of land] in the midst of an urban setting,” Sogorea Te’ encourages residents and businesses to pay a land tax to the Ohlone people. The organization describes this voluntary financial contribution to the rematriation of Ohlone land as “a small step towards acknowledging the history of genocide on this land and contributing to its healing” (Sogorea Te’). Sogorea Te’ defines rematriation as the restoration of “a people ot their rightful place in sacred relationship with their ancestral land” (Sogorea Te’). Beyond purchasing and placing parcels of land in a trust, Sogorea Te’ engages in a range of place-making practices such as building ceremonial arbors, re-interring ancestral remains in sacred funerary Shellmounds, and growing food and traditional medicines in urban community farms. Through various projects, this intertribal collective aims to “restore reciprocal relationships with the sacred land we live on, and with the plants, animals and other human beings who we share this land with” (“Purpose and Vision”).

    In the summer of 2019, after paying my Shuumi land tax for two years, I began to support Sogorea Te’s work by volunteering at one of their community farms.1 I met Loa on the farm located at the intersection of two major urban thoroughfares. Walking through the lush, green grounds, I could hear the hum of cars, busses, and bikers passing on the street just beyond the fence. As Loa pointed out the tomatoes, kale, lettuce, and marigolds they were raising, she gestured to the neighboring beds. Those, she explained, were tended by Black Earth Farms, an agroecology collective that works to “train community members to build collectivized, autonomous, and chemical free food systems in urban and peri-urban environments” (Black Earth Farms). Black Earth Farms supports food sovereignty through the distribution of community-supported agroecology (CSA) food boxes to communities that face food insecurity. The long and narrow vegetable beds that make up this community farm, separated by a walking path no more than a foot wide, are stewarded by two different organizations – one identified with Ohlone women and another with African-diasporic and Indigenous people. And yet, Loa told me, members of the two communities will, at times, weed and water one another’s beds as seems necessary or prudent.

    Sogorea Te’ Land Trust and Black Earth Farms engage in place-based practices meant to sustain the physical bodies, community relations, and epistemological frameworks of Black and Indigenous peoples in the twenty first century. These embodied place-making practices push against dominant geographies that seek to limit and obscure Black and Indigenous peoples’ relationships to the lands currently called the United States, and to one another. This site of encounter between Black and Indigenous communities raises questions about the significance of the land- and place-based practices that emerge in the wake of slavery and amidst the ongoing conditions of colonization that shape contemporary social and political life in the United States. What does it mean for African-descended and Indigenous communities to farm alongside one another in the urban Bay Area? In what ways do their relationships to land align and diverge? How have dominant settler spatial imaginaries positioned Indigenous peoples and African-descended people in relationship to land and to one another in the Americas? How do Indigenous and African-descended people engage one another and remake these relationships today? I am new to this farm and to the communities that tend to it. I do not presume to grasp fully the philosophies or political imaginaries that animate Sogorea Te’ Land Trust and Black Earth Farms. This essay will not, therefore, undertake an analysis of the relationships between these particular organizations or their respective relationships to the land they farm. Instead, I use the parallel and shared beds of these two communities to open a window into the dynamics of place that preoccupy settler spatial imaginaries as well as the fields of Black Studies and Native Studies.

    US scholars of race and colonization commonly describe the relationship between Black Studies and Native Studies, or between histories of enslavement and colonization, as incommensurable. Frequently, the two fields are positioned at an impasse whereby the body and the land appear as the two poles around which race and colonization orbit. Within Black Studies, the racialized body is often approached as the crux of racialization, marking the limits of citizenship and Western conceptions of the human. Within Native Studies, land is frequently positioned as a primary site of conflict between colonial powers and Indigenous peoples. Native Studies scholar Mark Rifkin summarizes these constructions: “we might quite roughly schematize the distinction between Black and Indigenous political imaginaries as that of flesh and of land, a contrast between a focus on the violence of dehumanization through fungibility and occupation through domestication” (4). Yet as scholars such as Mishuana Goeman and Katherine McKittrick demonstrate, the study of racialized and gendered bodies cannot be so easily separated from considerations of land and place. At the same time, land need not act as an impassable analytical boundary between the intellectual and political projects of Black and Native Studies. Instead, we can approach prevailing discourses of place, which frequently (mis)characterize Black and Indigenous relationships to physical geographies, as the ground upon which to consider overlapping histories of struggle.

    In the twenty-first century United States, Black and Indigenous communities engage in ongoing struggles against the violent enforcement of racial and colonial spatial orders. For instance, federal and state officials have mounted new challenges to the sovereignty and territorial jurisdiction of Native nations. In addition to executive branch challenges to the Mashpee Wampanoag reservation, three recent Supreme Court cases – Herrera v. Wyoming, Carpenter v. Murphy, and McGirt v. Oklahoma – have questioned whether or not reservation lands and treaty rights remain valid from the vantage point of state and federal governments. In Herrera v. Wyoming, the State of Wyoming sought to constrain the Crow Mountain tribe’s treaty-protected hunting rights by arguing that the Fort Laramie Treaty (1868) was invalidated when Wyoming became a state in 1890.2 The state’s argument positioned the Crow Mountain peoples’ movement and its relationships to land as criminal. In both Carpenter v. Murphy and McGirt v. Oklahoma, the State of Oklahoma argued that the Muscogee Creek reservation had been disestablished not through an act of Congress but through allotment, legal precedent, and decades of state administration.3 Although the case specifically addressed whether or not the state of Oklahoma had jurisdiction to prosecute crimes committed on Indian land, its ramifications extend far beyond the prosecution of crimes to ask whether or not the Muscogee Creek Reservation retains any legal validity in the present day. In the case of the Mashpee Wampanoag, the Secretary of the Interior unilaterally moved to take the tribe’s 321 acres of land out of federal trust, thereby dispossessing the Mashpee Wampanoag of their homelands. By taking the land out of trust, the Secretary of the Interior put at risk the tribe’s ability to sustain its own governing and cultural institutions, such as a police force, a language academy, a low-income housing development, and a resource management program.4 These examples demonstrate that state and federal governments continue their assault on Indigenous peoples’ sovereignty and land-based relationships through administrative and judicial maneuvers premised on the enduring notion that Native nations and their citizens, as such, have no rightful or recognizable claims to the lands occupied by the United States.

    At the same time, the police-related deaths of Black citizens of the United States – such as Oscar Grant, Michael Brown, Sandra Bland, Breonna Taylor, and George Floyd, to name but a few – point to persistent conceptions of Black people as out of place within the social and physical geographies of the nation. Oscar Grant was returning home from a New Year’s Eve Party when a public transportation police officer killed him on a train platform in Oakland, California. Michael Brown was killed by a police officer as he walked home from the store in Ferguson, Missouri. Sandra Bland died in police custody in Waller County, Texas after a minor traffic stop resulted in her arrest. Breonna Taylor was killed by Louisville Metro Police officers when they entered her home on a no-knock warrant in the middle of the night. George Floyd was killed by a police officer who kneeled on his neck, holding him down on the pavement outside of a Minneapolis grocery store. These killings, and the countless others not listed here, remind us that the mundane geographies of cities and towns across the US can become sites of racialized state violence. That Black citizens can be killed with impunity in locations of everyday life repeats and enforces the idea that there is no place within the nation that guarantees the integrity, dignity, and futurity of Black lives. Police killings mark train stations, public roads, and private homes as sites that divide lives that are valued from those that are not. They remind all residents of the United States that Black people are disallowed from moving through space without risk of fatal harm.

    The narratives of place and belonging that shape and undergird these flashpoints are not, however, uniquely characteristic of the present moment. Instead, the contested spatial imaginaries that shape these events have persisted over centuries of struggle following the colonization of the Americas and the enslavement of African-descended people. The geographic discourses that explain and authorize these contemporary sites of struggle are part of a recursive spatial imaginary and a set of material geographies premised on the notion that Black and Indigenous people have no place in the lands currently called the United States. In this essay, I argue that white settler spatial imaginaries depict both Black and Indigenous peoples as placeless, making questions of land, place, and space relevant to the study of both race and settler colonization. Moving beyond an analytical separation of Black and Native Studies, a relational approach reveals that racial and colonial discourses of place are co-constitutive in historical practice. Drawing on speeches made by late-nineteenth century social reformers, I examine the narrative and rhetorical moves that position Black and Native people in relation to one another through the language of placelessness. I show how discourse couples placelessness with normative modes of emplacement that work to uphold white settler control over peoples and lands. I gesture to Sogorea Te’ Land Trust and Black Earth Farms as well as to historical examples of Black and Native place-making to point out the lines of flight that necessarily rupture and exceed white settler spatial imaginaries. By juxtaposing archival materials with present-day place-making practices, I do not aim to produce a teleological account of nineteenth- and twenty-first century struggles over place, nor do I mean to suggest that the impact of nineteenth-century discourses on twenty-first century spatial struggles can be clearly or easily discerned. Instead, I aim to illuminate enduring patterns of spatial thought. The association of past and present in this essay is an invitation to consider the recursive and repetitive production of white settler spatial practices and imaginaries as ongoing sites of struggle.

    While I argue that spatial imaginaries and geographic stories are relevant to the study of racialization and colonization alike, I also want to make clear that I do not aim to question or diminish the fact of Indigenous sovereignty over the lands currently called the United States. Indigenous peoples have long stewarded the lands of North America and maintain meaningful relationships to their ancestral homelands in the face of genocide, removal, and war. These relationships must be taken seriously as the basis for ethical relationships between all non-Indigenous peoples and Indigenous peoples living in North America. My point is not that place and space function identically for Indigenous peoples, African-descended people, and other racialized subjects, but rather that examining discourses of place as a site of encounter between racial formations and settler colonialism can produce new insights about how these different processes have unfolded alongside and through one another.

    The Spatial Imaginaries of Mohonk Conferences

    Like the present day, the nineteenth century was characterized by violent conflict over the material and conceptual boundaries of the nation. Legal and extra-legal forms of violence such as lynching and segregation policed the social and geographic boundaries of Black life in the United States. Alongside wars of removal and containment, the US government sought to open Indigenous lands to settlement and commercial use through land policy, boarding schools, and other forms of government administration. These racial and colonial conflicts reveal how the language and practice of displacement are mobilized to assert territorial and political control over peoples and lands.

    Black and Native feminist geographers argue that spatial analysis is critical to understanding the construction and experience of racial-sexual hierarchy and colonial relationships. Rather than analytically separating body, land, and place, feminist approaches to space illuminate how racialized and colonized bodies move through physical spaces that are themselves organized through registers of racial-sexual and colonial difference. Black feminist geographies expand prevailing conceptions and critiques of racial difference as a corporeal phenomenon by considering how racism and sexism are constituted by “spatial acts” (McKittrick, Demonic Grounds, xviii). Since the Enlightenment, the discipline of geography has contributed to the elaboration of racial difference by crafting “racial essentialisms based on place” (Hawthorne 3). Such racialized geographic imaginaries “bound individuals and groups in place, classify them according to their geographical locations, and arrange them in spatio-temporal hierarchy” (3). By designating the where and who of humanity’s apex, as Alexander Weheliye observes, Enlightenment thinking arranges the world through racial, sexual, and economic hierarchy such that some peoples and places are marked as less-than-human and non-human. Thus, the racial and sexual ordering of physical and imaginative geographies shape how racial-sexual bodies move through space. Those bodies marked as racial others are frequently denied access to, segregated from, and policed within the spaces designated as the domain of proper citizens and human subjects.

    By considering physical and imaginative landscapes, Black geographies offer a site of overlap with those elements of Native studies that focus on land and place. Native feminist geographies too explore how land, space, and place are ordered through colonial categories and practices. Mapping and cartography emerge in these approaches as critical practices in the colonial project of accumulating and controlling territory. According to Goeman, cartography is a technology from which conquest flows, allowing colonial powers to rename and reorganize Indigenous lands according to colonial conceptions of gender, nation, and indigeneity. By renaming and reconfiguring Native spaces, imaginative and material settler geographies demarcate between Native and non-Native (or national and non-national) spaces. Importantly, such mapping practices do more than reorder the physical spaces of North America. They also establish “gendered colonial structures” that organize, categorize, and surveil Native bodies such that they are “readable to the state” and appointed to “appropriate” spaces (Goeman 36). When Native people move outside of the spaces designated to them by settler spatial imaginaries, they are criminalized and made vulnerable to violence. In this way, Goeman observes, “colonialism is not just about conquering Native lands … it is also about the conquest of bodies” (33). Considered together, Black and Native feminist geographies reveal the overlapping ways that racial-sexual difference and colonial relations structure white settler spatial imaginaries and geographic practices.

    Black and Native feminist geographies reveal space and place to be simultaneously material (manifested in physical landscapes and infrastructures) and imaginary (rendered through discourse and language). Rather than a static background upon which human social life occurs, geography is a contested site of meaning and a field of encounter between different histories and worldviews. When we take “the language and physicality of geography seriously,” as McKittrick does, we are better able to see place as a site of struggle over racial and colonial power relations (Demonic xiii). Goeman too, in her study of Native women’s literatures and geographies, shows that the geographic structures of colonial governance “rely on tales to lend meaning to nature and ordered space” (35). For example, colonial cartographies seek to overwrite Native peoples’ understandings of and relationships to place through narratives of property law, environment, and nature. I take up Goeman and McKittrick’s focus on spatial imaginaries and geographic stories to explore how discourses of place and placelessness contribute to relational racial formations and settler colonial practices. Below, I explore how the spatial imaginaries of the Mohonk Conferences crafted racial and colonial categories as well as policies that aimed to resolve the so-called Negro and Indian Problems. The records of the Mohonk Conferences provide an opportunity to approach discourses of place as a site of encounter where histories of racialization and colonization meet. This article does not aim to offer a definitive theory of place in relationship to racialization and settler colonization, but rather to point to new avenues of relational analysis that neither collapse colonization into racialization nor hold these sociohistorical processes apart as discrete and separable.

    The Lake Mohonk Conferences—founded in the years preceding the passage of allotment legislation and amidst the solidification of Jim Crow segregation—provide a rich archive from which to discern the spatial imaginaries that narrate and justify Black and Indigenous displacement. Taking place during the post-Civil War era as the nation expanded westward, the Mohonk Conference of the Friends of the Indian (1883–1916) and the Mohonk Conference on the Negro Question (1890–1891) brought together policy-makers, philanthropists, educators, and business leaders who hoped to resolve the so-called Negro Problem and Indian Problem through humanitarian social reforms. Hotelier and social reformer Albert K. Smiley established the Mohonk Conference of the Friends of the Indian in 1883 to call national attention to the policy reforms needed “before a solution of the [Indian] problem [would] be possible” (Lake Mohonk Conference, “Address” 14). By debating the causes of and solutions to the so-called Indian Problem, conference participants hoped to sway public opinion and federal law towards policies such as residential schooling and allotment. Energized by the first conference, in 1890 Smiley founded a second forum to address the conditions of African-descended people. The Mohonk Conference on the Negro Question drew attention to the conditions of Black life in the post-Reconstruction era, focusing on questions of poverty, schooling, and citizenship. Although most conference attendees stopped short of openly advocating for legal segregation, many were careful to explain that they did not support immediate and complete equality for Africa-descended people while making apologies for deepening physical and social segregation. Similarly, many argued that Native people could eventually be woven into mainstream US society, but only after they adopted normative models of domesticity, gender, and property. Thus, although Mohonk delegates largely agreed that Black and Native people would inevitably remain or become part of the US body politic, their imagined and material place within the nation remained open to debate. In line with these material forms of sociospatial control, Mohonk reformers gave voice to spatial imaginaries that denied Black and Native peoples any valid or recognizable place in the lands claimed by the United States. The remarks and speeches made by attendees of both Mohonk Conferences reveal an underlying spatial imaginary that sought to determine where Black and Indigenous people fit into the emerging geographic and social landscapes of the post-Civil War United States. To what physical locations and social positions could or should Black and Indigenous people be assigned? How were these two populations positioned in relation to one another? And to what spaces could white settlers rightfully lay claim? Rather than explore the material impact of the Mohonk Conferences on legislative and juridical realities, I am interested here in the discursive patterns revealed by the records of these conferences.

