Category: Volume 9 – Number 3 – May 1999

  • If You Build It, They Will Come

    Brian Morris

    Department of English with Cultural Studies
    University of Melbourne
    b.morris@english.unimelb.edu.au

     

    John Hannigan, Fantasy City: Pleasure and Profit in the Postmodern Metropolis. London: Routledge, 1998.

     

    Last year I found myself staggering down the very long sidewalk of the Las Vegas Strip in a somewhat disoriented state, an Antipodean on his first trip to the United States. There I was, during the middle of a scorching Las Vegas July afternoon, foolishly trying to walk from Circus Circus to the Luxor Hotel–a case of culture schlock perhaps? While this moment of pedestrian delusion was partially attributable to the intense desert heat, it was no doubt helped along by some of the “delirious” sights I passed on my foot journey. The structures facing on to the Strip, such as the extraordinary New York New York casino-hotel with its giant replicas of Manhattan buildings and associated landmarks (Statue of Liberty, the Brooklyn Bridge) neatly wrapped up in a rollercoaster ribbon, present themselves to the contemporary would-be flaneur like purpose-built entries in a giant VR encyclopedia devoted to the subject of the postindustrial/postmodern city. Celebrated urban critic Mike Davis recently described the city as “the brightest star in the firmament of postmodernism” (54),1 and indeed Las Vegas has long provided theorist-tourists with a productive stomping ground for engaging with postmodern urban forms, experiences, and structures, which manifest themselves in this place with a peculiar luminosity and intensity.

     

    Among the first to “discover” this exemplary postmodern landscape were the architects Venturi, Scott Brown, and Izenour, whose seminal manifesto Learning From Las Vegas (1972) provided the blueprint for a number of ongoing debates on postmodern aesthetics and the built environment. Almost three decades, however, have passed since that book was published, and Las Vegas itself now exudes quite a different kind of postmodernity. Regardless of whether you prefer the older and seedier Vegas or the more recent “Disneyfied” version, the city continues to exert a strong attraction with new residents, tourists, and cultural theorists (myself included in the latter of these two categories), who continue to travel there in ever increasing numbers. However, as Mike Davis has slyly noted, the philosophers who celebrate Las Vegas as a postmodern wonderland–presumably he is referring to Baudrillard?–don’t actually have to live there and deal with the city’s less appealing aspects. It’s an important critical point, yet as John Hannigan’s suggestive and welcome new book, Fantasy City: Pleasure and Profit in the Postmodern Metropolis, indicates, there is in fact no need for postmodern philosophers to live in Las Vegas because the chances are that many of the urban trends spectacularly visible there will be probably coming to a city near those philosophers soon (if they haven’t already done so). Centrally, Hannigan proposes that we are witnessing a new phase in the development of consumer societies: the introduction of an “infrastructure of casinos, megaplex cinemas, themed restaurants, simulation theaters, interactive theme rides and virtual reality arcades which collectively promise to change the face of leisure in the postmodern metropolis” (1). According to Hannigan, this development trend, which one finds in a heightened form in Las Vegas, will become a fully-fledged global phenomenon as we enter the new millennium. Certainly my own delirious pomo walk on the Las Vegas Strip was not framed just by an experience of the now “clichéd” tropes of simulation, hyperreality, and time-space compression, but also mediated by my own experience of a new casino-entertainment complex that had recently opened a hemisphere away in my home city of Melbourne.

     

    Yet while Las Vegas may epitomize many of the elements of this new entertainment infrastructure in the city and is a regular reference point in Hannigan’s book (a pre-redevelopment image of downtown’s Fremont Street graces the cover), the neon capital is but just one stop on a much more ambitious urban tour which ranges across a large number of North American cities and also does a quick comparative circuit of select cities in the Asia-Pacific Rim. At its best, then, Hannigan’s book sketches out a complex differential history of a new kind of “uneven development” in which postindustrial cities are being both reconstructed and trying to differentiate themselves as centers or “hubs” of leisure and consumption.

     

    In his introduction Hannigan defines “fantasy city” according to the following six features: it is organized around a marketable theme; it is aggressively branded; it operates day and night; it features what might be termed modular components; it is solipsistic in so far as it ignores surrounding neighborhoods; and it is postmodern. These features then prompt Hannigan to set up some central questions and problematics (some of which seem more useful than others):

     

    Are fantasy cities the culmination of a long-term trend in which private space replaces public space? Do these new entertainment venues further entrench the gap between the haves and have-nots in the "dual city"? Are they the nuclei around which new downtown identities form or do they simply accelerate the destruction of local vernaculars and communities? And, finally, do they constitute thriving urban cauldrons out of which flows the elixir to reverse the decline of downtown areas or are they danger signs that the city itself is rapidly becoming transformed into a hyperreal consumer commodity? (7)

     

    This last question is a pivotal one, for the author frames his overall inquiry within a general thesis (to which I shall return) that fantasy city is “the end-product of a long-standing cultural contradiction in American society between the middle-class desire for experience and their parallel reluctance to take risks, especially those which involve contact with the ‘lower orders’ in cities” (7).

     

    As a means of plotting the trajectory behind contemporary manifestations of that “cultural contradiction,” Fantasy City strategically opens with a three-chapter section on the historical context of entertainment’s role in the development of the American city from the late nineteenth century to the present day, particularly as it manifests itself in spatial terms (downtown life versus that of the suburbs). Thus in his first chapter, Hannigan discusses the so-called “golden age” of urban entertainment that invigorated downtown city life in North America between the 1890s and 1920s and that provides a possible historical precedent for the contemporary emergence of “fantasy city.” Here the author traces the construction of the notion of a then new commercial leisure culture in the city that while representing itself as “public”–in the sense of it being democratic and affordable to all–still managed to maintain rigid socio-spatial barriers along class, race, and gender lines. This chapter seems especially important because it challenges nostalgic laments by those contemporary urban critics who yearn for an often idealized public realm. The second chapter in this section, entitled “Don’t go out tonight,” moves on to chart the slow and gradual decline of the popularity of central city entertainment precincts from the 1950s onwards, a decline connected to widespread suburbanization and the evacuation of downtown areas by the middle classes. Finally, in the third chapter, Hannigan charts a remarkable return of entertainment developments to the central city. This return begins in the 1970s with the building of downtown malls and festival markets and eventually consolidates and expands into “fantasy city” in the 1990s thanks to a proliferation of “new” forms and technologies such as themed restaurants, sports-entertainment complexes, I-Max theaters, and virtual reality arcades.

     

    Having set up this useful historical context, Hannigan directs our attention to the attractions of contemporary Urban Entertainment Developments (UEDs) in a section on “Landscapes of Pleasure” which contains two chapters. In the first of these chapters Hannigan tries to outline the appeal of fantasy city to consumers and argues that this can be summarized in terms of four categories: “the siren song of seductive technology; a new source of ‘cultural capital’; a prime provider of experiences which satisfy our desire for ‘riskless risks’; and a form of ‘affective ambiance’” (10). The author also asks (in a rather insubstantial one and a half pages) how these new environments stack up as sites for the production of identities and lifestyles. The second chapter in this section takes a different tack by highlighting the vital “synergies” or convergences in fantasy city between previously segregated and distinct leisure/consumer practices such as shopping, entertainment, dining, and education.

     

    This second section offers some tantalizing insights but is, I would suggest, a bit thinly spread in its coverage (relative to the other two sections of the book). While the material that Hannigan covers in this section is engaging, cogent, and relevant, it does seem to be somewhat uncertainly situated methodologically speaking. In particular, the structure of the book has much to indirectly say about the difficult interdisciplinary challenges faced by anyone writing in regard to the slippery signifier of “the postmodern city.” Studies of the city are going through a boom phase at the moment, riding high on a surge of interest in the problematics of space and place. That interest is spread across a diverse range of disciplines, a number of which feature in Routledge’s subject description on the back of Hannigan’s book: “Urban studies, Sociology, Urban geography, Cultural studies, Tourism.” Despite its invitation to interdisciplinarity, however, the style of the book will, I suspect, appeal more to those adhering to the traditions of the first two of those fields. In other words, while the subtitle of his book suggests an equal division of inquiry into “pleasure” and “profit” (which seems to be roughly analogous to saying “consumption” and “production”), Hannigan’s emphasis tends to fall rather too heavily on the production side of the equation. In this regard, then, Hannigan’s book seems to fit most into a tradition of urban analysis that is articulated in such classic works as David Harvey’s Postmodernism: An Enquiry into the Origin of Cultural Change (1990), itself a pivotal work much concerned with “the postmodern and the city,” and that while outlining a complex relationship between base and superstructure ultimately posits the latter as a reflection or symptom of the former.

     

    Thus the final and lengthiest section, where Hannigan flexes his urban-sociological muscles to chart contemporary developments regarding entertainment and the city, stands out as the strongest and most coherent. Here the scope of the study and its considerable empirical evidence make the arguments particularly compelling. At the same time, in these latter chapters a potentially tedious reliance on a barrage of reports and statistics concerning the ownership of various developments, their building costs, and economic performance threatens to halt the momentum and flow of Hannigan’s argument. Fortunately, however, some relief is available in the form of an often illuminating series of mini-case studies of about one to three pages that are scattered throughout the book. For example, one such section discusses the failure of the Freedomland U.S.A. theme park in the 1960s, another charts the failure of a public-private partnership, while another considers the effect of the introduction of legalized gambling on the community of Gilpin County. These case studies engagingly ground some of the broader issues and trends with which Hannigan grapples.

     

    In this third and final section of Fantasy City, Hannigan opens with a chapter outlining some the key corporate and entrepreneurial players (including the coalition of entertainment conglomerates and real-estate developers) in the leisure development game. This discussion dovetails smoothly with the following chapter, which addresses the increasing importance of private-public partnerships and focuses in particular on sports complexes. In the opening of this chapter, the author quotes the famous invitation from the baseball film Field of Dreams (1989): “If you build it, they will come.” While for my taste Hannigan may have not have explained this enough in terms of why consumers take up such an invitation, and the different kinds of value they might produce or experience in relation to these sites, he certainly offers a compelling and informative analysis of why city authorities find themselves under increasing pressure to “join forces with a corporate savior” in order to build projects that will hopefully “constitute an economic miracle”(129). How often, asks Hannigan, do taxpayers really get a reasonable return for their subsidies or regulatory concessions, what are the risks, and who is really “calling the shots” in this sort of urban development?

     

    Hannigan then turns to Las Vegas and its transformation from a seedy mixture “of neon, glitter, blackjack and organized crime… [to a] booming entertainment center” (10). Here, he helpfully contrasts Vegas’s economic miracle with other more troubled gambling developments and teases out the implications and consequences of the recognition of gambling as the entertainment equivalent of a cash crop for economically struggling cities. Following this, in a chapter on the leisure revolution taking place “off-shore,” Hannigan takes us on a quick tour around a number of cities in the Asia-Pacific Rim. While his attempt to move beyond a North American focus is admirable, it is undermined by its whistle-stop nature and can’t really do justice to the specific entertainment histories of the countries. Chief among those differences is the spatialization of cities along class lines. Hannigan acknowledges this when he notes that unlike the American case, “the Asian middle class don’t regard a trip into the central city as a safari into a zone of crime and danger” (185). To his credit, this leads him to conclude that despite “the considerable American content of these new urban entertainment destinations… they are by no means carbon copies” (186).