    In the eyes of many Mohonk Conference speakers, Black and Native people appear to lack any legible or meaningful relationships to the spaces of the United States. Speakers draw on dominant spatial imaginaries that envision African-descended people as ungeographic—a perception that, according to McKittrick, connotes an inability to establish geographic relationships or valid geographic knowledge. By describing African-descended people as out-of-place within the social and material geographies of the nation, Mohonk speakers draw on and extend dominant geographic narratives that “require black displacement, black placelessness, black labor, and a black population that submissively stays ‘in place’” (Demonic 9). According to McKittrick, such depictions are rooted in the spatial imaginaries and practices of chattel slavery and are thus key to the dehumanization of African-descended people in the Americas. Goeman demonstrates how settler spatial imaginaries similarly disavow Native peoples’ geographic knowledges and practices. By attempting to overwrite Native geographies, settler spatial practices and imaginaries contribute to “the violent erasure of alternative modes of mapping and geographic understandings” (Goeman 2). The mischaracterization of Native nations’ relationships to place as non-relationships contributes to dominant spatial imaginaries perception of white settlers as the rightful owners and occupants of the land.

    The remarks of Mohonk Conference attendees link Black and Native people to one another through their mutual dislocation in ways that suit the needs of the racial settler-state, depicting African-descended people as doubly-displaced and Indigenous peoples as improperly in place. In the eyes of late-nineteenth century social reformers, African-descended people in the Americas appear to have no lasting ties to the lands of Africa and no valid claims to the territories of the United States. They craft a category of placelessness that imagines enslaved and, later, freed people as lacking any rightful or recognizable relationships to the physical and social geographies on either side of the Atlantic. By contrast, conference attendees cast Indigenous peoples as improperly in place. Having encountered Native nations on their traditional homelands, settler spatial imaginaries cannot so easily craft a totalizing narrative of rootlessness. Instead, Mohonk Conference attendees suggest that Native peoples exist improperly in place as they do not appear to cultivate or improve land according to the capitalist logics of production and extraction. Narrating multiple forms and histories of displacement, Mohonk Conference attendees contribute to the geographic stories that seek to locate and contain Black and Indigenous bodies and relationships to land. Such spatial imaginaries endure today, as evidenced by ongoing patterns of residential segregation, racialized policing, and the continued erasure of Indigenous peoples’ presence on and relationships to land.

    African-Descended People as Doubly-Displaced

    By arguing that the Middle Passage and generations of enslavement catalyzed a fundamental subjective transformation, Mohonk Conference delegates represent enslaved people and their descendants as placeless in relation to both Africa and the Americas. Their discursive construction of double-displacement relies on a pair of rhetorical moves. First, they sever enslaved peoples’ ties to the places and people of Africa. Second, they describe the captivity of chattel slavery as a benevolent form of emplacement that locates African-descended people in proximity to, yet always apart from, civilized modernity. To men like former US President Rutherford B. Hayes and Reverend A.D. Mayo, the geographies of slavery appear benevolent and humanizing. Narrating what he perceives as racial progress, Hayes describes the ancestors of freed people as “African barbarians and pagans of the lowest type” (Lake Mohonk Conference on the Negro Question, “First Mohonk Conference” 10). They had, he claims, “no moral code,” “no skills of any kind,” and “knew nothing of any printed or written language” (10). Hayes suggests, however, that when these “heathen people” were “brought from the Dark Continent” and subjected to “several generations of bondage,” they began to adopt the habits of civilized people (10). Reverend Mayo adds to this conception of enslavement as a civilizing experience, describing generations of chattel slavery as a “brief period of tutelage” through which African-descended people were “brought into contact with the upper strata of the most powerful and civilized peoples” (38). He celebrates the “prodigious change” resulting from bondage, arguing that as a result of slavery, the Black subject was at the time of emancipation “further ‘out of the woods’ of barbarism than any other people after a thousand years” (38, 39). Hayes and Mayo share a perception of the geographies of slavery as transformative and humanizing. From their perspective, traversing slavery’s geographies produces an irreversible separation between African-descended people in the Americas and their ancestral homelands.

    Hayes’s and Mayo’s remarks articulate a spatial imaginary that designates the “where” of civilized modernity, differentiating “the woods of barbarism” and the “Dark Continent” from the civilizing spaces of bondage. The slave ship and the plantation appear as geographies of transit that move African-descended people across space and time to arrive in physical proximity to the civilized spaces and people of the Americas. Hayes and Mayo emphasize the same material geographies identified by McKittrick as dehumanizing “locations of captivity”: the slave ship, the Middle Passage, and the plantation (Demonic xvi). McKittrick understands these as the sites that underwrite the violences of chattel slavery by claiming to transform people into property. Hayes and Mayo invert the dehumanizing effects of slavery’s geographies to envision them as sites rich with transformative and human-making potential, proposing that slavery’s geographies are essential to the production of modern, civilized human subjects. From another perspective, however, the logics of slavery and the space of the plantation mark African-descended people as existing apart from the peoples and places of the United States. Plantations serve as spatial reminders of the supposed distance between African-descended people and white Americans (construed as the apex of modern human subjectivity). As a material geography, the plantation contributes to dominant racial imaginaries that construe black working bodies as “without land or home” and “without ownership of self” (McKittrick, “On Plantations” 948). According to McKittrick, the plantation not only “legalized black servitude” but also sanctioned “black placelessness and constraint” (948). The spaces, practices, and imaginaries of the plantation underwrite the representation of African-descended people as enslaveable and thus homeless within a nation of ostensibly free-willed and autonomous white subjects. Even after the abolition of slavery, the plantation “provided the blueprint for future sites of racial entanglement” (949), continuing to mark African-descended people as apart from and placeless within the material and social geographies of the United States.

    Reverend A.W. Pitzer articulates this racial placelessness when he insists that, despite their contact with European and American cultures, freed people remain apart from the white societies in which they live and labor. Even as he describes himself as a man who “did not like slavery,” Pitzer perpetuates these racializing and dehumanization logics, remarking “how great the gulf between the Anglo-Saxon and the Negro” (Lake Mohonk Conference on the Negro Questions, “First Mohonk Conference” 70). He calls on the gathered audience to recall that “the wild, naked, man eating savages of equatorial Africa are of the same blood and race as the Negro of this republic” (70). “We must remember,” he continues, “the darkness out of which he comes” and “the fact that he does not belong to our historic race” (70). Through his rearticulation of inherited racial difference, Pitzer casts African-descended people out of the networks of social relations under negotiation at the end of the Civil War. He stages a narrative of racial non-belonging that moves between conceptions of placelessness and efforts to emplace restrictively. The supposedly irreconcilable racial difference Pitzer describes authorized lynching and segregation in the years following Reconstruction. These forms of corporeal violence and geographic constraint send the message that the place of Black citizens is restricted by white Americans. For example, lynching and Jim Crow restrictions sought to emplace Black people in narrowly defined and violently policed spaces. And yet, according to Reverend Mayo, the forms of segregation authorized by these narratives of placelessness have had a beneficial effect on African-descended people. He argues that “the temporary isolation of the Negro in the Southern church, school, and society” is not “an evil” but rather a “providential aid in gaining the self-respect and habit of self-help absolutely essential to good citizenship” (44). He thus holds that the spatial dynamics of slavery (removal) and segregation (confinement) contribute to the progress of the race. Again, the placelessness of African-descended people appears as a path to developmental and evolutionary progress, this time in relation to the dominant geographies of the Americas.

    Despite such narratives of double-displacement, however, Black people have and continue to enact and narrate a “different sense of place” that moves against and across dominant geographic imaginaries. McKittrick offers the story of Harriet Jacobs, an enslaved woman, as an example of the geographies crafted by Black women within and against the dominant geographies that aim to constrain and dehumanize. Jacobs crafted a complex and fraught plan to free her children from slavery and shield herself from ongoing physical and sexual assault, hiding in a narrow attic above her grandmother’s home for seven years. Although this space was too small for Jacobs to stand or even sit comfortably, McKittrick nonetheless characterizes the crawlspace as a “loophole of retreat” (Demonic 41) that allows Jacobs to remake the violent geographies of slavery. McKittrick interprets Jacobs’s spatial imaginaries as evidence of her ability to shape a “different sense of place,” allowing her to “explore the possibilities in the existing landscape.” Although she could not escape or operate entirely outside of slavery’s geographies, Jacobs was able to create a geography that “makes available a place for [her] to articulate her lived experiences and emancipatory desires” (41). Jacobs’s geographic strategies provide an example of Black place-making practices that subvert dominant geographies and create more room for liberation.

    Today, in contrast to the dominant geographic imaginaries that narrate and seek to produce Black placelessness, Black Earth Farms centers Black and Indigenous peoples’ relationships to land as an essential element of Black liberation and decolonization. Growing, harvesting, and delivering “nutrient dense and chemical free food to low-income communities experiencing food apartheid,” this collective works to regenerate Black and Indigenous communities’ “connection to and reverence for land and agriculture” (Black Earth Farms). Arguing that “relationships with soil, plants, food, and medicine are direct lines of communication and connection with our ancestors,” Black Earth Farms engages in a place-making practice not bound by commercial food systems, urban segregation, or racialized violence (Black Earth Farms). By building and sustaining communities of care through sustainable farming practices, Black Earth Farms emphasizes the centrality of place-based practices to liberated futures.

    Indigenous Peoples and Improper Relationships to Land

    The assertion that Indigenous peoples in North America failed to establish valid or recognizable relationships to land was central to social reformers’ discursive construction of Indigenous placelessness. Rather than as doubly-displaced, Mohonk delegates depict Indigenous peoples as improperly in place based on the perception that they do not relate to land through the capitalist logics of acquisition, extraction, and production. Lyman Abbott, a theologian and author, stages this narrative at the 1885 Mohonk Conference of the Friends of the Indian when he argues that “a people do not occupy a country simply because they roam over it.” Abbott holds that Native peoples do not “occupy the coal mines, nor the gold mines, into which they never struck a pick; nor the rivers which flow to the sea, and on which the music of a mill was never heard.” Given their apparent non-use of the land and its resources, he insists that “the Indians can scarcely be said to have occupied this country more than the bisons and buffalo they hunted” (Lake Mohonk Conference on the Friends of the Indian, “Proceedings” 51). Although Abbott tacitly acknowledges the prior relationships of Native people to the lands of North America, he moves immediately to deny their validity. He imposes a colonial geographic imaginary that erases Native peoples’ complex, enduring, and evolving relationships to place. Given their apparent failure or refusal to approach land through capitalist logics, Abbott reduces the status of Native people to that of the buffalo and bison. As Goeman argues, this type of “unjust spatial imaginary” distorts Native peoples’ social worlds such that they “become part of the flora and fauna open to settlement” (18). By re-writing Native peoples’ relationships to place as non-relationships, Abbott depicts the land as open to settlement by those who would use it for production and extraction.

    Such narratives of placelessness have long authorized genocide, forced removal, and other forms of dispossession at the hands of colonial and national governments. In the late 1880s, social reformers used this enduring colonial imaginary to argue for allotment in the 1887 Dawes General Allotment Act. The Act legislated the allotment of tribal lands by individual title rather than as collective holdings, and reformers hoped the policy would facilitate the dissolution of tribal governments and the incorporation of Indigenous lands into US markets. Abbot and his contemporaries perceived the reservation system as a spatial order that allowed Native people to continue living on the land improperly and, by extension, to continue living according to traditional lifeways that were not easily assimilable into settler state politics or capitalist economies. Viewing reservations as vast areas of land “set apart to barbarism,” Abbott argues that the reservation system cannot be reformed (Lake Mohonk, “Proceedings” 52), and must instead be “uprooted, root, truck, branch, and leaf, and a new system put in its place” (53). For Abbott and his fellow reformers, the “new system” would transform Native peoples’ supposedly improper relationships to land into proper and recognizable forms of individual land ownership, and protect Native peoples from being further removed and dispossessed. Abbott maintains that allotment would secure every Indian “in his right to his home, and in his right to free intercourse and free trade, whether the rest of the tribe wish him so protected or not” (53). Individual land ownership and independent economic activity are, he suggests, rights “which no tribe has the right to take from him, and no nation the right to sanction the robbery of” (53). In Abbott’s view, then, properly emplacing Native people on the land through private property ownership would produce them as differentiated and independent individuals, transforming their improper relationships to land, protecting them from further dispossession by settlers, and preventing what he perceived as the violation of individual economic and ownership rights by tribal governments.

    The rhetorical underpinnings and material results of the Dawes Act produced a contradictory cluster of spatial discourses and dynamics. On the one hand, reformers claimed that allotment would protect Native peoples’ connections to land by formally and properly placing them on the land; their supposedly improper placement on the land would become legible through individual land title as a mode of civilizing emplacement. Yet in historical fact, allotment facilitated a new era of dislocation through land sales, land speculation, and tax forfeiture (108). Despite reformers’ claims that the Dawes Act would secure Native people on their land, Native landholdings decreased from 138 million to 53 million acres between 1887 and 1934 (Chang, “Encolsures” 108). By narrating shifting conditions of displacement and emplacement, reformers worked to incorporate Native peoples and lands into US political and economic structures. In the minds of social reformers, the incorporation of Indigenous peoples and lands into the nation state required the dissolution of tribal governments and the disappearance of Indigenous subjects and socialities as Indigenous. These settler spatial imaginaries seek to “incorporate Native people through their disappearance or social death” (Goeman 4). The contradictory discourses and shifting practices of displacement and emplacement surrounding allotment are essential to explaining and justifying this mode of incorporation and/as disappearance.

    Despite reformers’ persistent efforts to narrate and make placelessness a reality, Indigenous peoples continued to enact place-making relationships to land that exceeded the terms set by policy-makers. For example, in the face of forced removal from the regions now known as Georgia and Alabama, town leaders of the Creek Nation strove to establish continuities between their ancestral homelands and Indian Territory. According to David Chang, Hotulke Emarthla, micco of Okichye, “planted the ashes of his town fire in the earth” 600 miles from the Creek homelands (The Color of the Land 26). Rekindling the town fire on the other end of removal, Hotulke Emarthla insisted that this new place, too, was Okichye. In the allotment era, Creek people continued to craft and enact their own relationships to place despite the expectations of US authorities. Although allotment policy re-envisioned land as private property, Chang argues that “Creek people continued to use their land to work toward their own goals” (112). Rather than approaching allotment as the foundation of a new subjecthood as yeoman farmers (as policy-makers had anticipated), Creek people used the new land system to sustain kinship and community ties by selecting plots alongside members of their kin group (144).

    The ceremonial arbors, funerary sites, and urban farms built and stewarded by Sogorea Te’ Land Trust remind us that today, as in the past, Indigenous peoples sustain relationships to place that operate within, but not always in alignment with, the terms set by white settler spatial imaginaries, political systems, and economies. The Ohlone people are not a federally recognized tribe, and so remain landless within settler imaginaries and material arrangements of space: “the lack of access to traditional ceremonial grounds and to land appropriate for multi-day ceremonies is a serious challenge faced by Lisjan people today” (Sogorea Te’ Land Trust, “Lisjan”). However, through the rematriation and stewardship of urban land, the women-led intertribal collective creates pathways for Native and non-Native people alike to affirm Indigenous geographies and establish relationships to land not grounded in settler spatial arrangements. Sogorea Te’ Land Trust has built a traditional Lisjan roundhouse on rematriated land where ceremonies can be held; formed a Himmetka, “a culturally based emergency response hub” (“Himmetka”); and established three urban farms where community members grow traditional plants, medicines, as well as fruits and vegetables.1 In these ways, Sogorea Te’ Land Trust has facilitated Indigenous peoples’ ability to affirm their enduring and evolving relationships to unceded and occupied Ohlone lands. Sogorea Te’ Land Trust invites non-Native peoples too to see and relate to the land outside of settler spatial orders. Paying the Shuumi land tax and volunteering to support the organization’s daily operations rupture settler spatial imaginaries by affirming that before these lands were known as Berkeley, Oakland, or Richmond, they were Lisjan Ohlone land, and remain so to this day.

    Relational Discourses of Place

    Reading the records of the two Mohonk Conferences alongside one another reveals that narratives of Black and Native placelessness are not simply parallel or similar discourses but are relational and co-constitutive. Beyond comparing the perceived placelessness of Black and Native people, conference attendees mobilized the narrative of humanizing Black dis/emplacement as a conceptual resource to justify allotment as a civilizing mode of dis/emplacement for Native people. This relational exchange is evident in both the founding of the two conferences and in the published statements of attendees. The formation of two conferences registers the construction of Blackness and Indigeneity as separate yet related problems in the minds of late-nineteenth century social reformers. As they sought to describe and respond to the problems of racial and colonial difference, the attendees of the conferences presumed that African-descended and Indigenous people are separate groups of people that can be managed and incorporated into the nation by similar means. Buoyed by the apparent success of the Mohonk Conference of the Friends of the Indian in swaying public opinion in favor of allotment and a federal boarding school system, Mohonk delegates mobilized to form a corollary conference to address matters related to Black citizens. The conferences’ founder and host Albert K. Smiley recalled that years prior, President Hayes indicated that he was “so gratified” with the methods and spirit of the Mohonk Conference of the Friends of the Indian that he could not help but hope that someday “that other weaker race” would “have some annual assembly such as this to consider its condition and to aid it to rise to the stature of true American citizenship” (Lake Mohonk Conference on the Negro Question, “First Mohonk Conference” 7). This hope, according to Smiley, was the impetus for the formation of the Mohonk Conference on the Negro Question. Crafting an origin story for the new conference, Smiley recounts the duplication of an institutional model first devised to address the problems associated with settler expansion (the Mohonk Conference of the Friends of the Indian) to craft a corollary institution to address the problems arising from enslavement and its afterlives (the Mohonk Conference on the Negro Question). In this narrative, Smiley alludes to a relational form of thinking that borrowed institutional forms and civic practices oriented towards settler expansion to envision a response to the problem of racial difference.

    Smiley’s duplication of institutional forms – and the exchange of ideas about Blackness and Indigeneity that it facilitates – positions Black and Native communities as comparable problems that might be resolved through similar means. This viewpoint was made explicit in speeches at the Mohonk Conference on the Negro Question, as delegates drew on discourses of Black placelessness to express their support for allotment policy. After the Dawes Act passed, the actual allotment of land proceeded unevenly across various reservations; some – including the Cherokee, Seminole, Choctaw, Chickasaw, and Creek nations – were exempted from the terms of the act entirely. But whether subject to the Dawes Act or not, Native nations persistently resisted the division of tribal lands and thus, reformers and policy-makers had to fight continually for the implementation of the policy. So strong was the resistance to allotment amongst the Five Civilized tribes, for example, that the federal government had to appoint the Dawes Commission in 1893 and pass the Curtis Act in 1897 before their lands were divided (Carlson 15).5 Thus, it is not surprising that in 1890, Mohonk Conference attendees continued to argue for the effectiveness of and need for allotment.

    The ideological underpinnings and material effects of allotment policy have been studied within the frameworks of Native American studies as an extension of earlier practices of removal and dislocation.6 However, examining the arguments made in favor of allotment at the Mohonk Conferences produces new insights into the discursive relationship between Indian removal and chattel slavery. Reformers’ discourse of placelessness and efforts to emplace Indigenous peoples properly on the lands desired and/or claimed by the United States depend on a metaphorical relationship to discourses of Black placelessness. Casting enslavement as a “brief period of tutelage,” this group of reformers argued that increased proximity to white, western society catalyzed racial advancement for African-descended people. In turn, Mohonk attendees suggested that allotment will bring Native peoples into intimate contact with white Americans and thus drive their progress towards modernity.

    Drawing a comparison between the history of enslavement and of the reservation system, Mohonk attendees mobilize the material and discursive construction of Black placelessness as a model for how to incorporate Native peoples and lands into the structures of racial-settler capitalism. Where enslavement appears as a civilizing force, attendees of the Mohonk Conference on the Negro Question perceive the reservation system – which enabled Native peoples to maintain collective land holdings, even if limited in scope – as a hindrance to progress. For instance, Reverend A.D. Mayo perceives the reservation system as a spatial arrangement that allows Native people to live in “proud isolation” from civilized society, thus making it possible to repel all the “beneficent changes” experienced by enslaved people living in close proximity to white society (39). He argues that as a result of the ongoing spatial separation facilitated by reservations, “the entire philanthropy, religion, and statesmanship of the republic are now wrestling with the problem of saving [Native peoples] from the fate of the buffalo” (38). Unlike the supposedly humanizing emplacement wrought by enslavement, Mayo construes the reservation system as a mode of spatial organization that renders Native people akin to the buffalo and similarly threatened with extinction. From Mayo’s perspective, the preservation of Native life requires a form a dis/emplacement modeled on that which animated enslavement and its afterlives. Samuel J. Barrows, too, stages this relational spatial imaginary when he contrasts enslavement as a mode of incorporation that draws African-descended people into the sphere of civilized modernity with the reservation system as a spatial order that holds Native peoples apart from the civilizing spaces of the United States. He explains in 1891 that, whereas slavery and its afterlives have “drawn [the Negro] away from his traditions, and absorbed him into the body of our civilization,” federal Indian policy pushed the Indian “outside of our civilization, forcing him back upon his tribal traditions, leaving him free to speak his own language” (Lake Mohonk Conference on the Negro Question, “Second Mohonk Conference” 8). Laying claim to the role of benevolent humanitarian, Mayo and Barrows applaud reformers and policy-makers for working to ensure the continuation of Native life by properly emplacing them on the land via allotment. In this comparative discourse, enslavement is first recast as a civilizing force and subsequently converted into a model for reshaping Indigenous relationships to land and making land available for settler use.

    The remarks of Hayes, Pitzer, Mayo, Abbott, and Barrows illuminate the shifting narratives of placelessness that animate late-nineteenth century social reform. In addition to leveraging displacement to seat themselves at the top of a racial/colonial spatial and social order, late-nineteenth century social reformers sought to delineate the relationship between Black and Indigenous peoples by using slavery as a metaphor for allotment. In actuality, the geographies of slavery attempted to convert Black life into a labor resource and to demarcate the limits of humanity. Similarly, the material effect of allotment was not the “civilization” of Native peoples but rather the capturing of Indigenous lands within the mechanisms of racial-settler capitalism.7 Analyzing the spatial narratives of Mohonk Conference speakers reveals the centrality of Black and Native placelessness to a white settler imaginary that envisions “modern” and “civilized” white subjects as the rightful owners, occupants, and masters of Black and Native peoples and lands. Their discursive acts recall how the conquistador-settler, to borrow Tiffany Lethabo King’s terminology, seeks to determine “the violent terms of … social relations” in order to ascend to whiteness and mastery over peoples and lands (xi). Mohonk delegates exemplify how the self-actualization of the conquistador-settler requires the mediation of Black and Indigenous relationships as well as the death and displacement of racial and colonial others (xi). Through the language of double-displacement and improper placement, social reformers justify the dehumanization of Black and Native people as well as the dispossession of Native nations. Their remarks register an anxiety about the place of Euro-American settlers in the Americas. Asserting their right to live on and govern in the lands called the United States requires the disavowal of longstanding and newly emerging Black and Indigenous geographies.

    Today, the geographic, social, and political dominance of those people racially coded as white continues to rely upon similar representations of Black and Native peoples as placeless. However, the embodied and place-based practices of Sogorea Te’ Land Trust and Black Earth Farms point to fissures in this white settler spatial imaginary. They challenge or operate outside of this framework by asserting ongoing relationships to land despite centuries of thought and action meant to transform or dissolve these relations, and by opening up possibilities for mutual relations between Black and Native people grounded in land and place rather than displacement and dispossession. By enacting and nurturing relationships to land on terms set by their own communities, and by building relationships with one another, these organizations produce other ways of knowing and experiencing place.

    Black and Native Studies: Beyond the Impasse

    Emphasizing the distinctions between processes of racial dehumanization and settler colonial violence is a critical intervention into the tendency to collapse histories of genocide, removal, and territorial dispossession into frameworks of racial difference. However, too neat a division between the signs of “body” and “land” frequently results in positioning Black and Native Studies, or the experiences of Black and Indigenous peoples, as oppositions where entanglements, overlaps, and sites of mutual constitution are obscured. Such occlusion raises questions about methodology and how best to account for the complex interchanges between racialization and colonization in the US. Can we approach Black and Indigenous place-making practices without placing them in opposition to one another? Can we explore how land-oriented practices fit into divergent and overlapping liberatory and decolonizing political imaginaries without establishing hierarchies between them? Can we construct methodological or theoretical approaches that allow for Black and Indigenous relationships to land to emerge as a site of encounter rather than impasse? Can we account for simultaneity and difference? Can we account for vegetable beds tended by Black and Indigenous communities, driven by different political imaginaries, and yet at times tended and watered together?

    In addition to studying the unique histories of African-descended and Indigenous peoples, scholars have increasingly taken up relational analyses that consider enslavement, colonization, and other dehumanizing forms of power alongside one another.8 Building on these methods, I approach land and place as a site of encounter between Black and Native Studies, rather than as concepts that sever these fields. Enslavement and genocide cannot be collapsed as equivalent historical processes, yet both are foundational to the formation of the United States (and Western modernity more generally); Lethabo King describes them as “distinct yet edgeless forms of violence.” Black fungibility and Native genocide proceed along divergent trajectories and yet “the violence moves as one” (x). Ethical analysis of the violences experienced by Black and Native peoples in the Americas thus requires a form of relational analysis capacious enough to account for simultaneity and difference. Troubling the analytical separation of Black and Native Studies via land and body, the proceedings of the Mohonk Conferences demonstrate that, historically, discourses of place structure both racial and colonial imaginaries by producing narratives about how Black and Indigenous people do (or do not) relate to material geographies and the social landscapes of modernity.

    Using this historical instance as an example, we can ask how settler spatial imaginaries continue to occlude and disturb Black and Indigenous relations to self, land, and other. As place continues to be a site of struggle, attending to the ways Black and Indigenous people have been simultaneously yet differently rendered placeless is an important element of liberatory intellectual and political pursuits. Rather than allow the notion of incommensurability to produce seductive notions of irreconcilable difference, attending to simultaneity and difference brings into view the mutual constitution of racial dehumanization and settler colonial relations. This suggests that Black liberation and decolonization require attention to the ways that both Black and Indigenous peoples have engaged in struggle with white settler spatial imaginaries. However, if “many histories and ways of seeing and mapping the world can occur at the same time,” as Goeman argues, we cannot presume that dominant geographies overdetermine the nature of Black and Indigenous relations to place nor their relations to one another. In the face of displacement and dispossession, Black and Native peoples have sustained material geographies and spatial imaginaries that exceed the terms of placelessness. Today, the embodied and land-oriented work of Sogorea Te’ Land Trust and Black Earth Farms point towards “alternate geographic formations” that might “incite new, or different, and perhaps more just, geographic stories” (McKittrick, Demonic xix). These two organizations provide spaces that nurture embodied relations to the land, cultivating a grounds of encounter where Black and Indigenous communities might remake the spatial relations that white settler imaginaries would establish for them. Their subaltern geographies might incite alternative mapping practices that open up “a conceptual arena through which more humanly workable geographies can be and are imagined” (xii). The vegetable beds tended by Sogorea Te’ Land Trust and Black Earth Farms offer an existing model of co-constituted, land-oriented care between Black and Native communities. This site of growth and abundance – fed by and illustrative of Black and Indigenous political imaginaries that diverge from the model of nation-making predicated on exploitation, dehumanization, and dispossession – pushes against prevailing white settler geographies that imagine African-descended and Indigenous peoples as placeless. The collective care shown to the soil, the carrots, the bugs, and the other beings that make place on this farm reveal Black and Native placelessness to be a settler fiction. Within the limits set by racial-settler capitalism, the embodied and narrative practices of Sogorea Te’ Land Trust and Black Earth Farms are a reminder that Black and Native peoples have persistently and powerfully challenged the dehumanization of racialized life and the exhaustive extraction of land.

    Sarah E.K. Fong is an Assistant Professor of Studies in Race, Colonialism, and Diaspora at Tufts University. Her research examines the entanglements of schooling, self-making, and racial-settler capitalism in the late-nineteenth century. Dr. Fong has published work in American Indian Culture and Research Journal as well as Amerasia Journal.

    I would like to express my thanks to the editors and staff of Postmodern Culture for making this volume possible. I am thankful to the organizers and participants of the “Troubling the Grounds Conference” for creating a space in which to develop these ideas. I am grateful, also, to Dr. Rosanne Sia for thinking with me over many months and reading countless drafts of this article. Finally, my deepest gratitude goes to Dr. SA Smythe, for their steady encouragement from the earliest iteration of this piece to its final form.

    Footnotes

    1. See descriptions of all Sogorea Te’ Land Trust’s projects at sogoreate-landtrust.org..

    2. Sogorea Te’ Land Trust defines Shuumi as “a gift.” According to their website, it is a way for “non-Indigenous people who live in traditional Chochenyo and Karkin Ohlone territory to make a voluntary annual financial contribution to this critical community work. If you live on Chochenyo and Karkin Ohlone land, you are inadvertently benefitting from the genocide waged against the Ohlone people and the theft of their land. Whether you know it or not, however you feel about it, this is an inescapable fact. The civic infrastructure, the economic system, the private development and the consumption of natural resources in our society are all connected to and in different ways built upon the colonial occupation of this land and the violent displacement of the Ohlone. Paying the Shuumi Land Tax is a small way to acknowledge this legacy and contribute to its healing.”

    3. See “Herrera v. Wyoming,” Harvard Law Review, 8 Nov. 2019, harvardlawreview.org/2019/11/herrera-v-wyoming/. Accessed 24 Aug. 2020; Olivia B. Waxman, “This Supreme Court Case on Hunting Is Really About a 150-Year-Old Treaty and Wyoming’s Existence as a State,” Time, 8 Jan. 2019, time.com/5494458/treaty-wyoming-herrera-history/. Accessed 24 Aug. 2020.

    4. See Albert Bender, “Supreme Court’s earthshaking decision: Eastern Oklahoma is still Indian Country,” Indianz.Com, 15 Jul. 2020, www.indianz.com/News/2020/07/15/supreme-courts-earthshaking-decision-eas.asp. Accessed 24 Aug. 2020; David K. TeSelle, “Review of McGirt v. Oklahoma – How the Supreme Court and Justice Gorsuch’s Revolutionary Textualism Brought America’s ‘Trail of Tears’ Promise to the Creek Nation Back From the Dead,” The National Law Review, 5 Aug. 2020, www.natlawreview.com/article/review-mcgirt-v-oklahoma-how-supreme-court-and-justice-gorsuch-s-revolutionary. Accessed August 24, 2020.

    5. See Mashpee Wampanoag Tribe, “Mashpee Wampanoag Tribe Threatened with Land Disestablishment, Tribal Leaders Step in to Address Ongoing Land Issues and Threats to Sovereignty,” 30 Mar. 2020, mashpeewampanoagtribe-nsn.gov/news/2020/3/30/mashpee-wampanoag-tribe-threatened-with-land-disestablishment-tribal-leaders-step-in-to-address-ongoing-land-issues-and-threats-to-sovereignty. Accessed 24 Aug. 2020; Carrie Jung, “What’s At Stake In The Mashpee Wampanoag Tribal Land Bill.” WBUR, 13 May 2019, www.wbur.org/news/2019/05/13/edited-whats-at-stake-in-the-mashpee-wampanoag-tribal-land-bill. Accessed 24 Aug. 2020.

    6. In 1893, the Dawes Commission was appointed to negotiate with these five tribes to get them to accept allotment or, if they would not, to force it upon them. In 1897, Congress passed the Curtis Act which dissolved tribal governments and enforced allotment where voluntary agreements could not be reached.

    7. See Emily Greenwald, Reconfiguring the Reservation: The Nez Perces, Jicarilla Apaches, and the Dawes Act, U of New Mexico P, 2002; Frederick Hoxie, A Final Promise: The Campaign to Assimilate the Indians, 1880–1920, U of Nebraska P, 2001; D.S. Otis, The Dawes Act and the Allotment of Indian Lands, U of Oklahoma P, 1973.

    8. See Sarah Fong, “Racial-Settler Capitalism: Character Building and the Accumulation of Land and Labor in the Late Nineteenth Century,” American Indian Culture and Research Journal, vol. 43, no. 2, 2019, pp. 25–48.

    9. See Jodi A. Byrd, Transit of Empire: Indigenous Critiques of Colonialism, U of Minnesota P, 2011; Quynh Nhu Le, Unsettled Solidarities: Asian and Indigenous Cross-Representations in the Americas, Temple UP, 2019; Nada Elia, David M. Hernández, Jodi Kim, Shana L. Redmond, Dylan Rodriguez, Sarita Echavez See, editors, Critical Ethnic Studies: A Reader, Duke UP, 2016; J. Kēhaulani Kauanui, “Tracing Historical Specificity: Race and the Colonial Politics of (In)Capacity,” American Quarterly, vol. 69, no. 2, 2017; Lisa Lowe, Intimacies of Four Continents, Duke UP, 2015.