     

    Finally, in his concluding chapter on the future of fantasy city, Hannigan argues that the civic worth of urban entertainment developments hinges upon the ability of urban policy makers to be “proactive rather than reactive” participants in costly projects. In this same chapter Hannigan also reiterates his central argument that driving the production of fantasy city is the American middle-class desire “for predictability and security [that] has for a long time spilled over into the domain of leisure and entertainment” (190). I wonder, though, whether this is the most interesting conclusion to be drawn from the diverse range of case studies that the author presents to the reader. It appears to me that this component of Hannigan’s argument is an unnecessary generalization–must these new urban entertainment developments be grouped together as one coherent form that is constituted in relation to the motives of such a specific “public”? Perhaps it would be equally productive to explore how specific sites constitute themselves in order to attract “mixed” markets–and how and why, do different socially marked groups decide a certain site is worth patronizing (something that Hannigan’s studies admittedly attempt to do). In Melbourne, where I live, for example, one of the most interesting things about the new central city Crown Casino Entertainment Complex (the largest structure of its kind in the southern hemisphere) is precisely the way it tries to negotiate interactions between a necessarily diverse customer base. For example, while the “high rollers” and “whales” as they are known in gambling parlance may remain invisible thanks to private gaming rooms and private elevators, there is still a significant blend of middle-class, professional-managerial-class, and working class patrons in the “public” part of the casino. In terms of American developments, and particularly that of Las Vegas, Hannigan’s work encourages me to wonder about the distinctions that mark the different Vegas casino venues, and the question of who goes there versus say the more “low-rent” gambling town of nearby Laughlin on the Colorado River. Put another way, how do the operators of “fantasy city” attempt to manage the social production of difference at these sites and how do consumers negotiate those management strategies? “Build it and they will come” intones the mantra, but as a cultural theorist with an interest in the productivity of consumption I wanted to know more; specifically, who will come, why do they come, and how do you keep them coming back once they have already visited the place? These reservations aside, John Hannigan’s book is to be heartily welcomed as an excellent starting point–setting up as it does a stimulating range of questions–for the investigation of a topic that deserves to be foregrounded in studies of the city, entertainment, postmodernism, and urban culture.

     

    Note

     

    1. In this same chapter Davis argues that Las Vegas is in fact just an exaggerated version of Los Angeles.

    Works Cited

     

    • Davis, Mike. “Las Vegas Versus Nature.” Reopening the American West. Ed. Hal K. Rothman. Tuscon: U of Arizona P, 1998. 53-73.
    • Harvey, David. The Condition of Postmodernity: An Enquiry into the Origins of Cultural Change. Oxford: Blackwell, 1990.
    • Izenour, Steven, Denise Scott Brown, and Robert Venturi. Learning From Las Vegas: The Forgotten Symbolism of Architectural Form. Cambridge, MA: MIT P, 1972.

     

  • Poetry at the Millennium: “Open on its Forward Side”

    Richard Quinn

    Department of English
    The University of Iowa
    Richard-A-Quinn@uiowa.edu

     

    Jerome Rothenberg and Pierre Joris, eds. Poems for the Millennium: The University of California Book of Modern and Postmodern Poetry. Volume Two: From Postwar to Millennium. Berkeley: U of California P, 1998.

     

    Talk-poet David Antin got it right when he argued that “it is precisely the distinctive feature of the present that, in spite of any strong sense of its coherence, it is always open on its forward side” (98-99). That the present is always unfinished, needing the future to provide closure, is a fact that has led to both anxiety and optimism as the millennium turns. Y2K paranoia and nostalgic recitations of old-fashioned values jostle with enthusiasm for economic expansion and explosions of alternative culture. Antin’s own poetics consistently points to the “open” nature of moments like ours, doing so with excitement rather than ennui. Consequently, it makes perfect sense that a piece of Antin’s “Endangered Nouns” would make it into Poems for the Millennium, Volume Two, a decidedly exciting anthology of modernist and postmodernist poetry edited by Jerome Rothenberg and Pierre Joris. Nothing short of a celebration, the anthology returns to the past, peruses the present, and speculates about the future of experimental poetic practices without ossifying either history or poetry. The experience of twentieth-century life, tempered by the horrors of war, genocide, and cultural revolution, meets the cyberpoetic future in the works of over two hundred poets included in this 850-page book. In its totality, such a book can only be called what the editors themselves recognize as “a mapping of the possibilities” (13).

     

    Picking up where volume one left off, volume two continues the project of constructing a millennial poetics outside traditional canonical frameworks. Such a poetics, first and foremost, includes both the oft ignored “experimental” wing of modernism and the international postmodernisms of nations like Japan, Iran, Russia, the United States, and Italy, to name a few. As the editors put it, the anthology

     

    is the celebration of a coming into fullness--the realization in some sense of beginnings from still earlier in the century. And yet the poetry like the time itself marks a sharp break from what went before, with World War II and the events of Auschwitz and Hiroshima creating a chasm, a true aporia between then and now. (1)

     

    Of course, one result of an anthology like Poems for the Millennium is the continued questioning of monikers like “modern” and “postmodern.” While the disjunction between modernity and postmodernity (epochs) and modernism and postmodernism (aesthetics) has been theorized and historicized by artists, philosophers, and scholars since at least the 1970s, the editors doubt whether such a decisive rift truly exists. Despite their claims that the included poetry represents both a “realization” of prior processes (modernist becoming postmodernist) and the actuality of new art (uniquely postmodern), wisely the editors avoid indicating which poems fit within which framework. Words like “modern” and “postmodern” may apply to the whole of the anthology but certainly not to the constituent parts. It would seem that the question of where experimental modernism ends and postmodernism begins remains deliberately unanswered.

     

    Nevertheless, the editors ask that we consider the relationship between poetic practices, whatever their aesthetic status, and the world with which they interact. Rothenberg and Joris state that much of the poetry included within the anthology is driven by “a renewed privileging of the demotic language” and “the exploration of previously suppressed languages” (11). Moreover, the poetry attacks “the dominance in art and life of European ‘high’ culture” leading to an “exploration and expansion of ethnic and gender as well as class identities” (12). In this sense, poetry is part and parcel of the fight for human recognition, but with a “shifting connection to related political and social movements” rather than firm ties to rigid ideologies (12). Joining cultural critics like Paul Gilroy and Charles Bernstein then, the editors argue for artistic practices that reflect both millennial openness and reflective linkages to particular human identities, though such linkages are always “shifting.”

     

    And it is within the realm of language itself where such links and shifting occur. Much of the poetry included herein participates in the twentieth-century work of interrogating the mediational function of language. Included work, ranging from Lyn Hejinian’s My Life to Ian Hamilton Finlay’s “Poster Poem,” attacks the notion of language as purely indexical, and suggests the possibility of language entering into new configurations. But of course much of “European high culture” raised similar questions. The difference revolves around divergent perspectives on the relationship between language, art, and the world at large. High culture, in what the editors call “the Age of Eliot (T.S.) and of the new critics,” turned away from romantic notions of spirit and began debating the intellectual authority of art (3). Art, in new critical assessments, duplicates neither world nor identity but maintains its status as a separate material entity. High culture presented the world, but only through “a dominant and retrograde poetics” which sought to create distance between poet and subject (3). Through the use of aesthetic distance, high modern art diminished life’s complexity in order to report from on high what it perceived as the universal principles driving life itself.

     

    Rothenberg and Joris succeed in presenting work which dismisses high modernist notions of a life/art distinction. Much of the writing anthologized here concerns not universal principle but rather the foregrounding of language itself as a constructive tool. Poems from Paul Celan’s “Breathcrystal” to Bernard Heidsieck’s Canal Street dismantle “the more tyrannical aspects of the earlier literary and art movements” in order to create a freer matrix of poetic reference, untethered to ideas of absolute source. Rothenberg and Joris include poetry that rejects “totalizing/authoritarian ideologies and individuals” through the use of linguistic fragments, chunks of thought, and streams of sound. Such poems, they argue, question established connections between word and world by emphasizing a language that goes beyond what is intended. Nevertheless, the writing included herein does not deny meaning. It merely asserts that meaning is generated through the processes of its creation rather than through the deciphering of particular poems. In a sense then, reading no longer takes a back seat to writing and becomes Barthes’s “writerly” text even without the text. In short, in order to explore the complexity of late twentieth-century life, the texts and artists in Poems for the Millenium seek to embrace the subversion and irrationality which European high culture pushed away.

     

    Despite such an embrace of the radical, readers will find many poets comfortably familiar from anthologies past. The text’s first two sections of poems, “Prelude” and “Continuities,” include writings by canonical artists like Charles Olson, Gertrude Stein, Wallace Stevens, James Joyce, and William Carlos Williams just to name a few. Nevertheless, expect the unusual even here. The piece by Williams is not about wheelbarrows but is taken from the third book of Paterson (“It is dangerous to leave written that which is badly written”). Similarly, the editors bypass Tender Buttons in order to present the “Concluding Aria” from Stein’s The Mother of Us All. But it is not in its inclusion of the canon’s unrepresented works that the anthology gains strength. Rather its most compelling turn is toward what we once termed the “non-canon” but which makes more sense as the “anti-canon.” The goal is not to establish another privileged grouping, this time of “alternative literature,” but to banish such groupings altogether. (Rothenberg and Joris themselves state in their introduction that “it would be foolish… to view what follows as an attempt to set up a new canon of contemporaries” (13).) No matter how well read a person is, it would be a remarkable reader indeed who had more than passing knowledge of each writer represented here.

     

    The “Prelude” section presents poets coming out of World War II who envision both devastation and promise. Out of Toge Sankichi’s image of atomic destruction: “Loud in my ear: screams / Soundlessly welling up, / pouncing on me: / space, all upside-down,” Olson asks us to “Put war away with time, come into space” (29, 23). Following the war, life space seems both “upside-down” and inviting (“come into space”). The poets following in “Continuities” provide just that: connective tissue between poetry of the past and that to come, what Muriel Rukeyser, a poet in this section, calls “Resurrection music,       silence,       and surf” (70). From the World War II wasteland comes a redemptive music, pointing readers into a poetic future, serenaded by the siren’s song. Pablo Neruda invites us to join him: “Come up with me, American love. / Kiss these secret stones with me” (64).

     

    Following “Prelude” and “Continuities,” the book is divided into two expansive “galleries,” separated by a section entitled “The Art of the Manifesto” and followed by “Postludes.” The galleries, making up the major portion of the text, include works by individual writers and mini-anthologies of poetic “movements.” In the first gallery, The Vienna Group, The Tammuzi Poets, Cobra, concrete poetry, and beat poetry have their say, while the second gallery includes collections of oral poets, postwar Japanese poetry, Language Poets, the Misty Poets, and finally, cyberpoets. While the editorial apparatus is minimal, the editors open each mini-anthology with a brief but extremely helpful introduction. They also include short commentaries, usually a paragraph or two, following some selections. Many of these commentaries include insights from the poets themselves, offering fascinating insider views.