    Works Cited

    • Black Earth Farm Collective. “Organizational Principles and Manifesto.” Black Earth Farms, blackearthfarms.com/. Accessed 24 Aug. 2020. Carlson, Leonard A. Indians, Bureaucrats, and Land. Praeger, 1981.
    • Chang, David. The Color of the Land: Race, Nation, and the Politics of Land Ownership in Oklahoma, 1832–1929. U of North Carolina P, 2010.
    • ———. “Enclosures of Land and Sovereignty: The Allotment of American Indian Land.” Radical History Review, no. 109, 2011, pp. 108–120.
    • Goeman, Mishuana. Mark My Words: Native Women Mapping Our Nations. U of Minnesota P, 2013.
    • Hawthorne, Camilla. “Black Matters are Spatial Matters.” Geography Compass, vol. 13, no. 11, 2019.
    • King, Tiffany Lethabo. The Black Shoals: Offshore Formations of Black and Native Studies. Duke UP, 2019.
    • Lake Mohonk Conference of the Friends of the Indian. “Address to the Public of the Lake Mohonk Conference.” Report of the Annual Lake Mohonk Conference on the Indian and Other Dependent Peoples, no. 1, 1883, pp. 3–16. HeinOnline, https://heinonline-org.ezproxy.library.uvic.ca/HOL/P?h=hein.hoil/ramhonk0001&i=12. Accessed 24 Aug. 2020.
    • ———. “Proceedings of the Third Annual Meeting of the Lake Mohonk Conference of Friends of the Indian.” Report of the Annual Lake Mohonk Conference on the Indian and Other Dependent Peoples, no. 3, 1885, pp. 3–80. HeinOnline, https://heinonline-org.ezproxy.library.uvic.ca/HOL/P?h=hein.hoil/ramhonk0003&i=48. Accessed 24 Aug. 2020.
    • Lake Mohonk Conference on the Negro Question. “First Mohonk Conference on the Negro Question.” 1890. Mohonk Conference on the Negro Question, edited by Isabel C. Barrows, Negro Universities P, 1969. HathiTrust, https://hdl-handle-net.ezproxy.library.uvic.ca/2027/uc1.b4016739. Accessed 24 Aug. 2020.
    • ———. “Second Mohonk Conference on the Negro Question.” 1891. Mohonk Conference on the Negro Question, edited by Isabel C. Barrows, Negro Universities P, 1969. HathiTrust, https://hdl-handle-net.ezproxy.library.uvic.ca/2027/uc1.b4016739. Accessed 24 Aug. 2020.
    • McKittrick, Katherine. Demonic Grounds: Black Women and the Cartographies of Struggle. U of Minnesota P, 2006.
    • ———. “On Plantations, Prisons, and a Black Sense of Place.” Social & Cultural Geography, vol. 12, no. 8, 2011, pp. 947–63.
    • Rifkin, Mark. Fictions of Land and Flesh: Blackness, Indigeneity, and Speculation. Duke UP, 2019.
    • Sogorea Te’ Land Trust. sogoreate-landtrust.com/. Accessed 24 Aug. 2020.
    • ———. “Himmetka: In One Place, Together.” Sogorea Te’ Land Trust, sogoreatelandtrust.org/himmetka/. Accessed 24 Aug. 2020.
    • ———. “Lisjan (Ohlone) History & Territory.” Sogorea Te’ Land Trust, sogoreatelandtrust.org/lisjan-history-and-territory/. Accessed 24 Aug. 2020.
    • ———. “Purpose and Vision.” Sogorea Te’ Land Trust, sogoreate-landtrust.org/purpose-and-vision/. Accessed 24 Aug. 2020.
    • Weheliye, Alexander. Habeas Viscus: Racializing Assemblages, Biopolitics, and Black Feminist Theories of the Human. Duke UP, 2014.
  • Other Intimacies: Black Studies Notes on Native/Indigenous Studies

    Chad Infante, Sandra Harvey, Kelly Limes Taylor, and Tiffany King (bios)

    In 2015, we began assembling a dialogue among Black identified scholars committed to research focusing on Black diasporan people about how Black Studies might approach Native and Indigenous Studies. Tiffany Lethabo King reached out to Shona Jackson, Melanie Newton, Faye Yarborough, Tiya Miles, Chad Infante, Shanya Cordis, Sandra Harvey, and Kelly Limes Taylor to think about how to have this conversation.1 A few of us were able to sustain conversations over email about convening at the American Studies Association (ASA) and Native American and Indigenous Studies Association (NAISA) conferences. Over email and in digital space, we made suggestions about scholars to include, thought about questions that needed to be posed, and set goals for how to sustain a long-term conversation and build a community of scholars.

    In 2019, Shanya Cordis, Sandra Harvey, Chad Infante, Shona Jackson, Tiffany King, and Kelly Limes-Taylor submitted a panel to ASA’s 2019 conference in Hawaii. After a series of emails, we named our roundtable “Other Intimacies: Black Studies Notes on Native/Indigenous Studies.” We thank Sandra Harvey for framing our thinking about the kinds of relationships and conversations we desired to have with Native and Indigenous studies as a kind of “other intimacy.” After careful drafting and redrafting (we are so grateful to Shona Jackson) we submitted the following proposal:

    Recent attention to the ways that anti-Blackness, Indigenous genocide, and settler colonialism shape and inform one another have given rise to generative scholarship, conversations, and political work at the critical juncture of Black and Native/Indigenous Studies. This robust exchange has happened at the same time that settler colonial studies, as a discourse and field, has become the lingua franca in the academy for talking about social relations under the violent conditions of extermination, settlement, displacement, and migration. In reflecting on the unique ways that Black Studies has historically grappled with and continues to engage questions of Indigeneity, sovereignty, settlement, and nation alongside its sustained attention to diaspora, the roundtable participants address the ways in which settler colonial studies has opened up and closed off avenues between Indigenous and Black Studies, both of which have “grammars” that are often overshadowed by it. The participants on this panel discuss ‘what can be learned’ if the specific ways that Black Studies—a geographically, theoretically and politically diverse practice—has engaged and is engaging Native/Indigenous Studies is taken seriously. The panelists seek to engage Black Studies at both its points of entanglement with Native/Indigenous studies, and its points of closure.2

    During the roundtable, the panel sought to reflect on the following questions:

    1. What particular genealogies, methodologies, traditions/practices, and scholars within Black Studies have been generative for engaging theoretical and conceptual concerns within Native/Indigenous Studies?
    2. What are some limitations to the aforementioned approaches?
    3. How has settler colonialism as a theoretical framework shaped discussion between Black Studies and Native/Indigenous Studies? What are the possibilities and limitations of this point of departure?
    4. What can theories of sovereignty that have emerged in Black Studies contribute to a mutual conversation/movement for decolonization and abolition?
    5. How have Black Studies’ conceptualizations and critiques of the “nation” and the “state” been in conversation with Native/Indigenous theorists’?
    6. What might be opened up in Black Studies when we focus attention on the notion and histories of indigeneity as much as we do or in conjunction with the theme of diaspora?
    7. How do Black Studies and Native Studies attend to each other with care? For example, how do we honor Black and Indigenous people particularly when focusing on violence and Black and Indigenous people’s bodies?
    8. How do we move forward/keep momentum?

    We proposed, adjusted, and revised questions as a group. Some of the questions emerged from the intellectual labor and scholarly investments of specific participants. For instance, questions four and six, which inquire about Black theories of sovereignty and a refocus of attention from diaspora to indigeneity, were posed by Sandra Harvey. Harvey responds to these questions in elegant and prodding ways that require deep contemplation. Questions three, five, and seven were offered by Shanya Cordis, and ask the participants to think about what settler colonial studies as a discourse and field has offered and foreclosed, how Black Studies’ critiques of the “nation” and “state” interface with Indigenous theories of the nation, and finally how Black and Indigenous people might attend to one another with care. While not reproduced in the roundtable discussion or in this essay, Cordis’s contributions to this conversation were essential to the groundwork we did as a group. Kelly Limes-Taylor offers thoughtful and eloquent responses to Cordis’s questions in ways that ground readers in the everyday practice of decolonial struggle and of moving toward more promising horizons. Four of us (Harvey, Infante, Jackson, and King) were able to travel to the ancestral homelands and waters of the Kanaka Maoli in November 2019 for the ASA. The four of us hosted a vibrant exchange and discussion with those in attendance. We have tried to reproduce the conversation that took place during the roundtable between Harvey, Infante, Jackson, and King, which also continued in later weeks over email with Kelly Limes-Taylor. This essay will proceed with the edited written responses of the remarks offered at the ASA by Sandra Harvey, Chad Infante, and Tiffany Lethabo King. While Shona Jackson offered remarks during the roundtable, we were not able to include her written comments here due to time constraints and other demands. However, some of the answers below respond to Jackson’s offerings and insights at the roundtable.

    The following are introductory remarks delivered by Tiffany Lethabo King on November 8, 2019 at the 2019 convening of the ASA in Honolulu, Hawaii, titled “Build As We Fight.”

    Welcome to “Other Intimacies: Black Studies Notes on Native/Indigenous Studies.” This afternoon, I have the pleasure of keeping company and engaging three of the six scholars who continue to inform and transform my thinking after every encounter with them. I have been trying to bring us together to have this conversation for the last five years. While we are here on the ancestral lands and waters of the Kanaka Maoli this afternoon, my colleagues and I hope to attend to the ways that multiple Black Studies projects have engaged Indigeneity and Indigenous peoples across the African diaspora.

    As scholars engaged in the practice of Black study, we want to consider “what we can learn” if Black Studies is used as a point of departure for engaging Native/Indigenous Studies. This conversation is not an effort aimed at critique, displacement, or the takeover of more recognized theoretical and disciplinary frames. However, the question “what can be learned if Black Studies is a point of departure?” introduces important theoretical, political, pedagogical, and ethical concerns. As panelists, we seek to engage Black Studies at both its points of entanglement with Native/Indigenous Studies and its points of closure. Black diasporan scholarship, with its attention to African descended people “on the move” as well as indigeneity in Africa, reorients how we think through the field of Native and Indigenous Studies. I have had the privilege of thinking with my colleagues Shona Jackson, Sandra Harvey, Shanya Cordis, Chad Infante, and Kelly Limes-Taylor about this provocation since the winter. In preparation for this much anticipated conversation, I have thought about the following things when I consider what it means to approach Native and Indigenous Studies from shifting and dynamic spaces of Black Studies:

    What new questions and concerns rise to the surface?

    What kinds of texts, objects, artifacts, and encounters do we need to consider?

    Are new periodizations and temporalities in play?

    What are the “unthought” geographies and ecologies that need to be surfaced?

    Should we consider Black diasporan healing practices and modalities as a space to look for deep and or fleeting knowledge of Indigenous peoples and cosmologies?

    Might we consider that some intimate, ceremonial, healing, and erotic work is off limits or considered sacred in Black Studies or by some scholars within Black Studies?

    Instead of imagining that Black Studies is a space of lack and ignorance about Indigeneity, might we consider the silence a site of refusal or a critique of academic knowledge production?

    In line with this posture of refusal, might there be a reticence on the part of Black scholars, due to a shared experience with Indigenous people of being objectified, to “study” Indigenous people?

    Is there an unmappable practice of Black study and ethics that pursues being in relationship with Indigeneity rather than “knowing” it?

    Q1: What particular genealogies, methodologies, traditions/practices, and scholars within Black Studies have been generative for engaging theoretical and conceptual concerns within Native/Indigenous Studies?

    Chad B. Infante:
    My first teacher of Native American Studies is my mother, Lynda Angela Duhaney. Like Sylvia Wynter, she is a teacher of Spanish. For this reason, she has always emphasized the Spanish possession of the island of Jamaica and their colonization of the Indigenous Taino people. To combat the convenient use of the “Black Legend” by the British and the claims that the Taino population on Jamaica was small—estimated at 15,000–20,000—because of its relative distance from the chain of Greater Antillean islands, she constantly reminded me that Jamaica, the Americas, and Africa were colonized and enslaved not only by the Spanish and British but by that minuscule and cold corner of the world called Europe.

    It was only at the end of my graduate career that I realized her significant influence on my scholarship. In those restless dreams before and after submitting the dissertation, I could see the slim white bookcase that held her copies of Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth, De Beauvoir’s The Second Sex, and Van Sertima’s They Came Before Columbus. Her influence and these works propelled me into a love of literature and scholarly inquiry. Her focus on the importance of performance, the spoken word, folklore, and global indigenous practices of storytelling led me to read and appreciate Native American literature. This, in turn, brought me to the work of Sylvia Wynter, Frank B. Wilderson, the debate between Afro-Pessimism and Black Optimism, and to the important work of Sharon P. Holland and Tiya Miles.

    Sandra Harvey:
    Some of the most profound intellectual and political spaces in Black Studies are rooted in radical black feminist approaches to slavery studies. In particular I’m thinking about Toni Morrison, Hortense Spillers, and Saidiya Hartman’s work with the archives of slavery, whether they be the slave ledger, runaway slave advertisements, slave narratives and newspaper articles, or bodies and flesh. What stands out to me in these works is the ethical commitment that, I’d argue, represents Black feminist work at its best. For Hartman, the question has been, “What sort of ethics of care must I sustain with those enslaved Africans whom official archives are necessarily unable to represent?” For Morrison, it is to hold space for the interiority of enslaved black people, to combat a politics of respectability in representing ancestors, and in so doing, she asserts, her “single gravest responsibility,” despite a sort of magic that might guide events in their lives, “is not to lie” (93). In the name of this collective and personal responsibility to the dead and not-so-dead, Morrison’s “literary archeology,” Spillers’s “semiotics of the flesh,” and Hartman’s “critical fabulations” are methods that seek to tell “truth” as opposed to “fact,” or that which undergirds modern science and history’s positivism. I recognize a similar ethical, affective response to the archive (people’s prior lives/practices/cosmologies) in Native Studies.

    Saidiya Hartman’s work is not generally considered to be in conversation with Indigenous Studies and studies of colonialism more broadly. Yet in Lose Your Mother, Hartman’s reflection on her research trip to Salaga and Gwolu, Ghana—places where people fleeing slave raiders and traders attempted to build and defend communities made from new kin—has many parallels with stories Native scholars and elders have told in what is currently called the United States. One of the greatest contributions of Lose Your Mother is the way it calls on Black Americans to consider a fuller picture of the transatlantic slave trade and its place within a larger colonial context shaping West Africa well into the present. Hartman has us consider the experiences of dispossession within Africa. It is a sort of dispossession that encompasses displacement from homelands, from kinship structures, and from one’s own self-determination. She writes of one now disappeared village of fugitives from raiders where

    Newcomers were welcome. It didn’t matter that they weren’t kin or that they spoke a different language, because genealogy didn’t matter (most of them couldn’t go back more than three or four generations, anyway), building a community did. If the willingness to receive new arrivals and foreigners was what it took to make a world different from the one they had left, then so be it. So they put down their roots in foreign soil and adopted strangers as their kin and intermarried with other migrants and runaways, and shared their gods and totems, and blended their histories. “We” was the collectivity they built from the ground up, not one they had inherited, not one that others had imposed.(225)

    Hartman relays the way these ancestors (if we are to call them so) responded to dispossession—not with a melancholic attempt at recuperation but as creative agents of dynamic culture and kin, even through the pain and threat of death.

    Tiffany Lethabo King:
    I value and hold dear so many of the texts and scholars that my colleagues have mentioned. Shona Jackson acknowledged [referring to Jackson’s oral remarks on November 8, 2019] the work of Frank Wilderson and what it made possible in her own work. I agree with Jackson that I don’t think I would have been able to do the work that I have done without Wilderson’s Red, White & Black (2010). While Wilderson and I are headed in different directions with our intellectual and political commitments (he is increasingly unconvinced that Black and Indigenous ontological positions and political commitments are compatible), in my own relentless efforts to make connections with Indigenous communities, Wilderson’s exploration of the ontological positions of the settler, slave, and savage is essential for my intellectual development. Wilderson creates a relational framework from which to think about how the ontological positionings of the settler, slave, and savage are produced in relation to violence and the figure of the White human. While Wilderson gives up on the project called the human and finds no contemporaries for Black people whose existence is overdetermined by slavery and death, Wynter, whose work I also find invaluable, views the praxis of being human an unfinished and revisable project that exists on the horizon. Like Wilderson, Wynter argues that overrepresentations of Man (versions 1 and 2) are formed and shaped through producing Blackness and Indigeneity as external to Man and making Black and Indigenous people “Human Others” (Wynter, “Unsettling” 283). Wynter’s schematic overview of the history of Western Humanism allowed me to think about Black and Indigenous existence simultaneously because she positions Indios/Natives and Negroes/Niggers at the bottom of the hierarchy of being even as Man becomes more expansive (Man1 evolves into Man2) over time. Finally, I would be remiss to fail to mention the Black and Indigenous women who made up the Toronto Chapter of INCITE. INCITE Toronto had such a deep impact on my spiritual and political development from 2006 to 2008. The Black and Indigenous women who were a part of this formation compelled me to confront the work of creating more ethical relations with myself, other Black folks, and Indigenous people as I navigated two settler nation-states that perpetuate genocide, conquest, colonialism and anti-blackness. In 2006 and 2007, professor M. Jacqui Alexander accompanied a few of us in some of this work, and I am so grateful for her legacy as a thinker and person led by spirit.

    Q2: What are some limitations to the aforementioned Black Studies approaches?

    CBI:
    While I find Wynter’s and Van Sertima’s work useful for thinking the connection between Blackness and Indianness, both of their theories rest on flawed and recursive European logics. Van Sertima attempts to found a Black and Native American cultural and political connection by finding a moment of contact before the European colonial context. However, in this attempt, he supplants Native American conceptual worlds with African ones, and takes the European emphasis on phenotype as given. In addition, his work has emboldened unethical “hotep” and vernacular theories that argue that (dark-skinned) Native Americans are really Africans, and that this misrecognition is part and parcel of a colonial subterfuge against Africa. This claim leaves the American Native behind.

    Wynter’s theory of the African in Jamaica as the “New Native of a New World “ has a similar outcome, and leaves Native Americans, once again, unthought. Wynter argues in her unpublished nine-hundred-page tome Black Metamorphosis that the African replaces the disappeared Tainos as the “New Natives of a New World.” The argument too smoothly supposes the colonial narrative of Native extermination and argues too strongly that Blackness is indigenous to the New World and not to Africa. In addition, works that emphasize the figure of the “Black-Indian” rely too heavily on the European hetero-patriarchal matrix of mixture and reproductive sex. Particularly, this narrative indicates that for Black people to have a connection to Native America, that connection must be biological, cultural, or genealogical, leaving politics as a source of connection far, far behind.

    My most significant difficulty with Black engagements with Native America is with the desire to be indigenous to the New World. This is compounded by the ability of Indigenous people in the Americas to name the specific cultural lineage from which they hail, however fraught, and the relative difficulty of such a task for enslaved Africans brought to the Americas. The Black diaspora in the Americas need not claim indigenousness or nativeness to the Americas—or even to Africa for that matter—to make political and long-lasting connections with the Indigenous peoples of Africa or the Americas. Nor do they need to center the heterosexual and reproductively framed figure of the Black-Indian to make this connection. The only ground necessary for Black and Native connection is an unwavering and stern anti-colonial, anti-white, and anti-European politics.

    SH:
    One of the challenges we face in Black Studies in the US is that, institutionally and imaginatively, we are often too North American or even US-centric in our approach to studying black life. Returning to Lose Your Mother, this is exactly what confronts Saidiya Hartman. Her colleagues challenge her with this as she centers her own pain on the past. The South African scholar charges, “You think that the story of those in the Americas is the most important” (218). We must be careful in our approaches to Black Studies such that the transatlantic and “Black Atlantic” don’t become metanarratives that prevent us from engaging black life globally.

    In Lose Your Mother, one woman at the market by the Elmina dungeon, the last place where many captive Africans were held before being shipped off to the so-called New World, offers us a reading of Hartman’s venture, but it could easily be directed at a certain sort of navel-gazing scholarship in the United States: “[Black] Americans come here to cry but they don’t leave their money behind” (Hartman 56). These comments call out the geopolitical position of middle-class Black Americans vis-à-vis global capital in a present where, as some have argued, memories themselves are commodities. The livelihood of Ghanaians through slavery tourism and the preservation of artifacts of the transatlantic slave trade depend on the erasure of their own dispossession.

    At Troubling the Grounds, a conference at UC Irvine in 2019, SA Smythe and I asked attendees to consider the intersections of blackness and nativeness in a global context in order to think through colonial, imperial, and capitalist forces that have interacted with and shaped what blackness and nativeness have come to mean. What was clear is that we—those of us studying Black life in the US, in Europe, in the Pacific, in Africana Studies—are not used to talking to each other. We aren’t necessarily reading each other’s work and so when we want to engage each other we aren’t really prepared. If in the US and Canada we so often speak of Black and Indigenous experiences as mutually exclusive (barring some exceptions), scholars from the Pacific or from South Africa confront these issues as necessarily intertwined. Indigeneity is often but a specter in much of US Black Studies, and likewise we might find that diaspora haunts Native Studies on this hemisphere.

    TLK:
    I tend to find that much of the literature and critical theory in Black diasporan studies that addresses the Middle Passage and the enslavement of Black people lacks a robust grammar for talking about land. I think it is very difficult for descendants of the Middle Passage to have a discussion about land with Indigenous people in the Americas, Africa, and across the globe. Notions of land as a relation/relative, cosmology, sensation, language system, or aesthetic are not as discursively available within much of the theory, literature, and aesthetic practices of Black Studies. To be clear, I do not consider this particular privation a deficiency or failure on the part of Black diasporan people. Land often emerges as something that Black people who survived the Middle Passage are estranged from. They are brutalized by it, and long after, they have to come to terms with it and are forced to relate to it through colonial and nationalist notions of property. The violent rupture of the Middle Passage separated Black diasporan people who would “land in” the Americas from a relationship to other-than-human life forms like “land.”

    I’m so grateful that Sandra Harvey mentioned Saidiya Hartman’s work in Lose Your Mother. In Lose Your Mother, Hartman details the trek from the Northern interior of Ghana through the savannah to the coast. What became clear for me while reading this portion of the book was that the slave route also became a place where African kinship and indigeneity were stripped from the captive. In the chapter “Lose Your Mother,” Hartman describes the way kinship was meticulously stripped from people. Hartman’s evocative retelling of the ways that captors used the land against the captive to produce a “landscape of forgetting” is heart-wrenching (156). Hartman reveals throughout the chapter a longing that is refused writing: “But as I traveled along the slave route, I soon found out about all the elaborate methods that had been employed to make slaves forget their country. In every slave society, slave owners attempted to eradicate the slave’s memory, that is, to erase all the evidence of an existence before slavery. This was true in Africa as in the Americas” (155). Later, Hartman pens, “in Ouidah, a town that had been a significant port on the Slave Coast, a university student told me that slaves were marched through a grove that induced forgetting, or that they encircled a tree of forgetfulness. Women had to circle the tree seven times, and men had to circle it nine times in order to forget their origins and accept their slave status” (156). What Hartman details for the reader is the deployment of land as a weapon against the captive. Continuing to detail the process of forgetting Hartman writes, “Every part of West Africa that trafficked in slaves possessed its own Lethe, rivers and streams whose water made the slaves forget their pasts, dense groves that trapped old memories in the web of leaves, rocks that obstructed entrance to the past, amulets that deafened a man to his mother tongue, and shrines that pared and pruned time so that only today was left” (156). Even sacred parts of the earth, like the leguminous undershrub manta uwa, “which means ‘forget mother’ in Hausa,” were given to the captives to ingest (156). Manta uwa “expunged all memories of a natal land, and it robbed the slave of spiritual protection” (156). Mother Earth itself was used against the captives to make them forget their emergence from it.

    As processes of dispossession and alienation continue in the Americas, so do rituals and processes of resistance and recuperation. I am thankful for my colleague Xhercis Mendez’s question during the roundtable, which posed the possibility—or rather asserted the probability—that Afrodiasporic spiritual practices like Santeria elaborate embodied practices (dances and rituals for Yemeya), and ceremonial song and prayer produce vernaculars of terra and ocean and that are not always legible in academic Black Studies. Diasporan Black people must continue to recuperate and refashion relations, tongues, and embodied grammars for land.

    Q3: How has settler colonialism, as a theoretical framework, shaped discussions between Black Studies and Native/Indigenous Studies? What are the possibilities and limitations of this point of departure?

    CBI:
    I am very, very grateful for the work of Tiffany King because my engagement with settler colonial studies is significantly influenced by her work. I had already read Wolfe’s staple work and that of others in graduate school when I encountered King’s stellar dissertation, In the Clearing. This work presented the white Australian genealogy of the field. More importantly, it challenged the primacy of settler colonial studies over Native Studies (particularly Native feminism) and the idea that settler colonial studies is a mediating force between Black and Native theories and peoples. I am indebted to King because her work taught me how to read settler colonial studies as a white formulation that downplays both Native American and African experiences of conquest and slavery by replacing them with the concept of settlement. She rerouted me away from settler colonial studies squarely into the wide world of Indigenous feminisms. This correction has been foundational to my current work.

    SH:
    Settler colonialism has provided a framework for centering both the structure and temporality of a certain sort of white colonial project. It confronts various resistance discourses—leftist, multiculturalist, and even homonationalist—to take seriously the present and ongoing colonial context in which we work. A critique of settler colonialism confronts the myth that the colonialism of what is currently called the United States has already been settled. This particular colonial project reorganizes our understanding of time and space such that the violence of the initial encounter becomes understood as prologue to the linear timeline of the nation-state. Moreover, we can understand the figure of the settler as another dimension of the figure of the slave owner and vice versa. Black Studies scholars have theorized the project of mastery as one that seeks to stabilize a white subject’s consumption and enjoyment of Black people—and in particular our bodies. Likewise, the figure of the settler allows us to understand the project of mastery in spatial terms, and thus how bodies and land become reorganized. Both Tiffany King and Shona Jackson relate how white settler-slave owners use black bodies within the plantation economy to clear and settle the homelands of peoples indigenous to Turtle Island and Abya Yala. Likewise, Native feminist scholar Audra Simpson explains that “An Indian woman’s body in settler regimes such as the US and Canada is loaded with meaning—signifying other political orders, land itself, the dangerous possibility of reproducing Indian life, and most dangerously, other political orders.… Indian women … transmit the clan, and with that: family, responsibility, and relatedness to territory” (15). There is a libidinal economy to the settler’s project through which the possession of Black and Native women secures sovereignty, or what we most often refer to in Black Studies as mastery.

    Nevertheless, I think we have come up against major limitations with regard to the structural understanding emerging from settler colonial studies. That is, the triad structure comes up short in theorizing Black peoples’ experiences and positionalities in a nuanced manner—especially the way the afterlife of slavery, and anti-blackness in general, give shape to black subjectivity within the settler-slave owning project. It maps colonial racial categories onto various orientations such that, at least on Turtle Island, black must always signify “arrivant,” or in other renditions, “guest.” This category represents captive Africans as either existing in parallel to colonialism or as the bodies that enable colonialism, but never as colonized subjects themselves. The category also runs the risk of containing the descendants of enslaved Africans in an alienated relationship to place and homeland, perpetually tethered to a prior moment of arrival. What is the future that the category “arrivant” makes possible outside of the presumption of “departure”? I think new scholarship at this intersection would do well to explore what is enabled and foreclosed within this structural analysis for Black and Indigenous life. Can we tend to the ways we (in our multiple, varied, and changing forms) have developed or received relationships to land and kin, even in alienation?

    TLK:
    Settler colonial studies has given us a great deal to work with. The discourse, and now field, has grappled in good faith with the ongoing violence of settlement and the colonization of Native/Indigenous peoples and land. I think that the field does some things really, really well, particularly as it concerns forcing nationalist narratives, continental theory, and post-colonial theory to grapple with settler colonial relations. However, remembering my own struggles as a graduate student to square settler colonial relations with Black life, I maintain that white settler colonial studies is limited and to a large extent inhibits or frustrates attempts to bring black presence into view in the Americas. This failure is due in part to some of its conceptual and constituent elements. For example, the ontological premise or dialectic that grounds the antagonism of settler colonial relations is predicated on a settler/native dyad. This binary makes it difficult (damn near impossible) to incorporate enslaved and fungible chattel. Even the rubric of labor used to think about forced and coerced labor fails to fully register the position of Black enslaved people. Adding Black enslaved people into the native/settler dyad after the fact is a cosmetic change that does not address the limits of settler colonialism’s ontological universe, or account for the way that, in Hartman and Wilderson’s terms, Blackness remains a space of the “unthought.” Additionally, settler colonial studies cannot or will not address the ways in which the academy authorizes its displacement of Native scholars and of Native/Indigenous Studies. I tend to make a distinction between white settler colonial studies and Native feminist theorizations of settler colonialism, for example the Native feminist theory of Huanani-Kay Trask, which was introduced before white settler colonial studies gained so much prominence.

    Q4: What may be opened up in Black Studies when we focus attention on the notion and histories of indigeneity as much as we do on or in conjunction with the theme of diaspora?

    CBI:
    While I am sometimes frustrated by the etiological debate between Black and Native Studies about which came first—New World conquest or African enslavement—I appreciate that this debate has produced a greater interest in the long history of antiblackness on the African continent itself and in Africa’s encounter with Europe and the Middle East.

    As we excavate and uncover the history of racism, slavery, and conquest, we come to realize that these concepts are germane to European ideals and forms generally; we learn that they are not unique to the moments following African and New World “discovery” but to the full history of what is called Europe. When Black Studies focuses on indigeneity, we grasp that Black Studies and Native Studies have left African Studies to white anthropologists, and that all these fields in general, Black Studies included, are dominated, if not by white theorists and anthropologists, then by colonial frames, languages, conceptions, and intimacies. The process of reclaiming these fields—along with Early Modern Studies, Medieval Studies, and the Classics—from their white gatekeepers illuminates the long, long history of Greek, Roman, Medieval Western European, and Arabic-Muslim contact with and enslavement of dark-skinned sub-Saharan Africans (Hamel 75). This long and understudied history demonstrates that Black Africa has always been discussed from the outside.

    In his important study Black Morocco: A History of Slavery, Race, and Islam, Chouki El Hamel dexterously explains that, in part, the civilization clash between Christian Europe and the Muslim Middle East facilitated the trade and transfer of concepts of dominance and power between these powers. Although conceptions of antiblackness existed in the European Middle Ages and earlier, the combination of local European and Arabic-Muslim antiblackness helps to create the European global form of African chattel slavery. (It is important to add that the exportation of these local European and Arabic-Muslim conceptions of Blackness to the Native inhabited territories of the Americas creates both Blackness and Indianness as truly global forms.) In the moment of the Moorish occupation of Iberia, Europe takes up particular conceptions of Black slavery developed by Muslim legal scholars in the first and second caliphates (El Hamel 76–77: Spillers 69–70). These Muslim scholars incorporate earlier Bedouin practices of holding dark-skinned Africans as slaves and install these practices into Muslim law despite the absence of any justification of slavery in the text of the Quran itself (El Hamel 18–19). If we focus on moments of contact and conflict between these two theological formulas of conquest around the Mediterranean Sea and on their pre-history, we see that along with certain aspects of Black slavery, the Muslim world transfers the concept of sovereignty and the numeral zero—all of which, to me, are related to indigenous Africanness and Blackness as the nothingness, the zero point, against which theology structures itself.

    In Gomes Eanes De Zurara’s 1441 text The Chronicle of the Discovery and Conquest of Guinea, the historian augments Portuguese Christian conceptions along with Arabic ethnic distinctions from an Arabic nobleman named Adahu who is captured as a slave (48). In order to save and ransom himself, the nobleman offers ten Black Moors in exchange for his own person and two other boys. He informs the Portuguese lords that Black Africans, though Muslim, are converts and “were not of the lineage of the Moors (Mohammedans proper)” (55). They were not People of the Book; they “were Gentiles,” ergo slavable, “the better to bring into the path of salvation” (55). In addition to Adahu’s distinctions, De Zurara presents and combines the Curse of Cain and the Hamitic myth (55). He also cites the work of Jewish historians and other texts such as “the Archbishop Don Roderic of Toledo, and Josephus in his book of Antiquities of the Jews and Walter with other authors” (55). In the progression of the text, De Zurara’s ethnic, racial and theological terms of distinction become more precise, indicating that he learns the European term “Moor” at best describes the Muslim world as an empire but does not account for the conquered peoples of differing ethnic, religious, and racial origins that fall under the rule of Islam. He then begins to use the term “Black Moor” and “blackamoor” (105) to distinguish between captured Arab and Black Muslim slaves.

    When we focus on the history of the circum-Mediterranean we get a broader and earlier context for the relationship between Blackness, sovereignty, and the number zero. This is not to suggest that Europeans simply learn Black slavery from the Arab-Muslim world—especially considering earlier Classical and Roman conceptions of Ethiopian Blackness and dark-skinned Africans as aesthetically unpleasing (Snowden 7–8) and Jewish conceptions of the Curse of Cain and the Hamitic Myth (El Hamel 60)—but to suggest that the Mediterranean world traded in conceptions about sub-Saharan Africa and dark-skinned Africans as slavable long before the advent of the “Age of Discovery.” Rather than suggest that either Europeans or Arab-Muslims created Black slavery in isolation, I contend that their collective descriptions and ideas about sub-Saharan dark-skinned Africanness are key to Blackness as we come to know it today, as an ontological and external description grafted onto the history of Africans and their descendants.