     

    While all of these mini-anthologies deserve mention, three stand out: “Cobra,” “Concrete Poetry,” and “Toward a Cyberpoetics.” While anthologists past, victimized by space restrictions and the demands of uniform presses, have been forced to reduce the visual aspects of poetry to limited form, Rothenberg and Joris present the visual excitement inherent in much experimental writing. One reason for doing so is simple, along with a burgeoning “intercultural poetics” seeking to “break across the very boundaries and definitions of self and nation” upon which corporate globalism is based, comes the concomitant investigation of “poetry-art intersections in which conventional boundaries between arts break down…” (12,11). In essence, once one boundary is breached, all bets are off. Rothenberg and Joris respect the linguistic-visual nexus through the careful reproduction of spatial poetry by Cobra poets Asger Jorn and Christian Dotremont, concrete poets Emmett Williams, Ilse Garnier, and Pierre Garnier, and so-called cyberpoets Abraham Lincoln Gillespie and Steve McCaffery. Add to this list work by Susan Howe, Maggie O’Sullivan, John Cage, and Tammuzi Poet, Adonis (not to mention at least a couple dozen more included herein), and you understand why this anthology is such a significant accomplishment. Certainly the editors face the limitations of page size and are forced to shrink some work (a black and white photograph of Duchamp’s “Rotative Demi-Sphere,” for example), but such complaints are petty when faced with such an overwhelming collection of visual writing.

     

    Like the collection of poetry-art and mini-anthologies, the text’s galleries range widely. Olson, Amiri Baraka, Adrienne Rich, and a number of others are represented by more than one poem, though their texts are frequently dispersed throughout the book. Rothenberg even organizes his own work this way. His “That Dada Strain” and sections from Khurbn and The Lorca Variations surface in the second gallery, while his “Prologomena to a Poetics” closes out the anthology as the final piece in “Postludes.” The effect of such dispersion is to minimize the poet’s power, in essence putting poems before poets. Readers looking for poetry as an expression of individual authority best look elsewhere. The editors dispense with lengthy sections of individual poets for the same reason they dispense with biographical blurbs. In an anthology so dismissive of boundaries, individual ego should not compete with the interpersonal flux streaming through the pages. My only complaint here is the predictable one: without biography or context, historiography suffers. Knowing something about Amiri Baraka such as his relationship to civil rights struggles, the Black Arts movement, and black nationalism can enliven “Black Dada Nihilismus” in ways that formalist readings alone cannot.

     

    The central section, “The Art of the Manifesto,” includes “Black Dada Nihilismus” and breaks yet one more convention through its dismantling of the practice/theory antinomy. I have already indicated how the post-structural ideas of authorial demise and the mediational function of language interact within Poems for the Millenium. In “The Art of the Manifesto,” theories are stated directly as poetry and poetry as theory. Included here is a selection from Charles Bernstein’s now famous poem-treatise “Artifice of Absorption,” discussing the interaction between “absorptive” and “impermeable” poetic techniques, considering their relationship to a disempowering and “absorptive” politics. Similarly, an equally well-known portion of Rachel Blau DuPlessis’s Otherhow: Feminist Poetics, Modernism, the Avant-Garde wonders about avant-garde writing, the very writing comprising the anthology within which her own work appears: “Does it secretly lovingly to itself hold the idea of poet as priest, poem as icon, poet as unacknowledged legislator?” (433). If so, the text argues, “turn yr. back on it. Or, not to tell you what to do, My back” (433). The fact that such statements appear between galleries (the simple fact of their appearance in a “poetry” anthology makes the text unique) speaks to the value such thinking places on interaction over hierarchy. The poetry-theory included in “The Art of the Manifesto” responds to and with the writing which surrounds it.

     

    Ultimately, anthologies like Poems for the Millennium will be judged on questions of inclusion. Anticipating such, Rothenberg and Joris offer a rationale for their selection process: “the question of inclusion and exclusion, which can never be properly resolved, was less important with regard to individuals and movements–more with regard to the possibilities of poetry now being opened” (15). Furthermore, “[w]here a choice was to be made… we put ourselves deliberately on the side of what we took to be the ‘experimental’ and ‘disruptive’–in U.S. terms the ‘new American poetry’…” (15). That Rothenberg and Joris see their text as revolutionary rather than reformist is laid bare here, and my own feeling is that careful readers cannot help but take up the flag. To include Eduardo Caldersn, Miss Queenie, Robert Johnson, and Tom Waits in a section on “oral poets” dismantles all notions about what an anthology is about or should be. More revolutionary would have been the inclusion of sound (particularly given the intermedia focus of the book), since printed versions of works like Johnson’s “Hellhound on My Trail” fall a little flat without the blues progression ringing in one’s ear.

     

    Such minor complaints aside, the two volume Poems for the Millenium stands alone in the history of literary anthologies. It addresses questions of completeness through a celebration of the incomplete and runs roughshod over boundaries established to protect and preserve established aesthetics. In doing so, it participates in a process once described to me as “the maximization of the principle of non-exclusion.” As such, the book not only includes the unrepresented of the poetic past, but through its foregrounding of an “open” poetics, it includes the very principle of inclusion we hope will reign in the next millennium. Poems for the Millenium is nothing short of heroic.

    Works Cited

     

    • Antin, David. “Modernism and Postmodernism: Approaching the Present in American Poetry.” Boundary 2 1.1 (1972): 98-133.
    • Rothenberg, Jerome, and Pierre Joris, eds. Poems for the Millennium: The University of California Book of Modern and Postmodern Poetry, Vol. 1: From Fin-de-Siècle to Negritude. Berkeley: U of California P, 1995.

     

  • Derac(e)inated Jews

    Julian Levinson

    Department of English and Comparative Literature
    Columbia University
    jal15@columbia.edu

     

    Karen Brodkin, How Jews Became White Folks & What That Says About Race In America. New Brunswick: Rutgers UP, 1998.

     

    During the summer of 1986, when Hip-Hop music was just becoming a fixture in the panorama of American pop culture, I sat down to compose my first rap. For my intro, I drew from the lessons I had absorbed at Sherith Israel Sunday School on Bush Street in San Francisco: “Five thousand years ago Moses took command / He led my people to the promised land / Pharaoh was outsmarted, the Red Sea parted / And that is how my religion got started…” This rap initiated my truncated career as a Jewish rapper, a vocation–or, if you will, “subject position”–that seemed to offer itself as a viable one for me even though all the rappers who populated the music scene were, at that point, African Americans.

     

    The immediate stimulus for my rhymed outpouring of Jewish pride had been a rap by the highly popular and by then mainstream group Run DMC, an inspiring rant entitled “Proud to be Black.” Moved by the lyrics, I couldn’t bring myself to sing them without feeling like an impostor, and rather than donning black face (like my illustrious predecessor, Al Jolson), I ventured a Jewish version, inserting the Biblical liberation story where Run DMC had spoken of heroic black figures like Harriet Tubman and Martin Luther King, Jr.

     

    In retrospect I wonder at the legitimacy of my Jewish rap. Was it a case of unwarranted borrowing or, worse, cultural hijacking, to insert my own lyrics in place of Run DMC’s? For a WASP in my position, it would have been a stretch to contrive an “ethnic” identity comparable to blackness. Was it different for me as a Jew, and a largely assimilated one at that? Historically, Blacks and Jews have both played the role of the scapegoat, the hated and maligned Other. We have both suffered brutal violence and struggled to maintain our cultural heritage and personal dignity in the face of institutionalized hostility. Does this shared historical experience make my Jewish rap somehow more legitimate than, say, my neighbor’s hypothetical WASP rap?

     

    At issue here, clearly, is the question: Are Jews white? In a 1993 Village Voice article, “Jews Are Not White” (18 May 1993), Michael Lerner flatly asserts that they are not. He begins with the premise that in America, “to be ‘white’ means to be the beneficiary of the past 500 years of European exploration and exploitation of the rest of the world” (33). He then argues that only somebody with a severe case of amnesia, unable to remember the recent history of anti-Semitism, could put the Jews into this category. In her recent book, How Jews Became White Folks & What That Says About Race in America, anthropologist Karen Brodkin takes a more equivocal (and more sophisticated) approach to the question, arguing that at times Jews have been white and at other times they have been “not-quite-white.” Her premise is that whiteness is and has always been a shifting designation, one that has much more to do with social class than with skin color. In an analysis that is at once speculative and grounded in concrete data, she argues that the entitlements of whiteness are extended to specific groups at specific moments, and that the historical experiences of these groups cannot erase such undeniable social facts.

     

    Brodkin begins by making an analytical distinction between “ethnoracial assignment” and “ethnoracial identity.” Ethnoracial assignments are imposed upon us by the outside world, articulated by the public culture and instituted by social policies. They are slots in a three-dimensional graph containing axes for race, class, and gender. Brodkin asserts that at least since the beginnings of slavery, this field of possible ethnoracial assignments in America has been inexorably divided by a central line separating “whiteness” from “nonwhiteness.” Ethnoracial identities, by contrast, are what we shape for ourselves once we’ve been assigned to one slot or another. They register our idiosyncratic reactions to the station we’re fated to inhabit.

     

    Jews make for an illuminating case study of race in America because, according to Brodkin, their ethnoracial assignment has shifted at two specific junctures during the past hundred and fifty years. She explains that prior to the mid-nineteenth century, Jews were grouped together with other European immigrants, all of whom were “more or less equally white” (54). They were extended the same privileges as others on the white side of the racial divide and quickly absorbed into mainstream society. As the waves of immigrants (both Jewish and gentile) began arriving from Southern and Eastern Europe in the 1880s, however, there developed a sizable underclass of “unskilled” and residentially ghettoized industrial workers. At this point, “Americans [came] to believe that Europe was made up of a variety of inferior and superior races” (56). Suddenly Jews, a conspicuous presence in the new urban working class, were classified as “not-quite-white.” They became a source of fear and repulsion for native-born Americans, who imagined Jews to be inherently deficient. Such a view, she notes, is expressed in a New York Times article that appeared at the turn of the century describing the Jewish Lower East Side: “It is impossible for a Christian to live there because he will be driven out, either by blows or by the dirt and stench. Cleanliness is an unknown quantity to these people. They cannot be lifted up to a higher plane because they do not want to be” (29). This sort of anti-Semitic revulsion would find expression as Jews sought entrance into mainstream American life. At a 1918 meeting of the Association of New England Deans, for example, a primary subject of concern was that colleges “might soon be overrun by Jews” (31), and various covert methods were employed to limit the number of Jews in institutions of higher education.

     

    In Brodkin’s view, this was a case of old ethnoracial assignments applied to a new demographic situation. Racial categories imprinted on the national psyche during the years of slavery continued to assert themselves as native-born Americans surveyed the new masses of immigrants. As a result, certain jobs were restricted to those deemed white, while other jobs (i.e., along assembly lines or in sweatshops) were deemed appropriate for those who were “not-quite-white.” This racialized division of labor created geographical divisions between groups, reinforcing the notion of an inherent racial hierarchy. Brodkin ignores here the question of what happened to the approximately 250,000 German Jews in America, many of whom had by 1880 secured for themselves a position in the more affluent sectors of society. Were they retroactively raced, and if so by what means and to what extent?