    Most importantly, we learn that it is circulation of ideas about Africa between the European and Arabic-Muslim worlds, and then from Europe to the Americas, that transforms Blackness and Black slavery from its localized Mediterranean form into a global one—which is to say, into its ontological form. Put another way, the encounter between indigenous Africans and indigenous Americans allows for the creation of a global form of antiblackness and Native American genocide. Through their encounter and comparison, they are fashioned as global racial types, both with and against each other.

    SH:
    Native and Indigenous Studies has prompted me to think more thoroughly about the relationship of black people(s) to land and about our own meditative traditions. Here I want to thank Tiffany King for the beautiful recollection of this relationship as it emerges in Hartman’s Lose Your Mother. I want to come back to the “accessibility” of land, of thinking land. I think it is right to say that the question of the relation of black life to land in settler colonialism discourse is not a deficiency within Black Studies. Nevertheless, I do gather that a sustained reorientation towards our relations with land offers us a better understanding of our presence beyond positivist or transparent geography, as McKittrick calls it, and territory as it relates to the state. Land comes up in the stories we tell ourselves. Here I’m thinking about that Clearing where Baby Suggs gathered black folks for revival in Beloved. Morrison describes it as “a wide-open place cut deep in the woods nobody knew for what at the end of a path known only to deer and whoever cleared the land in the first place” (87). The use of the word “cleared” as a past-tense verb brings attention to the violence involved in the act of clearing the land. Yet, Suggs’s move from church buildings to the land becomes an invitation to return black people to their own bodies. Suggs tells the people gathered amongst the trees, “Here . . . in this here place, we flesh; flesh that weeps, laughs; flesh that dances on bare feet in the grass. Love it. Love it hard” (88). I imagine here in the Clearing, amongst the violence of its making, black people are able to relate to land in excess of what settler structures might allow, and in so doing, for at least a moment, find respite from the logic of fungibility.

    Kelly Limes-Taylor enters the post-ASA roundtable discussion via email to extend the conversation. Chad also re-enters the conversation to conclude our engagement.

    Q5: What can theories of sovereignty that have emerged in Black Studies contribute to a mutual conversation/movement for decolonization and abolition?

    Kelly Limes-Taylor:
    First, I want to say I am pleased to have my thoughts on these questions combined with the thoughts of such an amazing group of people. Some time ago, my work as an educational theorist and philosopher moved me from thinking about our world in terms of concrete, definable disciplines, identities, and experiences and into thinking about our world primarily in terms of the stories we tell ourselves for a time—and the stories that we don’t know (yet) and/or that were hidden/taken from us. When thinking about sovereignty, I tend to hover around the work of Sylvia Wynter because of her emphasis on the importance of language in shaping experience. As I note in a recent Curriculum Inquiry article, Wynter (1976, 2000) discusses the Word, a concept that includes not only the denotations of language but the “abstract thought and story systems” with which humans subordinates themselves; humanity, I argue, needs

    to again create a system of abstraction that represents the human being in a whole new way, something completely different from colonial constructions of humanity, and, thus, non-humanity, of which Blackness is the marker in this Western colonial era (as cited in Gagne, 2007, p. 259). In short, the representation would bear no relation to the Western definition of human and humanity that requires Indigenous genocide and Black enslavement/fungibility, two of the three elements Smith (2010) asserts are the foundations of US settler colonialism. (16–17)

    Per my reading of Wynter, we decide, in a shared conversation, what our world is or is not, what it is going to be. We define it, as such defining is the very work of being human. I believe that Wynter’s discussion of our ability to decide and define, and then act on those decisions and definitions—indeed, our ability to be truly human—represents the meaning of sovereignty.

    Shared conversations about decolonization and abolition likely require that we first establish which stories about ourselves, each other, and the world around us are true for us, and true for the world we want to see. Next, we identify the false stories about ourselves and each other that have been forced upon us and under which we still labor. Finally, we start doing our work and living our lives as if the true stories we’ve identified for ourselves are, indeed, true—defending/protecting ourselves against those who want to force false stories upon us, but otherwise not paying them much mind. It feels almost laughable to discuss everything-changing concepts like sovereignty, decolonization, and abolition in terms of a simple, three-part plan, but this is the only thing that has made sense to me thus far. And I’m clear about the difference between simple and easy here; while this is a simple plan, it’s not an easy one.

    TLK:
    I have not spent time tracking and thinking with the key term sovereignty in Black Studies, per se. However, I think that bodily autonomy and the right to self-defense are concepts that are taken seriously within Black social and political thought, spanning the ideologies of Black liberalism and the Black radical tradition. Black people take their lives and those of their loved ones seriously. Black life is sacred and this is the bedrock of Black liberation movements. Critical Black Studies, emerging from abolitionist traditions, troubles the idea of Black sovereignty, or autonomy, and even, in some cases, of a Black body to defend. I see this in the work of Jared Sexton and Frank Wilderson. They question the existence of sovereignty for a Blackness without personhood. In her recent book Becoming Human: Matter and Meaning in an Anti-Black World, Zakiyyah Jackson argues that the notion of sovereignty as absolute freedom is a dangerous idea that stands in opposition to relationality (146). I think that this kind of critique of the liberal human, sovereignty, and the attendant notion of an autonomous and unfettered self is productive and can be a space of resonance with some Indigenous critical theory. For instance, Indigenous feminist notions of native sovereignty in Maile Arvin, Angie Morrill, and Eve Tuck’s article “Decolonizing Feminism,” premised on relationality across species, align with the kinds of critical relationality that Zakiyyah Jackson gestures toward in her work.

    SH:
    What I find so generative in Black Studies—at least various genealogies within what we’ll call Black Studies—is its push to bring freedom into conversation with those calling for sovereignty. This presents a true dilemma for the idea of sovereignty. That is, what has emerged as “sovereignty” in Western traditions is shored up specifically through its juxtaposition with blackness, with Nativeness, and with queerness. Black Studies scholars have thought through the idea of sovereignty or mastery at the level of the subject and against the figure of the “slave,” and thus asked us to think through the meaning of self-determination or autonomy if we accept that the boundaries of the self are constantly in question. I’d say this is also true for nations or peoples.

    Tiffany’s descriptions of black porosity and of the Sycorax wire sculpture in The Black Shoals are perfect examples of this idea of autonomy. In the vulnerability, the gaps between boundaries, intimacy is possible and new ways of being emerge. Tiffany describes the wire sculpture as a co-presence: “The intertwined bends, curls, and unfurlings of the wire memorialize the Black and Native female in the Americas . . . Sycorax is a relational entity . . . In the wire sculpture, Lurch renders Indigeneity and Blackness indistinguishable as they are both represented by the color black or the dark feminine. The copper wire and black wires meld into one another like skin” (186). Tiffany, through Jackson and Arvin, Morrill, and Tuck, describes the sculpture as an instance of critical relationality, where the “self” of self-determination is both questioned (in its ability/desire to achieve full autonomy) and affirmed (in its movement vulnerable to the other that is in the self and without which the self could not be).

    These conversations have me thinking through various acts or actions via sovereignty rather than via bodies. Teaching about the master slave dialectic in our graduate courses, David Marriott would remind us, “There are plenty of slavish masters and masterful slaves.” In part, I take this as a push to think through orientations and/or acts as sovereign. In one sense, orientation or acting is the sort of sovereignty that does not depend on recognition from or against an Other. But it is also about the law-making actions that produce ruptures in the colonial and slave owning symbolic order. I understand Fanon’s reflections on violence in this vein, but I also consider that the way “speaking” (as Kelly has pointed out) and ceremonies, as Tiffany puts it in The Black Shoals, “carry potential for transformation” (199). Rather than foundational, institutional, or grounded sovereignty (nothing that Jared Sexton critiques a certain understanding of sovereignty with land as its basis), this notion of sovereignty is fleeting, emergent, and relational. It is found in Standing Rock, Alcatraz, the Dakota road blocks, and in the defiance of the uprising for Black lives.

    Q6: How have Black Studies’ conceptualizations and critiques of the “nation” and the “state” been in conversation with Native/Indigenous theorists?

    KLT:
    I’m particularly drawn to the concept of nationhood here, because it reminds me of when I first connected Daniel Heath Justice and Saidiya Hartman’s discussions of kinship. I was researching for my dissertation when I first came across Justice’s work. He relates kinship to nationhood in a way that was paradigm-shifting for me, as I’d only been acquainted with colonial notions of kin and nation. Justice defines kinship as the “recognition of some sort of relationship between and among peoples,” and asserts that, in the Indigenous context, nationhood is an understanding of a common social interdependence with the community, the tribal web of kinship rights, and responsibilities that link the People, the land, and the cosmos together in an ongoing and dynamic system of mutually affecting relationships (151).

    From this position, I learned that interdependence, relationship, responsibility, and mutuality define nation, not the dictates of people who couldn’t care less about whether you, your human kin, or the environment around you thrives or dies. Justice further extends the concept of kinship to connection with the living world around us, “from the plants and animals to the sun, moon, thunder, and other elemental forces” (151), and asserts that kinship is something we do (148). I want to also include Shawn Wilson here, who notes that “we are the relationships that we hold and are part of” (80). Both these thinkers helped me redefine what I understood as the concept of nation—namely that nation encompasses our understanding of the relationships we have with the living beings and environment around us.

    When I was brought to Hartman’s Lose Your Mother, I could see the overlap between Black and Indigenous conceptualizations of kinship and, thus, nationhood. More specifically, I was able to see more clearly the ways that Black folks in these lands—most of us descended from Indigenous peoples whose relationships with their environments were violently, devastatingly, and almost-permanently stripped from them—consistently worked to protect and maintain notions of kinship, beginning with their first abrupt removal (and with each subsequent removal). Indigenous peoples in these lands were fighting to maintain their kinship networks at the same time my people were. I believe we both have been struggling to get our nationhoods back to us—in our own ways, as best as we have been able to do over these centuries. This consideration of Black Diasporic restorative practice as response to the intentional and historical separation from indigenous roots can foster solidarity between Diasporic Black and Indigenous decolonization initiatives and movements, as the two histories account for two sides of the proverbial Western colonialist coin.

    Black American life in the US is, among other things, very much the result of Indigenous peoples’ being taken from their land; Indigenous American life in the US is, among other things, very much the result of Indigenous peoples’ land being taken from them. We’ve had our nationhoods taken from us and were then told that those doing the taking represented the real, true nation. But that simply isn’t true. Real nation is responsibility and connection, not dominance and exclusion.

    CBI:
    I think that the best work of Black and Native artists, academics, and activists offers a criticism of the nation-state even when the state is not named as the explicit target of critique. Even those works and actors that might seem to placate the state are attempting to balance the short- and long-term political needs of their communities. This is a difficult balance to strike, and in the face of violence, Black and Native people have often chosen political strategies based on pragmatism and life, and rightly so. The immediate political needs of a community in response to hunger and shelter are weighed and balanced over and against the long-term political goals that might be required for structural transformation. Many Black and Native actors try to balance these needs and goals in a world where they recognize that they have to engage the state to access certain resources in order to live, all the while offering strident critique and imagining new forms of community care. Despite the need for this engagement, both Black and Native theorists and writers continue to question the legitimacy of the nation-state.

    TLK:
    I will speak to the resonances between fields in my response. Like Kelly Limes-Taylor, I am struck by Daniel Heath Justice’s notion of peoplehood, which distinguishes tribal-based understandings of nation from colonial and state-based understandings of the nation. This revision rebukes the Cherokee nation model that requires Black enslavement and antiblackness as a condition of recognition. For Justice, Cherokee peoplehood is a “relational system that keeps the people in balance with one another, with other people and realities, and with the world” (Our 24). This invocation of peoplehood resonates with a notion of Blackhood articulated by Toni Cade Bambara in “On the Issue of Roles” in 1970. Bambara similarly tries to construct Blackness outside of the colonial constraints and violent strictures of gender. Bambara argues that “perhaps we need to let go of all notions of manhood and femininity and concentrate on Blackhood” (Black Woman 126). She calls for fashioning an identity and a self outside of the categories of manhood and womanhood, “perhaps an androgynous self via commitment to the struggle” (126). This revisioning and refashioning of categories forms the connective tissue that brings Black and Indigenous thought and worldmaking together beyond nation, gender, and the human.

    Q7: How do Black Studies and Native Studies attend to each other with care? For example, how do we honor Black and Indigenous people particularly when focusing on violence and Black and Indigenous people’s bodies?

    KLT:
    Unfortunately, those of us involved with the academy often find our writing and thinking bound by academia’s farcical mores of objectivity and emotional distance—even when we’re dealing with topics that negatively affect our everyday lives. This is doubly true when our research is focused on the experiences of marginalized groups; triply true when we researchers also identify as members of those groups. I think that we—marginalized researchers researching marginalized peoples/experiences—often feel obligated to play into this act of distancing so that we can sound reasonable and sober enough to have our work accepted by a White supremacist institution that isn’t really checking for us in the first place, since the academy’s first priority—as with all institutions in this White supremacist conceptualization of a nation—is to uphold the supremacy.

    I begin my answer to this question in this way because, though I’m offered the idea of violence and bodies to use as example here, I believe that the question itself is indicative of the foundational White supremacist violence that Black and Native studies often highlight, particularly in the US context. How do we attend to each other with care? We ask ourselves this question as if truly caring for each other (and, really, for ourselves) within a super violent national context is mysterious or complex, as if we haven’t been doing it all along.

    So, I respond with my own questions: how are we caring for our friends, our comrades (for those that choose that term), right now, in real time? How do we care for our family every day? How do we care for cousins we have not seen in a long time or for those who have long joined us in struggle, often just as nameless or unseen as we? The answers to these questions, I believe, also address how those of us in Black and Native studies can attend to each other with care. I also want to note that, in order to take this out of the realm of abstraction, I read the initial prompt as How do Black and Native people attend to each other with care? within the US context, as hypothesizing about doing something in academia isn’t worth much if we’re not talking about how we just do it in our everyday lives.

    I believe that we must be clear about the context in which we are trying to survive as people. Those of us in the US exist in a nation- and society-making context that is violence: forcing millions of people into ways of life other than those of their choosing for hundreds of years may be a lot of things, but it will always be violent. That means that the institutions emerging from this context will always be violent as well, each in its particular way; the violence, after all, must be multi-faceted and all-encompassing in order to continue. Supremacist academic violence has historically shown up in the forms of objectivity and distance, subsequently allowing for other violences (and justifications for supremacist violence outside the academy) to occur. I’m thinking of Linda Tuhiwai Smith’s groundbreaking discussion in Decolonizing Methodologies in particular here.

    Indigenous and Black folks who find ourselves in the academy may also feel like we have to play into that historically violent objectivity and distance. So, for the most part, we don’t get to be angry in the classroom (for fear of negative student evaluations) or rail as we write up our research (because the infamous reviewer #2 won’t go for that). The pride or passion we feel has to be subdued, contained. We quietly hold the extent of our love for our people behind office doors, or carefully launch it in direct messages to safe colleagues, or keep it safely tucked away during meetings with fellow faculty members who just don’t (or won’t) get it.

    In my opinion, we need to stop that shit. The Western academy isn’t anything holy; in fact, it’s the opposite of that. It is the knowledge-creating and -perpetuating institution established by people who, if alive today, wouldn’t even agree we are human like them. Objectivity and distance don’t serve us and don’t serve anyone. Neither do separations between the disciplines. The violences that Indigenous and Black folks face in the US aren’t separate from each other, but are part of the White supremacist social and economic campaign that began on these lands hundreds of years ago–a campaign that has never stopped. Showing care and honor, then, means that we never stop acknowledging the violence, and that we are loud and unapologetic about caring for ourselves and each other.

    We care for each other just like we normally show care for those we love, both near and far: openly, without shame or pretense of objectivity. We care for each other just like we normally show care for those we don’t know who are experiencing the same things we are: by learning more about their experiences and amplifying them, by reaching out and asking how we can be accomplices. We care for each other in ways that defy the barbarity of White supremacy: by acknowledging, holding, and healing our own pain while making space for the pain of others—including the pain we experience from hurting each other, due primarily to the mind-boggling violence perpetuated upon both of us on these lands.

    We mourn for ourselves and each other. We get loud for and about ourselves and each other. We fight for ourselves and each other. Without apology, without wavering.