     

    Leaving this tricky issue aside, Brodkin’s narrative proceeds to explain how Jews once again became white. Amidst America’s postwar economic boom, there was an expanded need for professional, technical, and managerial labor, and Jews and other previously “nonwhite” Europeans rushed into these positions, joining the emerging middle class. Unlike African Americans, who continued to be regarded as “natural” members of the underclass, the new middle-class workers were “cleansed” of their previous racialized status. Brodkin admits that she cannot account for this development with a unidirectional causal analysis. “As with most chicken and egg problems,” she writes, “it is hard to know which came first. Did Jews and other Euro-ethnics become white because they became middle-class?… Or did being incorporated into an expanded version of whiteness open up the economic doors to middle-class status? Clearly, both tendencies were at work” (36). What is beyond doubt, Brodkin insists, is that Jews increasingly benefited from the array of social policies instituted to aid the rising middle class, among them education subsidies (i.e., the GI bill) and loans from the Federal Housing Administration (FHA). Needless to say, such benefits were not extended in the same proportion to African Americans.

     

    Brodkin’s three-act drama about Jews shuttling about America’s racial map is schematic but undoubtedly useful. It effectively debunks the myth that Jews succeeded in America solely on the basis of their own Horatio-Algeresque ingenuity. So much for ethnoracial assignment in America. From here, she goes on to examine Jewish ethnoracial identity (how Jews shaped themselves within the context of their assignments), and here her analysis becomes at once more provocative and more problematic. She argues that when Jews were ghettoized in ethnic enclaves and considered not-quite-white, they created a uniquely Jewish working class culture, which she calls Yiddishkeit–a Yiddish word that means “Jewishness” and generally stands for the secular but distinctly Jewish culture that emerged in the late nineteenth century. As she describes Yiddishkeit, her previously measured rhetoric swells to a glowing bombast: “Yiddishkeit did not rest upon invidious comparison for its existential meaning, and it held out a different and more optimistic vision than that of modernity (even as it participated in modernity). Instead of having to choose between individual fulfillment and communal belonging, it expected Jews to find individual fulfillment through responsibility to the Jewish community” (186). She claims that it also offered women more options than did bourgeois American society with its cult of domesticity: “[Women] were not delicate of constitution or psyche. They were sexual (even if the histories do not tell us much about their sexual agency). And they were social actors valued as individuals…” (186). Brodkin has evidently projected her own utopian/socialist fantasies upon the Jewish Lower East Side, implying that the restrictions imposed upon Jews paradoxically created the conditions for a more humane culture. Yet, if we recall, this was a community that encouraged its sons and daughters to climb as far up the American social ladder (and away from this Edenic Lower East Side) as they could manage.

     

    In any case, Brodkin’s narrative continues by showing how the Lower East Side begins to unravel as soon as the Jews become white folks. Her last chapter examines the reactions of American Jews to the breakdown of Yiddishkeit and the sudden opening up of middle class entitlements. Here the central term in her analysis is ambivalence. “In one sense,” she argues, “the experience of whiteness is an experience of ambivalence, of having to choose among unsatisfactory or partially satisfactory choices” (184). When they were extended the privileges that come with being white in America, the Jews cut a sort of Faustian bargain, half aware that they were relinquishing a rich cultural heritage, but unwilling to decline the invitation to profit from the postwar boom. One way that the Jewish man dealt with this ambivalence, she argues, was to invent the stereotype of the Jewish American Princess; it was she not he who had thrown culture to the wind and bought into the American consumerism. “JAPs,” she writes, “are Jewish men’s projections of their own nightmares about whiteness onto Jewish women” (163). Jewish women expressed their anxieties about their new identities (had they really become white?) in more self-punishing ways, leading to “the 1950s epidemic of nose jobs and in their obsession with bodily deficiencies” (165).

     

    Her argument shows that even Jews who from the 1960s onward became prominent in leftist political movements abandoned Yiddishkeit. Some rejected wholesale the claims of their Jewish origins, and some simply left their Jewishness at home, acting politically as “generic white folks.” Admitting that she herself belongs in the first of these categories, Brodkin maintains that both strategies “led to impoverished forms of resistance and a loss of cultural alternatives, which were better preserved in the richer and more vital Yiddish-speaking left” (173). That is, political movements launched from the position of whiteness have little authority to speak on behalf of anything besides some version of the status quo.

     

    It is at this point that the programmatic aspect of Brodkin’s book becomes clear. She maintains that whiteness inflicts a form of “psychic damage.” More specifically, those who have become white invariably end up endorsing “a worldview that has difficulty envisioning an organization of social life that does not rest upon systematic and institutionalized racial subordination” (186). In the final section, entitled “Resisting Whiteness,” Brodkin issues a call to “build an explicitly multiracial democracy in the United States” (187). In part, this project relates to the broader multiculturalist endeavor to uncover and valorize previously excluded non-white voices. Yet the specific role of Jews in this picture is left unclear. After all, her argument has insisted that Jews are no longer non-white; Yiddishkeit depends upon conditions now irretrievable. How, then, can they “resist whiteness”? She concludes with the somewhat vague offering that “the challenge for American Jews today is to confront… our present white racial assignment” (187). But, again, it is unclear whither such a confrontation could or ought to lead. Finally, Jews seem to be left in a nebulous position, disqualified from articulating anything besides wistful reveries of the Lower East Side.

     

    This would make for a dissatisfying conclusion if not for the fact that the introduction to Brodkin’s book itself exemplifies a form of confrontation. In what is undoubtedly the most moving section of the book, she tells the story of her own family, emphasizing how each generation reacted to the changing racial assignments of Jews in America. She tells of her grandmother’s unbearable sense of loss after moving to suburban Long Island, of her mother’s ambivalent modes of adaptation, of her own yearnings to measure up to the “blond people.” Here Brodkin gives some sense of how it actually feels to inhabit a racial assignment, how racial codes make themselves felt on one’s skin, as it were. By infusing her cultural analysis with autobiography in this manner, she points to a way out of the impasse at which her argument arrives. For here she opens up or at least points to the interstices between racial assignments, and these are perhaps the spaces from which a forceful political agency–unmoored to the false solidities of either whiteness or Yiddishkeit–can finally emerge. So while her book presents undeniably illuminating data about race in America, it is finally her contribution to the genre of Cultural Studies, her blend of social analysis and self-scrutiny, that is most valuable.

     

  • Watching Los Angeles Burn

    Stephen Nardi

    Department of English
    Princeton University
    snardi@princeton.edu

     

    Mike Davis, Ecology of Fear: Los Angeles and the Imagination of Disaster. New York: Metropolitan Books – Henry Holt & Company, 1998.

     

    Mike Davis’s City of Quartz (1990) has been recognized as a modern classic. Davis’s analysis of the impact of an ideology of urban planning that emphasizes security and surveillance over city and community provides a devastating corrective to the predominantly aesthetic postmodern interpretation of trends in architecture from the 1970s to the present. His description of the use of architecture as defense, and the new interpretations of public space that it makes visible, has had as significant an impact on the way that we view the contemporary city as Jane Jacobs’s 1961 classic, The Death and Life of Great American Cities.

     

    Unlike Jacobs, however, Davis offers his devotee little in the way of an alternative vision. Jacobs, after all, devotes the bulk of her book to detailing how cities might be better built. Her suggestions are concrete, her precepts easily made practical. Indeed, perhaps the greatest impact of Jacobs’s argument was that doing nothing at all with the urban fabric is better than doing something badly. City of Quartz, on the other hand, expends the majority of its pages building a complex and fascinating case against the very philosophical background of the entire Los Angeles metropolitan area. As a result its thesis has been frequently, and not entirely unfairly, summarized as “Los Angeles–a big mistake.” Davis mitigates this reductivism, however, with a broader argument implicit in the book’s subtitle: Excavating the Future in Los Angeles. L.A., it seems, is to be excoriated not merely for its traffic jams and bad taste, but because it represents a foreshadowing of the city toward which we are uncontrollably tumbling. L.A., Davis claims, with all of its ugliness and division, is the city that we Americans now want to build, and certainly deserve.

     

    In Ecology of Fear: Los Angeles and the Imagination of Disaster, Davis returns to Los Angeles’s economic structure with a variation on his previous theme. Fundamentally, the problem of Los Angeles, Davis argues, is that urban development has been allowed to be dictated by real estate interests’ immediate profits, rather than any realistic long-term analysis of the natural environment of Southern California. The result is a city built in such a way as to invite a cycle of disaster and reconstruction–that which Davis calls the “dialectic of ordinary disaster.” By blatantly ignoring the realities of the natural environment (rather un-ironically called “Eden” in a chapter title), Angelenos have built a city that is permanently subject to periodic catastrophes.

     

    Instead of describing man’s destruction of the natural environment, however, Davis reverses the typical trajectory of this narrative. According to Ecology of Fear, state and development interests have either ignored or concealed the process by which nature is turning on L.A. itself. A chapter on the hidden plague of tornadoes in L.A., and the careful concealment of the true strength of L.A.’s wind system by L.A. corporate media interests, argues that there is an active conspiracy deeply rooted within the L.A. power structure to conceal the extent of the environment’s hostility to the city. Davis’s extensive research turns up evidence that tornadoes strong enough to have thrown a wrench in the state’s campaign to attract home buyers were systematically downgraded in the press to “strong storms” or “freak occurrences.” Earthquakes, as well, he argues, have been much more powerful and pose a much greater threat to “earthquake proof” buildings than is commonly acknowledged (a point underscored by recent discoveries of ever stronger and ever more threatening faults directly underneath downtown L.A.). In another chapter, Davis describes how development in the mountains displaces mountain lions, who then range into urban areas with predictable spasms of fear among the populace at risk of attack. Development, in other words, challenges nature and then, when it loses, passes the bill over to the city to pay.

     

    Returning to the roots of City of Quartz, Davis points out that disaster in L.A. has become not only a routine part of the social fabric, but a key indicator of the distribution of power and privilege. The structure of L.A.’s economy, he argues, was more clearly laid open in the 1994 Northridge earthquake than the interiors of the devastated buildings. The basic point here is obvious; the highways that allow rich people to avoid poor black neighborhoods are rebuilt first, and the neighborhoods themselves, once bypassed, are allowed to languish. But Davis’s point is more interesting than simply an anatomy of inequality. At the heart of his case is the notion that the Los Angeles power structure adopts the inevitable cycle of disaster in order to perpetuate itself. In the chapter “The Case for Letting Malibu Burn,” he argues that preserving ritzy Malibu (built on a mountainside prone to wild-fires), for example, drains attention and resources from the inner city where fires could actually be prevented.

     

    Likewise, those killer earthquakes on the horizon are being prepared for not through tougher building codes and careful limitations on building in the most vulnerable areas, but through the creation of a political and financial structure that will keep developers solvent despite the most extreme destructive impact, at a cost, of course, to the public. President Clinton’s quick reaction to the Northridge quake, for example, allowed tracts of luxury houses to be rebuilt at tremendous cost despite the foolish placement of these neighborhoods in the first place. Million-dollar housing developments, built in neighborhoods certain to endure tremendous damage in the near future, are guaranteed by the Federal Government under the notion of saving home owners from random acts of nature. The fact that these acts of nature are fully predictable goes pointedly unnoticed.

     

    Most striking of all, and the point where Davis’s argument about “Excavating the Future” returns some satisfactory dividends, is the underlying notion that disaster, in becoming part of the social ecology of Los Angeles, is being programmed into the creation of the nightmare future. Frequent, devastatingly expensive disruptions, Davis notes, will not wipe L.A. off the map. Instead, they will contribute to the increasing divide between rich and poor, the have and have-nots. This in turn, he argues, will drive the city further into the model of containment envisioned in City of Quartz. Inner cities, repeatedly devastated and vulnerable to natural disaster, will be deprived of the funds for social programs by the need to keep subsidizing the defense (against both nature and the masses) of expensive housing developments on the periphery.

     

    The result of this process is a future for L.A. that will resemble Blade Runner much more closely than Endless Summer. “Megacities like Los Angeles,” Davis writes, “will never simply collapse and disappear. Rather, they will stagger on, with higher body counts and greater distress, through a chain of more frequent and destructive encounters with disasters of all sorts” (54-55). The “dialectic of ordinary disaster” and the public will that makes it possible result in a city increasingly divided between the protected few whose publicly subsidized escape is won at the cost of the enforced isolation of the worst affected areas.

     

    Here Davis’s argument comes into its own with its most powerful example: the Los Angeles riots of 1992. In discussing the riots, the Ecology of Fear becomes most visible and most effective. The riots, in Davis’s vision, are a natural and inevitable outcome of the structure of the social system that increasingly applies pressure to poor neighborhoods. Their destructive results, however, become a justification for more of the same pressure. The militarization of poor neighborhoods produces riots, which then justify increased militarization. This is the Ecology of Fear in a nutshell.

     

    In the last chapters of the book, Davis describes the legislative maneuvers to contain and control the expanding net of social chaos that is the long-term legacy of the ecology of fear. In Davis’s descriptions of the homeless “containment” zones, the gated communities, the rapidly expanding legal apparatus of exclusion and control developing in Los Angeles’s governmental structure, he presents his most convincing evidence that the culture of crisis and containment he sees looming in the future has already begun to arrive.

     

    Davis’s argument is convincing, frightening, and provoking in the best sense of the word. In addition, his evidence is well marshaled and thoughtfully presented. Yet this movement away from the “Excavating the Future” model of L.A. to the specificity of L.A. as a unique case among cities weakens the interest of the book considerably. In building a case that so specifically indicts Los Angeles for its response to its particular environment (both natural and sociological), Davis sacrifices some of the wider vision that rescued City of Quartz from becoming an anti-L.A. diatribe. Simply put, a New Yorker will not recognize his city in the picture Davis paints.

     

    This becomes clearest in the chapter on the various literary depictions of Los Angeles. Going back to the turn of the century, Davis exhaustively traces the development of disaster narratives about the city. At times this is entertaining stuff, as is the chart in which Davis lists the variety of ways in which L.A. has been leveled. Likewise, at times his analysis rings painfully true. He notes, for instance, the ease with which Bob Dole can proclaim Independence Day (which features the fiery destruction of L.A.) a great patriotic movie. It is now an act of great service to the country to flatten Los Angeles. But this argument also emphasizes the degree to which L.A. is an exception, rather than the rule. In the same way that New York City, in its particular emphasis on the walkable street and mass transit, is an exception to the rule, it may well be that L.A. is also unique in its nexus of problems and futures.

     

    It may be true that our culture is leaning more and more toward finding pleasure in watching the urban core burn. An uncomfortable number of movies last summer, after all, involved major metropolitan areas being pulverized (by asteroids, by nuclear monsters, etc.). Clearly the classic Jane Jacobs’s street is under siege by those who prefer the privatized sanctity of the mall. But urban centers may no longer be so clearly losing this battle. The resurgence of interest in city living shown in everything from the number of new sitcoms set in New York to the sudden emergence of urban sprawl as a campaign issue (a far cry from the cliché of the suburban paradise).

     

    Other recent books on the city have made the case that the social orders arising out of the postmodern landscape, as much as they involve policing and surveillance, also offer the possibilities of a new mixing of urban pleasure. Davis fixes on a vision of the city which is undoubtedly important, and probably accurate. But the singleness of that vision, so refreshing in its originality in City of Quartz, is a bit more suspicious now. As Davis retreats from a grand vision of new urban realities, he loses some of the visionary force that made his arguments so compelling in the first place.

     

  • Writing the Body: Problematizing Cultural Studies, Postmodernism, and Feminism’s Relevance

    Mahmut Mutman

    Department of Design and Communication
    Bilkent University
    mutman@bilkent.edu.tr

     

    Vicki Kirby, Telling Flesh: The Substance of the Corporeal. New York & London: Routledge, 1997.

     

    As the newly branded Cultural Studies makes its way into Western academia, it seems as though we have left a number of dogmas behind. A strange, hybrid blend itself (of Gramscian Marxism; semiology; psychoanalysis; ethnography; post-structuralism; Frankfurt School, feminist, and post-colonial criticisms), the emergent field of cultural studies is apparently established on an epistemological refusal of truth or reality and in relentless opposition to a positivistic or realistic concept of natural laws. We are produced by signifying practices and ideologies, discourses motivated or determined by power, and our gender or cultural identities are contingent politico-cultural constructions, not natural givens. Culture thus becomes a new object of study in a new broadly “constructionist” ethical and political framework.

     

    Endorsing its critical conceptual and political insights, Vicki Kirby is nevertheless skeptical of the current state of cultural theory and provides us with a productive criticism of its present linguistic framework. Telling Flesh: The Substance of the Corporeal focuses on the nature/culture divide as this binary opposition is implicated with other binarisms which inform the data of cultural studies: man-woman, mind-body, sex-gender, sign-referent, west-rest. Kirby convincingly demonstrates that an argument which takes the sign as that which institutes culture should attend to the fact that the sign is not a homogenous object, and the strange duality internal to it is never closed. At the moment we accept a final closure as the identity of sign or of language in opposition to body and substance, we inevitably inscribe nature into culture precisely under the guise of their radical separation or difference. Given the association of woman and cultural “others” with nature, an uncritical acceptance of the culture-nature divide would have critical ethical and political consequences. Kirby’s argument is refreshing, opening the path where it is closed. Thus, where many of us find a home for radical theorizing, a secure new beginning in the tranquillity of the cultural sign, Kirby finds a risk, an unnoticed reversal which might leave “nature” intact in its very institution or inscription of “culture.” To her, cultural studies is hazardous terrain, one where we must move vigilantly. More importantly, Kirby develops her argument in the no less hazardous terrain of feminist theory, through a deconstructive engagement with the arguments of its most eminent writers in the Anglo-Saxon world.

     

    Telling Flesh is no easy read. But, a book of exceptional significance and merit, it has much to offer to the patient and meticulous reader. In the opening chapter of the book, Kirby accomplishes a fascinating reading of Saussure and post-Saussurian theory of the sign. As intriguing and complex as it is, this chapter draws the main contours of her argument. Taking her lead from Jacques Derrida’s Of Grammatology, Kirby offers an original account of “what Saussure saw without seeing, knew without being able to take into account,” and evokes the rich potential implications of Saussure’s predicament for the present work in feminist theory and cultural studies. We must remember that, as cultural studies owes much to semiology, it is a commonplace to the radical cultural analyst/critic that the sign is arbitrary. What this is supposed to mean, however, is little asked, while the implications of rooting the sign in the real object are regarded as naturally conservative. Kirby shows how Saussure’s definition of the sign as arbitrary is constantly visited by the ghost he wished to expel: the nomenclature theory as simple naming of objects in the real world. Hence the complex, repetitive, and often contradictory account of sign and language in Saussure’s text calls for close scrutiny, especially given that, in their disciplinary haste to begin from a methodological foundation, “the interpreters have tended to defend the value of its legacy by separating its insights from the peculiar ambiguities of the text’s failures” (9). The inevitable result is that they have missed its most radical implications. While Saussure’s ambiguities implied that the referent is not easily dispensable, the followers have insisted on a radical separation between language and its outside–an insistence that is reminiscent of a moral injunction. However, Saussure’s concept of language as a differential system without positive terms implied that the concept of arbitrariness cannot simply be located between two separate terms; it is also within each term. The implication is that “identity is always divided from itself, constituted from a difference within (in between) itself; a difference that at the same time determines its difference from another supposedly outside itself” (30). As this puts the identity of both language and identity in crisis, the logical implication is that the sign’s identity cannot be foreclosed. The sign is informed by a context that is more than linguistic, and the morphology of the Derridean grammatological textile cannot be confined within society. Therefore “the transformational plasticity that identifies culture must also inhabit nature” (56). The body is as mutable and articulate as culture.

     

    Kirby’s contention is that Derrida’s concept of text has been mistaken for a phenomenal concept of writing, while this philosopher’s aim was to deconstruct precisely a linguistic metaphysics or linguisticism which is based on an absolute separation between signification and reality. The view that is predominant in cultural studies maintains that reality is an ideological effect that might be constructed differently through time and space. Kirby warns us that this view has already assumed an immutable ground or natural limit: the body is excluded from the analysis as the universal biological stuff. However, the uncanny examples that she gives speak a body that is never mute: the hysteric body that is written upon signs itself, the Hindu devotee who walks a distance with metal spokes driven into his skin and organs does neither bleed nor scar, the deaf percussionist hears the wrong notes. The body is not the universal biological stuff written by culture, that dead, inert matter assumed both by the culturalist and the biological reductionist, but this matter is endlessly transformable and mutable, a fold, a fascinating plasticity where the distinction between culture and nature, the inside and the outside, are convoluted. What writing measures itself up (body, substance, matter) is also a scripture. The intertext of this mutual implication of body and signification disrupts the temporal determination of what comes first.

     

    To some, this may sound like an unfortunate return to biological essentialism. But Kirby defies this reading by confronting the question of essentialism. If body/nature is no longer solid ground, then the question of essentialism can be thought differently. As essentialism is the condition of possibility for any political axiology, its double bind is enabling as well as prohibitive. Kirby succinctly argues that the question is not the what but the how of essentialism: “how is essence… naturalized within our thought and our being? how does it congeal into a corporeal reality?” (72). In an effort to open the question of essentialism, she devotes a separate chapter to three important feminist theorists: Jane Gallop (1988), Drucilla Cornell (1991), and Judith Butler (1993). In a close and diligent reading of their texts, she demonstrates how Gallop, Cornell, and Butler attempt to come to terms with this impasse in their different ways, and each (especially Butler) make important advances. However, they end up excluding the body from the analysis because of their founding commitment to an absolute separation or gap between signification and body. Kirby’s criticisms are not simply negative. Her debt to these feminist theorists is made clear as she mimes their arguments in a deconstructive manner, in a way that opens them up to a different and complex account of the convoluted logic of binarism. The result is more than recognizing their limits; indeed their political force is expanded rather than diminished. Deconstructing their “restricted” economy, i.e., their implicit or explicit reinscription of an hermeneutic horizon which leaves the body/nature as inaccessible and immutable, Kirby argues that it is not the biological truth that is inaccessible to cultural interpretation but “the very tissue of their interweaving” (80). It is this “intertext” she invites us to bring back. However, her proposal is not at all that of an easy transition to Derrida’s general economy, as it may seem to an indiscreet understanding of this philosopher’s notion of text as an expansion of the problematic of language. Rather she suggests that “we work at the interfacings of these binary borders [between culture and nature, mind and body] to question the very notions of identity and separability they maintain” (96). The problem is not indeed simply limited by feminist theory. Kirby shows in another chapter that the recent concern with cyberspace suffers from a similar problem: conceptualizing cyberspace as a form of habitation in a conceptual space without location and without bodily anchor, the recent theorizations of cyberspace, “pro-” and “anti-technology” alike, maintain a Cartesian notion of subject which keeps mind and body separate.