    CBI:
    It is important that we read each other’s work and histories and that we show up for each other. Because the relationship between these two disciplines and communities is mediated by a third party, Black and Native people should speak to each other in order to have a more honest account of the relation between the two communities. It also is essential that we read, cite, and defend the work of Black and Native women who are often on the frontlines of activist, academic, and artistic work. From #Sayhername to #MMIW, Black and Native women provide the most important examples of how we can honor people and communities facing violence. Accordingly, I think that it is vital that we return to their work and example again and again and again. More than this, I think we should make a habit of pairing and reading Black and Native women’s work together.

    TLK:
    To some extent I attempted to speak to this issue of care in my 2019 introductory remarks for the ASA panel, which also open this essay’s roundtable discussion. I think that building relationships with each other both outside and inside the academy is essential. Building spaces of connection, healing, and dialogue that are not oriented toward producing a product/commodity can change the terms of our engagements with each other as Black and Indigenous people in the academy. We cease to be objects of study for one another. As I reflect on the rather late entry of the fields of Black Studies and Indigenous Studies in the academy in the late 1960s, I think that this belatedness and marginalization in the university could be a kind of gift. For example, being in a marginalized field means that we have not had the time nor have we developed a desire for the pay-off of developing epistemologies and approaches that objectify and pornotrope one another. While I’m not saying that this does not happen and cannot happen, our fields have not emerged from the violent epistemological formations of colonial projects. We have an advantage in this sense. Many of us come from communities that refuse to make some of our intimate, ceremonial, healing, and erotic work material for knowledge production. We come from communities with good boundaries who practice refusal (Simpson). Our ethics and our political commitments of care (Sharpe) can shape our fields in critically important ways.

    SH:
    I’m grateful already for the attention to care that I’ve received by so many Black and Native scholars and the care with which my colleagues and comrades have carried out this roundtable. Like Kelly, I have serious doubts about the sorts of care possible within our institutions. We are precarious workers (some more than others). Our departments are always the first to be cut. Our students often receive the least amount of institutional support and respect. I have been rereading Fred Moten and Stefano Harney’s Undercommons with my students, and we are constantly taken by the charge that “the only possible relationship to the university today is a criminal one” (26). I say this as multiple institutions are being pushed to account for their accumulation of wealth through slave trafficking. Most universities have not begun to reckon with the truth that their existence is made possible through land grants, which in turn were made possible only by dispossessing Indigenous peoples of their homelands. In the past, Indigenous peoples resisted colonial civilizing missions by burning down boarding schools that sought to separate children from families and peoples from their languages and cultures. We (Black, Indigenous, and other “Third World” students) have also made demands on the university for autonomy in creating departments and research programs that center our work and study. Black and Native scholarship share a tradition that recognizes the many ways we produce knowledge, which can include university settings, but also oral histories, music, dance, practices of care, ceremony, uprisings, and art. These are the stakes of our continued and collective care. That we tend to each other, Black, Indigenous, and Black and Indigenous peoples, that we tend to each other’s relations and each other’s homelands as if our very existence depends on it, because as we know, it has and it does. This includes learning from each other, mourning and celebrating with each other, convening and, when necessary, holding each other accountable and making amends.

    Q8: How do we move forward/keep momentum?

    CBI:
    We must constantly remind ourselves that precisely because the relationship between these two communities is mediated by whiteness and colonial concepts, moments of Black and Native American contact occur in a minor register. They reflect small moments that flit in the corner of the eye, only to disappear when you try to focus on them. These small, mutable, and fragile moments demand not that we walk on eggshells, but that we craft carefully, deliberately, and ethically. Black and Native people must wholeheartedly engage each other and this ethic in their art, music, and literature. And they must do this all while holding at bay those best intentioned “white allies”—if there are indeed such persons—until after Black and Native people have had enough time to commune with each other. Then and only then, if at all, might “white allies” be invited to participate in the conversation.

    KLT:
    Given the current social and political climate in the US, I think that the primary way we can move forward is to continue (or to begin, for some of us) to imagine what our society looks like beyond the mayhem we are seeing around us without getting distracted or dismayed by it. If we believe that we are watching the death throes of White supremacy (whether the beginning or the end throes—I, of course, have no idea about that), I think we can better orient ourselves to the work that is ahead of us, especially when it comes to imagining and thus creating a future in which those of us who have previously been so disastrously oppressed can love and center ourselves while making space safe for others to do the same. The current times may feel particularly heavy for Native and Black folks, especially when the backlash to taking the slightest step forward seems to resound so loudly. We can feel heartened when we remember that under White supremacy, we have never not experienced genocidal extraction, and that our continued existence evinces that we are stronger than it and can and will survive beyond it. As we come to understand that we have a shared struggle, as we continue to link and recognize each other’s struggles, and as we gain more and more confidence in the ways of knowing and being that have carried us through to this time, I believe that we can carry ourselves into a beautiful future. It is hard and can feel so defeating, but I believe we will win.

    TLK:
    Since 2016, the increased visibility of Black and Indigenous liberation movements in the US has created an opportunity to frame social justice issues necessarily as matters of Black abolition and Indigenous decolonization. Additionally, as we navigate our COVID pandemic reality, we have had to innovate and create new modes of connection and communication. As our communities continue to contract the virus and die at alarming and disproportionate rates, I have seen Black and Indigenous people use digital platforms to organize and promote necessary conversations taking place between Black and Indigenous people. I’m both devastated by the losses that we have experienced and also moved and energized by the desire and efforts to talk to one another. We need to continue talking to one another on terms and grounds that we create together.

    Chad B. Infante is a post-doctoral fellow and assistant professor of African American and Native American literature in the English department at the University of Maryland, College Park. Chad earned his doctorate in English from Northwestern University in 2018. Originally from Jamaica, his research focuses on black and indigenous US and Caribbean literatures, gender, sexuality, critical theory, and political philosophy.

    Sandra Harvey is Assistant Professor of African American Studies at the University of California, Irvine.

    Kelly Limes Taylor does many things, including think, mother, teach, and write. She lives in the upper left corner of Georgia, U.S., with her family.

    Tiffany King is an Associate Professor of Women’s, Gender and Sexuality Studies at Georgia State University. She is the author of The Black Shoals: Offshore Formations of Black and Native Studies, Duke University Press, 2019.

    Footnotes

    1. Between 2015 and 2019, we considered many other people including Kendra Fields, Robert Keith Collins, Alaina Roberts, Andrew Jolivette, Arica Coleman, and Arika Easley Houser, whose contributions we are deeply indebted to but we lacked time and organization to initiate the conversations. We hope to initiate conversations with these scholars and others in the near future.

    2. This text is copied from the proposal submitted to American Studies Association in January 2019 and appears in the 2019 American Studies Association conference program.

    Works Cited

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  • Introduction: Unsettle the Struggle, Trouble the Grounds

    SA Smythe (bio)

    The interrelated quest to map the unknown—the geographic unknown, the corporeal indigenous/black unknown—sets forth what Neil Smith calls “uneven development,” albeit from a very different analytical perspective: the systematic production of differential social hierarchies, which are inscribed in space and give a coherence to disproportionate geographies. —Katherine McKittrick, Demonic Grounds

    We, to paraphrase [Kamau Braithwaite], can make here, on these broken grounds . . . something torn and new . . . , a communal future of wholeness.—Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o, “Kamau Brathwaite: The Voice of African Presence”

    As Black feminist Barbara Smith notes in Marlon Riggs’s iconic film Black Is…Black Ain’t, “There are as many kinds of Black people as there are Black people to be. There are so many variations on this theme.” And for as many kinds of Black people as there are to be, there are also many kinds of relationships to place and to belonging. The study of the African diaspora—of the practices and experiences that teem across language, histories, and other attachments—points to an origin: to Africa or “the continent.” However, to those not committed to its study, this reference is often reduced and ideologically bound to enslavement and departure. This special issue is instigated and organized around this observation, and wonders: what to the African, Black, and Afro-descendant is indigeneity? What, to the Indigenous, is Black(ness)? We know well that the stakes of considering Blackness and Indigeneity together in epistemological relation are high, and certainly not singular. Nor are they discrete, despite the efforts (be they concerted or a result of ideological neglect) to make indigeneity cartographically and thus epistemologically implausible or unthinkable in a specifically Black African context.1

    This inability to trace landed attachment to places perpetuate the notion of Afro-descended people’s nonbelonging, and the question of sovereignty and self-possession becomes ephemeralized. In this settler imaginary, who owns the land (which is already a white supremacist conceit: many Native authors have argued over generations that relation to rather than possession of land is the deeper intention of land acknowledgments or even Land Back demands) is utilized as a coercive cudgel with which to determine who is made to labor on the land and who can form and maintain knowledge over the land and place writ large as well as let themselves be known/knowable.2 Here we see the connection between racial capitalism and settler colonialism, as epistemological-material projects of genocide, super exploitation, and dispossession are always already linked. The representation of Africans as un-landed in cartographic renderings like Native Land is one of the proliferating examples of how Indigenous belonging has been removed from Blackness and Black people. This informs the tenuous relationship of Africans in the diaspora to Indigenous claims (for example, of Afro-descended peoples in places like the colonial United States where Africans were considered enslaved people and not people with Indigenous identity and the policing of those lines continues to impact our present day perceptions of incommensurability).3 Continuing down the path of unsedimenting the relationship between Blackness and landedness and the delimiting relationship of Indigenous peoples to their lands as the only measure through which to understand and afford or experience sovereignty is to trouble the grounds—to disturb the tasks, the conditions, and the terrain—of understanding and knowledge production on which Blackness and Indigeneity can be thought in multiscale and dynamic relation.

    Situated as the contemporary vanguard of this settler structure of knowledge production, obstruction, and maintenance is the academic industrial complex in the United States in particular, which is founded on genocide, anti-Black racism, and other ongoing modes of dispossession. We see these formations in the land grant institutions built on stolen lands (such as the University of California) and in the fact that across Turtle Island, Black Studies and Native Studies programs and departments are forced to compete for the same scarce resources and encouraged to remain discrete units and bodies of knowledge, despite the realities on the ground and their shared relational histories. The matter of funding and employment also reveals the university’s commitment to racial capitalism, as it claims knowledge and control over Black life, mobility, and labor in multiple ways. As we wrote in “A Statement of Black Solidarity: Cops Off of Every Campus,” “[t]o these institutions, our truest value comes in times of crisis, when we are made to show up in the form of statistics, in the form of alibis, in the form of crisis managers. Diversity regimes and administrative bloat routinely serve as the veneer of Black value.”4

    This special issue is inspired into an ecology of thinking that seeks to dwell in deep relation with the scholars, artists, and visionaries proliferating conversations between Black and/or Indigenous peoples that show an abiding need for tuning into and across difference to name the possibilities for our collective liberation. This inspiration also points to the proliferation of conversations beyond the white settler colonial gaze. Troubling the Grounds: Global Configurations of Blackness, Nativism, and Indigeneity lingers over the perceived incommensurability of Black and Indigenous life, and has emerged as a result of many conversations, explorations, and indeed frustrations about the ways Black and Indigenous life wor(l)ds are taken up, buried, and mystified across various geographical contexts. It was the name of a conference held at the University of California, Irvine, in May 2019, that I co-organized with Dr. Sandra Harvey. The symposium was thus held on the homelands of the Tongva peoples who, in the face of ongoing settler colonialism, continue to act as stewards of their ancestral lands as they have for the past 8,000 years. As Black visitors to the land, we moved with curiosity about the possibilities for connection. The greater Los Angeles area is home to some of the largest Indigenous populations in the United States. It is the ancestral homeland of the Tongva, the Acjachemen, the Chumash, the Tataviam, the Cahuilla nations, the Chemehuevi, the Pipa Aha Macav, the Morongo, the Pechanga, the Yuhaaviatam, and the Soboba among many other peoples. It is also presently home to large communities of Indigenous peoples from the greater Turtle Island, the Pacific Islands, and Latin America, including Zapotec and Mixtec peoples.

    Black people, like Garífuna communities, or like the Miskito people, whether in diaspora or in Central America, continue to claim Indigeneity even when it is regarded as contentious or untenable. The questions of the physical, spatial (landed), and other articulations of sovereignty are interrelated. How can Africanness be thought not alongside Indigenous cultures, communities, and politics, but as itself Indigenous, with all of the rights, freedoms, and unsettling that this might engender? Ultimately, we sought to bring our attention to Black/African Indigeneity and Black/African decolonial solidarity as practiced in various regions of the globe.

    This convening was motivated by a curiosity about theories of sovereignty and Black/African political imaginaries: by shared cosmologies, solidarities, and coalitions across difference between Indigenous peoples and people of the African diaspora and on the continent. We wondered how we might problematize blood quantum or other biological/racial understandings of indigeneity historically and in the contemporary moment, and about the role of indigeneity in Black political struggle in various regions of Africa and Latin America. Panelists and discussants came together to consider how the “idea of Africa” circulates in Native American and Indigenous studies and communities, as well as how and where the continent occupies the Black American imaginary and its own intra-migration stories within its own borders.5 In this generative discursive space, we brought together the study of settler colonialism and postcoloniality to bear witness to trenchant critiques of citizenship and human rights, recognizing the political import of what “native” or “indigenous” might mean in specific geopolitical and geotemporal contexts, and grappling with the unyielding violence of settler colonial white supremacy, racial capitalism, and imperialism.

    The title of our special issue is drawn from the incisive thought of Katherine McKittrick’s Demonic Grounds: Black Women and the Cartographies of Struggle, in which McKittrick sets a foundational course for ways we might think about racialized geographies, temporalities, and modes of political opposition to colonialism. Her work prompted us to rethink the very ideological grounds on which our assumptions, ideologies, and claims to liberation rest. McKittrick urges us to think through how blackness and geography animate new ways of imagining the world; her book, she writes, “is, in its broadest sense, an interdisciplinary analysis of black women’s geographies in the black diaspora. It seeks to consider what kinds of possibilities emerge when black studies encounters human geography” (x). Troubling the Grounds: Global Figurations of Blackness, Indigeneity & Nativism considers what kinds of possibilities emerge when Black Studies, Native Studies, African Studies, and global Indigenous Studies meet. In this volume, writers across various disciplinary formations and geopolitical commitments build upon ongoing intellectual and activist conversations about racism, racial capitalism, and (settler) colonialisms in order to refigure our conversations through a global lens.

    As a point of departure, let us reconsider what happens on a material and epistemological level when we return to Africa rather than to the world of whiteness in these conversations and conflicts. How might centering Africa—with differing and non-syncretic ideas of the continent and its variegated colonial histories, contemporary political struggles, innovative joys—impact narratives of belonging, citizenship, nativism, migration, and indigeneity across Europe, Turtle Island, Oceania, and Abya Yala? Likewise, in what ways do questions around settler colonialism and anti-Black racism in the so-called West help or hinder our understanding of anticolonial or decolonial debates and struggles in various African contexts? Katherine McKittrick’s reading of Sylvia Wynter’s term “grounds” allows us to think critically of diasporic, Indigenous, and nomadic ways of living in the world not as mutually exclusive states of being but possibly as simultaneous spatial and temporal relationships. McKittrick offers us this provocation:

    If these conceptual and political differences are not simply cast as marginal, they do not have to replicate marginality. Demonic grounds are not, then, only reifying and politicizing marginality in itself (black women’s identities = margin/position = difference in/and feminism; or, our present form of life). Rather they are also a projection of what the biocentric human (genres of black womanhood) means in relation to “the normally inhabitable.” (135)

    The grounds have always been troubled, and we wade into the conversation in search of otherwise possibilities for understanding and place.