     

    The powerful Anglo-Saxon invention of postmodernism and/or cultural studies is not immune to the well-established liberal illusions of modernity. The present canonical and political enterprise of adding more names to the list of identities virtually bars the questioning of the identity’s process of becoming itself. The paradox of the politics of inclusion is its oppositional logic, in which mind and body, culture and nature, self and other are carefully kept separate in order to re-shuffle social identities in multi-culturalism. Arguing that the subject’s assimilative, cannibal economy is overlooked in the present cultural theory, Kirby asks whether the passenger list on the global rail is the menu on the Western subject’s table.1 Furthermore, can the analysis still be confined with a restricted sense of writing or language, if I am also implicated within the fold of its différance? It is not a question of simply giving up on postmodernism, for indeed, with the interventions of Derrida, Irigaray, Foucault, and Deleuze, we now have the means to contest the culture of cannibalism in and by an engagement of the uncanny confluence of the matter and the idea as generalized writing. Against an old notion of ideology-critique which proposes to “just say no” to essentializing discourses such as biology or sociobiology, Kirby powerfully argues that nothing can be excluded from analysis because “the political force of essentializing discourses cannot be confined to their truth claims, but exceed the politics of correction”: the essence is ceaselessly rearticulated within the complexity of the body as the scene of writing.

     

    As we cannot not demand cultural and social rights, we should also be vigilant of the benevolent subject who re-inscribes himself in a circumscription of such demands. Kirby provides a brilliant philosophical critique of benevolence as an epistemological-moral determination of the subject. Depending on a probing observation by Maurice Blanchot, she succinctly argues that if we cannot know the other, nor can we simply declare our non-knowledge, for this would already be a determination of the limits and identity of our knowledge.2 We have to work at the border again and never stop asking: who determines cultural “difference”? who makes the oldest demand that the “other” should speak up? For even the most particular is not immune to the viral force field of the general, which is already within it, which keeps it moving (as the deconstructive reading of Saussure has demonstrated). Even a corrective critic such as Edward Said is forced to admit the productive efficacy of writing by describing his work on Orientalism as the inventory of the traces of this hegemonic discourse upon him (1978). Nevertheless Kirby provides a short but illuminating criticism of Said’s corrective politics. If Orientalism’s wrong writings are inhabited by an empowering mutability, she asks, does this not mean that it is determined by a constitutive economy that exceeds the classical notions of identity and mediation? The implication is that we can no longer keep the critique of colonialism within the bounds of a unified subject of humanity, as Said insists most remarkably in his recent work on intellectuals (1994). Orientalism or (neo)colonial discourse is certainly part of the force field of value which produces Man as the subject of humanness. In issues of cultural difference, then, the subject of our query is no less than this subject of “humanness,” i.e., the discourse on cultural difference should be a query of how Man is differentiated, individuated, and given a fictitious autonomy in oppositional terms such as reason versus unreason, civil versus primitive, and so on.

     

    For Kirby, postmodernist cultural theory’s re-writing of Man as intrinsically displaced, dislocated, and hybrid, elaborated in the writings of cultural critics such as James Clifford (1988) and Homi Bhabha (1994), is only apparently a step further than Said’s unified human subject. But this replacement signals a new anthropologism rather than a deconstruction of Man. The replacement of purity with hybridity assumes purity, and thus hybridity functions precisely in the place of purity: a new form of identity politics that does not touch Man but implicitly acknowledges his place as the truth of culture. Kirby suggests, however, that we do not assume the place but question its placing, for there is more to this becoming-place than the logic of sameness or op-position allows. A reversal of binarisms (pure-hybrid or universal-particular) cannot protect the otherness of the other, since this apparently humble pluralism is still a problematical determinism of difference. It reduces a “politics of location,” understood as “the infinity of co-ordinates that produce the re-markability of the body” (161), to the comforting demand that natives talk hybrid.

     

    In conclusion, Kirby argues that by replacing culture for nature, representation for origin, and effect for cause, postmodernism has created a new doxa that has become more paralyzing than enabling. The need for a new para-dox might begin with the observation that, by making nature a synonym for what is given and immutable, postmodern doxa has just missed the question of given culture. Those formulaic statements of “our present,” the decentering of the humanist subject, the critique of intention, and the concept of contingency imply a move from the universal to local knowledge. But this replacement is already inscribed within the trajectory of modern thought. What Kirby aptly calls “the subject of humanness” is the blindspot in postmodern cultural criticism: “it is entirely unclear how this subject of humanness recognizes itself as a unified subject of humanity, individuates itself within species-being and identifies itself as possessing sufficient stability to ground the destabilization of grounds” (151). Within the framework of the unified subject of humanity, language belongs to Man, is mediation by and for Man. Against this age-old metaphysics, Kirby proposes a corporeography in which “the body is more than a visitor to the scene of writing… it is the drama of its own remarkability” (154). By a powerful critical articulation of Gayatri Spivak’s reading of Marx’s “body with no possible outlines,” she argues that the infinity of the body’s limits and borders are at the same time internal to the spacing of its tissue.3 With this concept of body, which Kirby derives from a highly original reading of Derrida, the essence is no longer an identity, a seamless unity of its manifold manifestations, nor is it simply lacking, happily replaced by a “plurality” which always remains within the unity of humanity. The essence is now a complex, open-ended, and mutable writing–and it is essence that is writing.

     

    The significance of Kirby’s argument for feminist theory cannot be underestimated. Her call for a re-reading of corporeality takes its impetus from an original and powerful reading of Jacques Derrida’s notion of generalized text as a deconstruction of the reduction of the proper or reality to language, as well as Luce Irigaray’s relentless feminist questioning of phallogocentrism, which Kirby proposes to read as “biology re-writing itself.” Within Kirby’s understanding, the body is not just a new object or construct that has finally come to the attention of cultural experts at the end of a long and triumphant theoretical and political progress. The body is never just there, passively waiting to be signified. The effort of telling flesh is the story of the flesh that is never mute but always already telling, always already articulate. Like Irigaray, Kirby too believes and powerfully articulates that the “question” of the body or woman is indeed the question of Man. Thus, far from being a mere denial of progress, her text invites us to see the immense scope of feminism’s relevance today.

     

    Notes

     

    1. Kirby follows here a recent argument developed by Derrida in an interview with Jean-Luc Nancy, where Derrida relates the question of the “who” (of the subject) to that of “sacrifice.” Their conjunction recalls the concept of the subject as phallogocentric structure, and further concepts of “carnivorous virility” and “carno-phallogocentrism” as the given culture (Derrida 113).

     

    2. Blanchot writes: “There is an ‘I do not know’ that is at the limit of knowledge but that belongs to knowledge. We always pronounce it too early, still knowing all–or too late, when I no longer know that I do not know” (qtd. in Taylor 1).

     

    3. In her interview with Ellen Rooney, Spivak argues that the body as such has no possible outlines. For her, this means that it cannot be approached: “… if one really thinks of the body as such, there is no possible outline of the body as such. I think that’s about what I would say. There are thinkings of the systematicity of the body, there are value codings of the body. The body, as such, cannot be thought, and I certainly cannot approach it” (Spivak 149). Kirby’s contention is that Spivak has just approached the body when she said that she cannot.

     

    Works Cited

     

    • Butler, Judith. Bodies That Matter: On the Discursive Limits of Sex. New York and London: Routledge, 1993.
    • Bhabha, Homi K. The Location of Culture. London and New York: Routledge, 1994.
    • Clifford, James. The Predicament of Culture: Twentieth Century Ethnography, Literature and Art. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard UP, 1988.
    • Cornell, Drucilla. The Philosophy of the Limit. New York: Routledge, 1992.
    • Derrida, Jacques, and Jean-Luc Nancy. “Eating Well, or the Calculation of the Subject: An Interview with Jacques Derrida.” Who Comes After the Subject. Eds. Eduardo Cadava, Peter Connor, Jean-Luc Nancy. New York and London: Routledge, 1991. 96-119.
    • Gallop, Jane. Thinking Through the Body. New York: Columbia UP, 1988.
    • Said, Edward. Orientalism. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1978.
    • —. Intellectuals. London: Vintage, 1994.
    • Spivak, Gayatri Chakravorty, and Ellen Rooney. “In a Word. Interview.” differences 1 (1989): 124-155.
    • Taylor, Mark, ed. Deconstruction in Context: Literature and Philosophy. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1986.

     

  • Pernicious Couplings and Living in the Splice

    Graham J. Murphy

    Department of English
    University of Alberta
    gjmurphy@gpu.srv.ualberta.ca

     

    N. Katherine Hayles, How We Became Posthuman: Virtual Bodies in Cybernetics, Literature and Informatics. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1999.

     

    The collection of essays forming the text of How We Became Posthuman: Virtual Bodies in Cybernetics, Literature and Informatics is the most recent attempt by noted scholar N. Katherine Hayles to re-insert embodiment1 into the discourses of cybernetics, cyberspace, and human evolution. To accomplish this goal, Hayles charts embodiment from the dawning of cybernetics during the Macy Conferences of the 1950s through to our contemporary age of computers and virtuality. Particularly important to her study are three story lines:

     

    The first centers on how information lost its body, that is, how it came to be conceptualized as an entity separate from the material forms in which it is thought to be embedded. The second story concerns how the cyborg was created as a technological artifact and cultural icon in the years following World War II. The third, deeply implicated with the first two, is the unfolding story of how a historically specific construction called the human is giving way to a different construction called the posthuman. (2, original emphases)

     

    Defining the posthuman as a point of view that has predominantly stressed information patterns over materiality, Hayles uses her advanced degrees in both chemistry and English literature to weave a coherent account of the posthuman that unites the disciplines of science and the humanities. How We Became Posthuman is a highly intelligent and lucid analysis of the posthuman condition that, by re-inserting embodiment into the equation, succeeds in offering a viable alternative to dangerous fantasies of disembodiment.

     

    The impetus for this project, what Hayles calls a “six-year odyssey” (2), was her reading of Hans Moravec’s Mind Children: The Future of Robot and Human Intelligence. Struck numb by Moravec’s future vision of human consciousness extracted from the biological and downloaded into the synthetic, Hayles was disturbed to find the same message enacted in multiple venues: Norbert Wiener’s suggestion in the 1950s that “it was theoretically possible to telegraph a human being” (1); the matter transporter technology in the original Star Trek which reduced the body to atoms speeding through space; molecular biology treating “information as the essential code the body expresses” (1); Marvin Minsky’s proposition that human memories will eventually be extracted and transported onto computer disk; and, finally, the “bodiless exultation” of cyberspace popularized in William Gibson’s Neuromancer. Resisting the Moravecian rapture of disembodiment, How We Became Posthuman veers away from this fantasy by demonstrating that disembodiment was not an inevitability in the rise of cybernetics and, as a result, the current emphasis upon disembodiment is only one avenue available to the posthuman. For Hayles, this text is an attempt to address an information/materiality hierarchy that often privileges the former over the latter and to recuperate a vision of the embodied posthuman:

     

    If my nightmare is a culture inhabited by posthumans who regard their bodies as fashion accessories rather than the ground of being, my dream is a version of the posthuman that embraces the possibilities of information technologies without being seduced by fantasies of unlimited power and disembodied immortality, that recognizes and celebrates finitude as a condition of human being, and that understands human life is embedded in a material world of great complexity, one on which we depend for our continued survival. (5)

     

    In her analysis of the history of cybernetics, Hayles divides the development of this discourse into three waves. The first wave involves an analysis of the Josiah Macy Foundation conferences, held during the 1940s and 1950s, that gave rise to the field of cybernetics. In her analysis, she demonstrates that amidst the cacophony of voices attempting to come to terms with information theory, one important battle was taking place: homeostasis vs. reflexivity. The homeostasis “camp,” epitomized by figures such as Norbert Wiener, Claude Shannon, and John von Neumann, focused on maintaining the neutrality of the scientific observer. By removing the observer from the information system, complex mathematical equations were used to define “information” as an entity separate from any material instantiation: “[Information] would be calculated as the same value regardless of the contexts in which it was embedded, which is to say, they divorced it from meaning. In context, this was an appropriate and sensible decision. Taken out of context, the definition allowed information to be conceptualized as if it were an entity that can flow unchanged between different material substrates…” (53-54, original emphases). Donald MacKay, a British researcher, championed the importance of reflexivity and argued that the Shannon-Wiener approach was “selective information” wherein information is “calculated by considering the selection of message elements from a set” (55). MacKay’s approach, endorsed by others, was dubbed “structural information” and took into account the receiver of information: “Structural information indicates how selective information is to be understood; it is a message about how to interpret a message–that is, it is a metacommunication” (55). By incorporating an embodied presence into the system, MacKay was interested in developing an information theory that took into account the meaning of information. Bristling at Shannon’s interpretation of information as a series of “subjective probabilities” (54), MacKay’s approach to information theory was firmly grounded in embodiment; however, homeostasis received the scientific nod because of the extreme difficulty of quantifying reflexivity: “To achieve quantification, a mathematical model was needed for the changes that a message triggered in the receiver’s mind” (56). The difficulty of coming up with just such a model explains why MacKay’s approach “continued to be foundational for the British school of information theory, [while] in the United States the Shannon-Wiener definition of information, not MacKay’s, became the industry standard” (56).

     

    The most prominent figure to emerge from the Macy conferences was, of course, Norbert Wiener, who became known as the father of cybernetics. Remapping the human body as an informational pattern, Wiener, according to Hayles, still sought to retain liberal humanist control. Consequently, Hayles underlines a fundamental tension as Wiener’s version of cybernetics, expanded beyond the scientific disciplines, threatened to position the subject as a powerless by-product of intricate micro- and macrosystems. Should cybernetics be expanded beyond the scientific disciplines, it could reduce “the individual to a connective membrane with no control over desires and with no ability to derive pleasure from them” (111). Wiener’s insistence that cybernetics not be used in non-scientific disciplines demonstrates to Hayles that he was fully aware of the tragic implications for the liberal humanist subject of a cybernetics taken too far. Although he did his best to contain cybernetics, Hayles notes that this restraint was inevitably futile as not even “the father of a discipline can single-handedly control what cybernetics signifies when it propagates through the culture by all manner of promiscuous couplings” (112).

     

    In the second wave of cybernetics, during the 1960s, Hayles notes a gradual mutation of ideas, not a radical break with the past. Cybernetics developed as a “seriation,” a shift wherein the old is gradually replaced with new concepts. The key motif of the first wave, homeostasis, becomes what Hayles terms a “skeumorph” for the second wave. In other words, homeostasis is no longer a key concept for the second wave but performs “the work of a gesture or an allusion used to authenticate new elements in the emerging constellation of reflexivity” (17). In this second wave, homeostasis was displaced and a fresh group of scientists, notably Heinz von Foerster, Humberto Maturana, and Francisco Varela, emerged as the principal proponents of reflexivity.

     

    For Hayles, Heinz von Foerster is the transitional figure who ushered in the shift from the first wave to the second wave of cybernetics. As the editor of the Macy conference papers, von Foerster became interested in exploring manners by which the observer could be re-inserted into the cybernetic system. While von Foerster may have ushered in this next stage, Humberto Maturana and (albeit later) Francisco Varela were responsible for bringing it to maturation. Central to the reflexivity of the second wave is the notion of “autopoiesis,” theorized predominantly by Maturana. In the autopoietic view, the methods by which an individual observes a system are inevitably implicated in the system from the outset. Studying the sensory receptions of a frog, Maturana demonstrated that the reflexivity of the frog and its environment causes the frog to develop an observatory ability (e.g., ability to see flies for food) specific to the frog species; in other words, a frog sees a frog world and not a wolf world, elephant world, or human world. This construction of reality holds true for human perceptual abilities as “[w]e do not see a world ‘out there’ that exists apart from us. Rather, we see only what our systemic organization allows us to see. The environment merely triggers changes determined by the system’s own structural properties. Thus the center of interest for autopoiesis shifts from the cybernetics of the observed system to the cybernetics of the observer” (11, original emphasis). While not willing to abandon completely the homeostatic structure, Maturana reinserts embodiment into the information system by relying upon “structural coupling,” which reasons that “[a]ll living organisms must be structurally coupled to their environments to continue living: humans, for example, have to breathe air, drink water, eat food” (138).

     

    Although this new phase of cybernetics brings embodiment back into the equation, Hayles is quick to point out that the key problem with Maturana’s theory is the difficulty of factoring in mutation and evolution. For Maturana, autopoiesis is a closed system that Hayles cannot fully embrace: “The very closure that gives autopoietic theory its epistemological muscle also limits the theory, so that it has a difficult time accounting for dynamic interactions that are not circular in their effects” (147). Hayles rightly questions the applicability of a theory that is unable to account for mutations; furthermore, while she supports Maturana’s re-insertion of embodiment, she questions a system that relegates consciousness to a feedback mechanism rather than the individual’s physical and linguistic interaction with other embodiments: “The grounding assumptions for individuality shift from self-possession to organizational closure and the reflexivity of a system recursively operating on its own representations” (149). Despite her support of Maturana’s attempts to factor embodiment back into the cybernetic system, Hayles is dissatisfied with the structural limitations of autopoiesis and wants to ensure that autonomy is not the price paid for embodiment.

     

    The third wave of cybernetics comprises our contemporary age dominated by cyberspace, virtualities, and the competition between Artificial Intelligence and Artificial Life. Like von Foerster before him, Francisco Varela is the transitional figure from the second to the third wave. Varela’s break from Maturana and his shift into exploring the possibilities of Artificial Life indicate the move of cybernetics into the realm of virtual technologies. Departing from the historical overview of cybernetics, the last few chapters in How We Became Posthuman display the complexity of Hayles’s insights and are her finest work. “The Materiality of Informatics” is an astute analysis and is exceptional in its positioning of the posthuman on the boundary of body/embodiment. In other words, Hayles proposes that the posthuman can live in the splice separating oppositional terms rather than choosing sides. The tension between the body and embodiment comes forth in the dialectic of inscription/incorporation. Like the body, inscription is normative “and abstract, in the sense that it is usually considered as a system of signs operating independently of any particular manifestation” (198). Conversely, incorporation is a “practice such as a good-bye wave [that] cannot be separated from its embodied medium, for it exists as such only when it is instantiated in a particular hand making a particular kind of gesture” (198). Rather than choosing inscription/body vs. incorporation/embodiment, however, Hayles recognizes that both sets of “being” are not mutually exclusive but, on the contrary, interdependent. Living in the splice enables new configurations of the posthuman that offer the alternative to the Moravecian disembodiment that Hayles finds so unappealing and dangerous: “The recursivities that entangle inscription with incorporation, the body with embodiment, invite us to see these polarities not as static concepts but as mutating surfaces that transform one another…. Starting from a model emphasizing polarities, then, we have moved toward a vision of interactions both pleasurable and dangerous, creatively dynamic and explosively transformative” (220).

     

    As I noted earlier, Hayles possesses advanced degrees in both chemistry and English literature; she offsets each wave of cybernetics with specific novels from the science fiction (SF) repertoire. “The scientific texts,” she writes, “often reveal, as literature cannot, the foundational assumptions that gave theoretical scope and artifactual efficacy to a particular approach. The literary texts often reveal, as scientific work cannot, the complex cultural, social, and representational issues tied up with conceptual shifts and technological innovations” (24). Bernard Wolfe’s Limbo (1952) is the literary parallel for the first wave of cybernetics and it explores the implications for the body that cybernetics heralds. “Limbo,” writes Hayles, “is a staging of the complex dynamics between cyborg and literary bodies. As such, it demonstrates that neither body will remain unchanged by the encounter” (130).The analysis of Limbo is quite thorough in its exploration of the anxieties that parallel Wolfe and Wiener. Wolfe’s novel touches on amputations, prosthetics, warfare, gender, and sexual politics, and Hayles links these diverse issues to cybernetics with some success. The first half of the chapter flows from Wiener to Wolfe with relatively minimal effort. Midway through, however, as Hayles begins to address gender, the chapter loses its focus somewhat and comes across as stylistically choppy; it is almost as if Hayles has taken two essays on Limbo and amalgamated them into one.

     

    Hayles chooses several of Philip K. Dick’s novels as representative texts for the second wave of cybernetics. Like the reflexivity scientists, Dick chose to take into full account the position of the observer and, by modifying the information system, the boundaries of “human,” “body,” “subjectivity,” and “reality” are all called into question. His 1969 novel Ubik brilliantly explores this problematic as Dick never completely identifies for the reader just who is and who is not in the system. Reality in Ubik is, as Hayles’s chapter title indicates, turned inside out. Complicating this question of reality, however, is the interrogation of the nature of humanity illustrated in the gender politics running through several of his novels. “Dick,” Hayles writes, “is drawn to cybernetic themes because he understands that cybernetics radically destabilizes the ontological foundations of what counts as human. The gender politics he writes into his novels illustrate the potent connections between cybernetics and contemporary understandings of race, gender, and sexuality” (24). The roles of the “schizoid android” (161) and the “dark-haired girl” become central to a deeper understanding of how Dick engaged gender issues in his novels and how he saw cybernetics testing the ontological boundaries of reality. In Hayles’s reading, the gender politics of Dick’s work are more structurally coherent than those in Wolfe’s. The reason that this essay is more coherent may have to do with the number of texts available to Hayles for her analysis. Unlike the chapter on Limbo which was confined to one novel, this section moves through a variety of Dick’s texts. This multiple sampling from one of the most prolific (SF) authors of English literature gives the reader a better sense of cybernetics in the 1960s and gives the chapter a much stronger impact than the one on Limbo.