    Both at the “Troubling the Grounds” symposium and throughout this volume (which also contains essays from scholars who were not involved in those sessions), there is an abiding interest in the ways blackness travels, is mobilized, or is (re)coded within discourses of indigeneity, citizenship, and sovereignty, where recognizable relationships to the state are determined. Of course, overdetermined positionalities (including the triad of the arrivant/diasporic subject/migrant, the native, and the settler/colonizer) are rooted in ideologies that shape all of our political responses. Troubling the Grounds opens with the imperative that we develop and continue strategies of solidarity that carefully and critically tend to the ways our deeply held narratives of belonging are brought to bear on each other. Thus, these essays center Africa, the African diaspora, and Blackness in the collective conversation, while understanding these terms (especially “Blackness”) to be expansive and mutable depending on how they are geopolitically and historically situated. There is attention to the trouble, the tensions, and tautness of ideological and physical relations that we seek to tease out. The volume is an effort to draw out that set of relations and attachments but by no means to totalize the territory. There continues to be a growing body of scholarship about the relationship between Black Studies and/in/of Native Studies that this volume moves alongside and shifts away from, we hope in generative ways.6

    Put differently, this special issue of Postmodern Culture moves with the understanding that indigeneity, diaspora, and migration are racial-ethno-political categories emerging differently across geopolitical contexts. In Europe, for example, the Sámi people inhabiting parts of what is now Scandinavia are readily classified as Indigenous to those lands, whereas the Romani (including Roma and Sinti peoples) are often conflated with nomadic tribes. Rather than being understood as Indigenous, these groups often experience a process of what Alyosxa Tudor calls “migratization.”7 Likewise, “Indigenous” as a political identity is mobilized asymmetrically throughout the continent of Africa, Central America, and various other regions, despite various peoples’ historic claims to tribal or ancestral lands. Given these different geopolitical locations—what Keguro Macharia describes in the afterword to this issue as the attendant geohistories—from Turtle Island to the diasporic homes of the Garínagu to what is today known as Namibia and to Melanesia, the authors in this volume contribute to a discussion about the ways in which race, ethnicity, and history have informed our understandings of indigeneity, blackness, and mobility, as well as the political claims these categories make possible or foreclose in their respective contexts, and for Africa and its diaspora. Not featured here, but also deeply in conversation and present at that Spring 2019 conference were engagements with Palestine, the quilombos of Brazil, migrants and Roma across Europe, and Blackscapes across the Indian Ocean, Asian, and Arab worlds. The grounds of all of these spaces are demonic, and we owe a debt of gratitude to these thinkers and contributors for their offerings as we collectively sought a way out of epistemic and ontological barriers to our knowing one another and ourselves.

    Also not included in this issue is the way that whiteness positions itself as having access to indigeneity in places like Europe. The topic came up for vociferous debate during the conference, and is implicated in these conversations. In recent years, the deadly fever pitch of ultranationalist calls to greatness has taken up a frail form of sovereignty based on a nostalgic act of white return, which is tied to the supremacist narrative of “the great replacement” in France, in particular.8 Take, for example, Donald Trump’s slogan to “Make America Great Again,” which begat ideologically linked global campaigns like Jair Bolsonaro’s “Make Brazil Great Again,” and Matteo Salvini’s “Make Italy Great Again” and “Italians First,” and Boris Johnson’s promise to “make Britain great again” by forcing the United Kingdom out of the European Union. They share a desire to recuperate an originary colonial project of the nation as individualist imperial formation. The discourse retrenches white supremacist iterations of History and Time to harken back to nebulous and fictional moment of ethnoracial purity and coeval peace. When confronting the political and ethnoracial diversity of the present, this of course foments anti-immigrant, anti-Black, and anti-Indigenous movements, in great part because they promote a revisionist history that celebrates white cisheterosexual people as the rightful claimants to the land and therefore to the status of “native.” “Nativism” in this perverse context then refers to a return to whiteness, and thus, a return that renders impossible any other claims to sovereignty in favor of white ethnonationalist politics of recognition and of fantasies of belonging.

    The pieces in this volume should be read as rigorous engagements in their own right, and we are invited to “read as amateurs” to consider a relationship to knowledge and its production as divested from notions of mastery.9 We do this in order to look at our principles and orientations towards diaspora, to name who we are and how we fellowship with one another, foregrounding interrelatedness and our own stories. With this invocation of “we,” these works join Kānaka Maoli scholar Lisa Kahaleole Hall’s moratorium “on talking about ‘them,’ so we can talk about ‘we’s’” from her 2018 Critical Ethnic Studies essay “More than ‘Two Worlds,’” forged with Black feminist activism, scholarship, and poetry about relating across difference (77). She continues, “The violences that we can effectively stop are those that are employed within a “we.” The existence of that “we” is necessary but not sufficient for making change—it is the ground of possibility” (78).

    There was rousing poetry, theory, land blessings, and scholarship presented at the Troubling the Grounds conference and considered for this issue that addressed the relationship between indigenous South Africans and the geocosmogenic waywardness of their ancestry; Black African and Palestinians relations after the Second World War; insurgent knowledges of freedom-making from the quilombos of Brazil; spatial performances of the Indian Ocean Blackness of Ceylon Africans in Sri Lanka; the migratization of Eastern European in the interest of troubling attachments to nativism and whiteness, and so on. There are many limits of a special issue including the number of included essays. However, if we take up the spirit of curiosity and resist exclusionary readings as ones of bad faith and misrecognition, it will allow us to consider where we might deepen our study, stretch our political engagement, and peek beyond the horizon of our struggles, toward what Lisa Kahaleole Hall refers to as “the lateral sharing of difference within multiple consensually constructed ‘we’s’” (81). This work is ongoing. The struggle continues.

    This issue opens with “Other Intimacies: Black Studies Notes on Native/Indigenous Studies,” a grounding conversation between Chad Infante, Sandra Harvey, Kelly Limes Taylor, and Tiffany Lethabo King that stretches across multiple exchanges, continents, and itineraries between Black Studies and Native Studies. After these scholars push beyond the confines of multiple fields to extend our collective investment and to tarry with Blackness as more than an agon for thinking sovereignty, belonging, and indigeneity, Sarah Fong’s “The Grounds of Encounter: Racial and Colonial Discourses of Place” historicizes the ongoing struggle against colonial geographies of separation and extraction in the 19th century United States and 21st century solidarities between Native and Black peoples at the Sogorea Te’ Land Trust on traditionally Chochenyo and Karkin lands in the San Francisco Bay Area. By troubling the temporality of association, Fong resists the cleaving of Black Studies and Native Studies that fuels the settler imaginary and racial illogics to meditate on placelessness as co-constitutive of Black and Native experiences and renderings. In “The Politics of Witchcraft and the Politics of Blood: Reading Sovereignty and Sociality in the Livingstone Museum,” Alírio Karina presents witchcraft as an object and cosmology that troubles the colonial and anthropological tendencies of contemporary African Studies. Examining witchcraft objects held at the Livingstone Museum in Zambia, Karina reflects on indigenous-coded claims to territory, custom, and Africanity, and offers a critique of limited readings of witchcraft that move away from the materiality of its real cosmologies, readings that reflect a colonizing tendency, arguing instead for the agency of Indigenous Africans who exceed their postcolonial containers in pursuit of sovereignty. Where Karina engages Indigenous Africans as disruptive of colonial framings of African identity and belonging, Paul Joseph López Oro’s articulations of Black Central America on the isthmus and its diasporas build on centuries of anti-Black racism and genocidal erasure to argue that Garifuna New Yorkers of Honduran descent are marked by their transgenerational differences and bounded by a “Garifunaness” that seeks to disrupt hegemonic Latinidad and refashion Afro-Latinidad through indigeneity. Sandra Harvey offers another framing of the spatialization of Black and Native life through epistemological, phenomenological, and metaphysical turns. Like Fong’s “placelessness,” Harvey’s notion of unsettling moves us to think about the binary of Black displacement, which Katherine McKittrick refers to as “ungeographic,” in “Unsettling Diasporas: Blackness, Solidarity Ethics, and the Specter of Indigeneity.” As Fong does in her work on Black and Native solidarities and resistance, Joy Enomoto situates the work of Melanesian women artists and activists to push our thinking of material solidarity and political possibility. “Black is the Color of Solidarity: Art as Resistance in Melanesia” articulates Black Oceania and the Black Pacific as bounded sites of possibility that are thought materially, and not merely as conceptual containers for inter-community epistemologies and praxis. Zoé Samudzi’s incisive engagement, “A Paradox of Genocide Recognition,” thinks across solidarity and recognition with another refractive reading of history. Offering a comparatively political assessment of Germany’s legal response to the 1904–1908 genocide of the Nama and Herero indigenous Africans the Civil Rights Congress’s 1951 We Charge Genocide petition to the United Nations, Samudzi names anti-Blackness as the litmus case and limit of modern understandings and acknowledgements of colonial genocide, arguing that the result is a deep paradox of recognition that is not only commensurate with Black death, but renders it a pre-requisite. Concluding the volume is a generous afterword by Keguro Macharia, “Afterword: Across Difference, Toward Freedom,” that furthers the call to listen, to attend, and to dwell in and across these seemingly divergent contexts in order to pull together through-lines and repetitions toward a collective understanding of the anti-Blackness that structures this modern world, the Black livingness that exceeds categorization through independent containment away from “the Indigenous” or “the Native.”

    Engaging with the relational lived experiences and struggles of Black and African people in this way may yield a deepening of conversations in which Blackness and Indigeneity are thought about with a curiosity that is not merely transactional solidarity, is not antagonistic, and is not concerned with incommensurability, but rather pushes us to consider shared access to struggles against and experiences of ontological oppression, dispossession, and erasure. This special issue holds together approaches across and beyond the geopolitical, historiographical, or conjectural analysis, beyond literary criticism, visual art, and performance. It’s an ongoing conversation that resists the overdetermination of form and genre and the imposition of rigid forms. Deep gratitude to Postmodern Culture managing editor Annie Moore for her steadfastness in seeing this volume through to its culmination, delayed many times by racialized responses to COVID-19, American insurrections, demands of the neoliberal university, and ecological disaster that in many ways underscored the importance of attending to the matter of Indigenous and Black belonging deeply enough to forge a world that we can ultimately thrive in. Further gratitude to Postmodern Culture editor Eyal Amiran for supporting this effort since it was a burgeoning idea turned conference, and understanding that what might normatively be said to be “historical” work must be stretched when we think materially about what constitutes “history,” given the unfixed temporality and ongoing colonialisms (settler and otherwise) and ongoing catastrophe of racial capitalism and other racisms on Turtle Island, Abya Yala, Mzansi, Europe and other lands.

    Every iteration of “crisis” affords us the opportunity to reconfigure the grounds. Perhaps the time is nigh for us to ask: what, to young children Tree and Delisha Africa, or to the hundreds of precious Native children whose remains are routinely and tragically being discovered in mass graves around residential schools across Turtle Island, is an institutional land acknowledgment? May we continue to trouble the grounds of discipline/disciplinarity, of ontology, of capital, and of w(h)it(e)ness, by nurturing the shoals of transformation (of fields, of possibility) that refuse to settle. 10

    Dr. SA Smythe is a poet, translator, and assistant professor of Black European Cultural Studies and Black Trans Poetics at UCLA, where they are primarily invested in Black belonging beyond borders. They are the guest editor of Troubling the Grounds: Global Configurations of Blackness, Nativism, and Indigeneity in Postmodern Culture, the forthcoming monograph Where Blackness Meets the Sea: On Crisis, Culture, and the Black Mediterranean, and the full poetry collection titled proclivity, which takes up a familial history of Black migration (between Britain, Costa Rica, Jamaica, and Italy), trans embodiment, and Black liberation. Smythe is a statewide coordinating committee member of the faculty wing of California Cops Off Campus (UCFTP) and organizes with students and other comrades in the broader Cops Off Campus Coalition and other abolitionist/anti-carceral groups across Turtle Island and in Europe. Winner of the 2021 Rome Prize, Smythe is currently based between Rome, Italy and Tongva Land.

    Footnotes

    1. I am thinking here of the many recent projects originating in the West that set about to map indigenous territories with the expressed aim to inform “non-indigenous” people about the surrounding occupied lands and their original and ongoing stewards. At the time of this writing, the app and website Native Land (native-land.ca), founded by self-identified Canadian settler Victor Temprano, “strives to create and foster conversations about the history of colonialism, Indigenous ways of knowing, and settler-Indigenous relations, through educational resources such as our map and Territory Acknowledgement Guide.” The project, which features “indigenous and non-indigenous” people, also boasts an ardent community that crowdsources information across the Americas and Europe, and contains almost no Indigenous representation on the African continent. The site privileges “‘Indigenous way of knowing’ when it comes to the importance and sacredness of land,” which begs the question: what are we to understand about what the Indigenous African knows?

    2. On the Land Back Movement, see https://landback.org/manifesto/.

    3. For more on the history and legacy of racial purity and its impact on the relations between African Americans and Native Americans, see the work of Arica L. Coleman, in particular That the Blood Stay Pure: African Americans, Native Americans, and the Predicament of Race and Identity in Virginia.

    4. See Sarah Haley, Nick Mitchell, Shana Redmond, and SA Smythe, “A Statement of Black Solidarity: Cops Off of Every Campus,” written for the California Cops Off Campus Coalition.

    5. See Mudimbe, The Idea of Africa.

    6. The shift “away” is still ever in relation, and the privileging of “Indigenous” throughout this introduction is meant to indicate a set of entanglements including and beyond Turtle Island, that involve land and temporality, which Native Studies, peoples, and possibilities also attend to.

    7. See Tudor, “Cross-fadings of racialization and migratization.”

    8. The latter anti-Semitic and Islamophobic conspiracy developed by white nationalist writer Renaud Camus argues for the existence of an ongoing plot for “white genocide” that is being carried out by replacing the demographics and culture of white Europeans with non-white people, globalized culture, and transnational ideals.

    9. In “Beyond Incommensurability: Toward an Otherwise Stance on Black and Indigenous Relationality,” the introduction to Otherwise Worlds: Against Settler Colonialism and Anti-Blackness, Tiffany Lethabo King, Jenell Navarro, and Andrea Smith outline three typical articulations of the relations between “Black and Native peoples and, by extension, Black and Native politics” as being articulated “sometimes in terms of presumed solidarity or comparison,” sometimes “in terms of antagonism,” and “nowadays … in terms of incommensurability, which asserts a lack of commonality/relationality between Black and Native folks.” They go on to unpack the Glissantian notion of “relation” to move us beyond a binary formation rooted in a white supremacist settler imaginary that maintains the separation of Black and Indigenous communities from one another, by rendering the Native person knowable in a fixed and erstwhile positionality and the Black person unthought, excessive to the point of obscurity, or utterly present without any historical attachment to the land. The introduction goes on to set the intention for their volume, which is to resist the disavowal of this relation and instead to move toward an “approach that does not presume an ‘answer’ but instead seeks to ask question about the complexities of this relation and hence the political possibilities that emerge” (2). Shortly after the time of this writing (May 2021), ongoing controversy about the claims to Native identity finally punctuated mainstream academic consciousness due to the publication of a longform article on the Native claims of Andrea Smith. In many Native (feminist) spaces, this has been an object of vocal concern for over a decade. We cannot ethically ignore this reality, and the untold harms caused. However, I refuse a politics of public disposability for the Black, Indigenous, and Native scholarship present in that volume, which has been truly generative to my thinking, and whose total refutation would in certain instances compound harm and avoid the key contributions of its arguments. Independent of Otherwise Worlds, conversations about the global effects of settler colonialism and the global materialities forged from racism must continue to unfold and not be dismissed along with one individual’s pretend claims to Native identity. In fact, anti-Blackness fuels the untenability and incredulity plaguing Black/African claims to Indigenous belonging around the world, and as such propel the desire to corral scholarship like the work presented in this volume. Questions about embodied, geographic, and most other forms of sovereignty remain.

    10. See King, The Black Shoals.

    Works Cited

    • Coleman, Arica L. That the Blood Stay Pure: African Americans, Native Americans, and the Predicament of Race and Identity in Virginia. Indiana UP, 2013.
    • Haley, Sarah, Nick Mitchell, Shana Redmond, and SA Smythe. “A Statement of Black Solidarity: Cops Off of Every Campus.” Written for the California Cops Off Campus Coalition. https://docs.google.com/document/d/1YQC9I50KdrsK3tt5cQrWFIPossizQisDCisO57Bhoac/edit. Accessed 3 May 2021.
    • Hall, Lisa Kahaleole. “More than ‘Two Worlds’: Black Feminist Theories of Difference in Relation.” Critical Ethnic Studies Journal Special Issue: The Academy and What Can Be Done, vol. 4, no. 1, Spring 2018, 64–83.
    • King, Tiffany Lethabo. The Black Shoals: Offshore Formations of Black and Native Studies. Duke UP, 2019.
    • ———, Jenell Navarro, and Andrea Smith. “Beyond Incommensurability: Toward an Otherwise Stance on Black and Indigenous Relationality.” Introduction, Otherwise Worlds: Against Settler Colonialism and Anti-Blackness, Duke UP, 2020, pp.1–23.
    • McKittrick, Katherine. Demonic Grounds: Black Women and the Cartographies of Struggle. U of Minnesota P, 2006.
    • Mudimbe, V.Y. The Idea of Africa. Currey, 2005.
    • Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o. “Kamau Brathwaite: The Voice of African Presence.” World Literature Today, vol. 68, no. 4, 1994, pp. 677–682. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/40150609.
    • Tudor, Alyosxa. “Cross-fadings of racialisation and migratisation: the postcolonial turn in Western European gender and migration studies.” Gender, Place & Culture, vol. 25, no. 7, 2018, pp. 1057–1072. DOI: 10.1080/0966369X.2018.1441141