     

    Hayles hits her stride in the shift from Dick to the cyberpunk/post-cyberpunk phase of her study. The growth and ubiquity of cyberspace and virtuality owe a great deal to Gibson’s seminal 1984 novel Neuromancer. The novel introduced two important concepts: a disembodied point-of-view (which Hayles calls the “pov”) that allows the user to circulate in the computer matrix without the constraints of a physical shell; second, the matrix itself, cyberspace, which is defined in Neuromancer as a “consensual hallucination” (51) but misquoted by Hayles as a “consensual illusion” (36). Since Neuromancer,2 the possibilities of this new form of technological (dis)embodiment have opened the door to new expressions of subjectivity. Especially important is replacing the “floating signifier” with the new “flickering signifier”: “[Information technologies] fundamentally alter the relation of signified to signifier. Carrying the instabilities in Lacanian floating signifiers one step further, information technologies created what I will call flickering signifiers, characterized by their tendency toward unexpected metamorphoses, attenuations, and dispersions. Flickering signifiers signal an important shift in the plate tectonics of language” (30, original emphasis). The flickering signifier is a conceptual framework rife with possibilities for exploring the subjectivities that virtuality engenders and, as the world becomes increasingly on-line, will no doubt play an important role in future configurations of embodiment/body and inscription/incorporation.

     

    While her analysis of Neuromancer may be left wanting (see Endnote [2]), Hayles succeeds better in her use of SF to demonstrate that posthumanism should be more appropriately termed posthumanisms. In this respect her arguments are both engaging and astute. Using the semiotics of virtuality to explore the plurality of posthumanism, Hayles constructs a semiotic square of presence/absence and randomness/pattern upon which four key novels are placed: Blood Music (Greg Bear),[3] Galatea 2.2 (Richard Powers), Terminal Games (Cole Perriman), and Snow Crash (Neal Stephenson). On one axis, “Blood Music asks, ‘What if humans were taken over by their component parts, functioning now as conscious entities themselves?’ Terminal Games asks the complementary question, ‘What if humans were made to function as if they were components of another entity?’” (251). Similarly, on a separate axis, Galatea 2.2 asks “‘What if a computer behaved like a person?’” while Snow Crash contemplates “‘What if people were made to behave like computers?’” (251). In a nutshell, all four books struggle with the same question: “when the human meets the posthuman, will the encounter be for better or for worse?” (281). Working her way through the codings in these novels, Hayles demonstrates that it is “evident that there is no consensus on what the posthuman portends, in part because how the posthuman is constructed and imagined varies so widely. What the topology [reveals] is not so much an answer to a deep question of how the human and the posthuman should be articulated together as the complexity of the contexts within which that question is being posed” (251).

     

    The only major difficulty with How We Became Posthuman concerns the issue of political agency. While Hayles does succeed in re-addressing embodiment, the term itself remains fairly isolated. Put another way, embodiment is a concept that Hayles identifies as parallelling the body; yet, it remains distanced throughout this text from the signification of bodily markers such as race or gender. While the embodied posthuman prompts new modes of thinking about humans and technology, there is minimal in-depth exploration of the gendered or racially embodied posthuman. While Hayles does an excellent job in exploring cybernetics, bodily markers remain conspicuously beneath the surface.[4] The reader may ask, “Now that embodiment is back in the picture, where does posthumanism go regarding gender issues? race issues?” Hayles seems content to leave the future of the posthuman in the hands of SF authors (all male in this text) whose novels demonstrate some blind spots towards these self-same questions. While some may argue that Hayles has laid the groundwork and it is now up to successive generations of scholars to plot the course of posthumanism, this fallback position feels inadequate. How We Became Posthuman contains a large portion of revamped and expanded essays that have appeared in earlier incarnations from 1990 onwards. While this is certainly normal in academic publishing (and not to be balked at), it would have been helpful and thought-provoking to see her project her hopeful vision of the posthuman in addition to expanding it.

     

    Inaccuracies regarding the SF literature aside, How We Became Posthuman is an insightful, thought-provoking, and important work in the ongoing development of the posthuman; it succeeds in displacing the fantasy of disembodiment of the “Moravecians” by re-inserting embodiment into the posthuman condition. The posthuman, as Hayles defines it at the beginning of the text, is a point of view (as opposed to the disembodied pov of Neuromancer) that, “grounded in embodied actuality rather than disembodied information… [,] offers resources for rethinking the articulation of humans with intelligent machines” (287). While it leaves the issue of political agency relatively untapped, How We Became Posthuman redefines the terms of the posthuman debate. Hayles presents her dream to oppose the Moravecian nightmare. She demonstrates that the anti-human vision of the posthuman is not an always already entity and, as such, “we can craft others that will be conducive to the long-range survival of humans and of the other life-forms, biological and artificial, with whom we share the planet and ourselves” (291).

     

    Notes

     

    1. Embodiment is not to be confused with the body as Hayles makes a concerted effort to distinguish the two terms. The body for Hayles is a construct that “is always normative relative to some set of criteria” (196) whereas embodiment is “contextual, enmeshed within the specifics of place, time, physiology, and culture, which together compose enactment. Embodiment never coincides exactly with ‘the body,’ however that normalized concept is understood” (196). In fact, embodiment is a disruptive condition that is in perpetual tension with the body:

     

    Experiences of embodiment, far from existing apart from culture, are always already imbricated within it. Yet because embodiment is individually articulated, there is also at least an incipient tension between it and hegemonic cultural constructs. Embodiment is thus inherently destabilizing with respect to the body, for at any time this tension can widen into a perceived disparity. (197)

     

    2. While the pov and cyberspace certainly evoke the sense of disembodiment, critical discussion of Neuromancer, including that of Hayles in this text, may overlook the ambivalence Gibson expresses regarding the notion of disembodiment. While this is not the place to begin an analysis of Neuromancer, it should be noted that Gibson does not wholeheartedly advocate disembodiment. Case makes the decision to forgo techno-transcendental utopia with Linda Lee in favor of the “meat” at the terminal. Similarly, the Dixie Flatline, a personality construct, is bothered that nothing bothers him/it and requests techno-euthanasia: “‘This scam of yours, when it’s over, you erase this goddam thing’” (107).

     

    3. Although Hayles does weave together a taut semiotic square, she does demonstrate some carelessness regarding her literary texts. Aside from the Neuromancer misquote, she incorrectly summarizes the plot of Blood Music when she states that Virgil Ulam swallows his biochips (252), whereas he actually injects them into his bloodstream (Bear 24).

     

    4. The first overt appearance of gender takes place in a wonderful, albeit brief, mention of Janet Freed, the woman responsible for transcribing the Macy Conferences into journal format: “On a level beyond words, beyond theories and equations, in her body and her arms and her fingers and her aching back, Janet Freed knows that information is never disembodied, that messages don’t flow by themselves, and that epistemology isn’t a word floating through the thin, thin air until it is connected up with incorporating practices” (83).

     

    Works Cited

     

    • Bear, Greg. Blood Music. New York: ACE Books, 1986.
    • Gibson, William. Neuromancer. New York: ACE Books, 1984.
    • Hayles, N. Katherine. How We Became Posthuman: Virtual Bodies in Cybernetics, Literature and Informatics. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1999.

     

  • Prophecy and the Figure of the Reader in Susan Howe’s Articulation of Sound Forms in Time

     

    James McCorkle

    mccorkle@epix.net

     

    The work of the contemporary experimental poet Susan Howe undertakes the formation as well as retrieval of a prophetic poetics. By shifting the attention from writer to reader there is a similar shift from prophet to prophesy, from the one who prophesies to the oracle’s graphesis–its condition for reading. Howe’s poetics underscores not only the importance of writing, but also the consequences of reading, and the necessity of developing a pluralistic, participatory–hence prophetic and visionary–modality of reading. Prophecy entails not an appropriation or consumption of the language nor the reversal, the swallowing up of ourselves. Rather, prophecy agitates the space of language: it opens rifts, insists on waywardness, to be unhoused in and by language.

     

    Howe signals the importance of prophecy as a process of pre-figurement and indicates her own engagement with that process. The prophetic word, like the poetic, signals something coming, the advent or arrival of event, effect, or experience. Writing in The Birth-mark of Mary Rowlandson’s narrative, Howe states, “this captivity narrative is both a microcosm of colonial imperialist history and a prophecy of our own contemporary repudiation of alterity, anonymity, darkness” (B 89). Howe’s prophetic poetics, as exemplified by her Articulation of Sound Forms in Time, depends upon a retrieval and re-habitation of history and puts into question our position in history: “Collision or collusion with history” (S 33). History, arguably, possesses us; Howe offers a poetry that foregrounds the interpretive process by which we read our identities and positions within history.

     

    Howe’s poetry offers what Heidegger, in his Discourse on Thinking, would call an “openness to the mystery” [Offenheit für das Geheimnis]. Heidegger proposes a way of maintaining a meditative, not calculative, mode of thinking that involves a “releasement toward things” [Die Gelassenheit zu den Dingen] implicitly informed by early German mysticism (54-55). Heidegger’s argument describes a comportment of being and thinking–that is, an interpretive process. Gerald Bruns explains:

     

    what happens in the hermeneutical experience is that we are placed in the open, in the region of the question.... The hermeneutical experience in this respect is always subversive of totalization or containment... this means the openness of tradition to the future, its irreducibility to the library or museum or institutions of cultural transmission, its resistance to closure, its uncontainability within finite interpretations (tradition is not an archive). (8-9)

     

    This approach eschews any normative, disciplined method of exegesis.

     

    Contact with the otherness of history involves what Heidegger called in Identity and Difference the “step back” [der Schritt zurück] (59). Rather than the recuperation of old positions, by stepping back instead one faces an ainigma or dark saying: “it is not to be penetrated or laid open to view,” writes Bruns, “there is no way of shedding light on what it means in the sense of a content or message that can be conceptually retrieved” (69). This contact with history parallels Bruns’s description of poetry as the “renunciation of meaning as that which grasps and fixes, that which produces determinate objects” (106). Introducing Heidegger, particularly through Bruns’s inspired reading, gestures toward many of the concerns of Howe. Heidegger’s thinking on poetry insists upon poetry as the “giving up of refuge in the familiar or the same” (185) and “exposes us to that which manifests itself as alien and inaccessible the way… language speaks as that which withholds itself” (184). Poetry refuses to be mastered, nor does it master others–it remains outside control. Poetry, then, as exemplified by Howe’s work, becomes a language marked by extremity and crisis.1

     

    If poetry is this renunciation and estrangement, working against the unified and foundational, then we must confront a “re-visioning” of ourselves as readers, to use Adrienne Rich’s term (Rich 35), to pose the question what we read for, that is to pose the question of linguistic mastery. First published as a chapbook in 1987, Howe’s Articulation of Sound Forms in Time, a representative text of hers, prophesies and acts as a radical didactic process. Readings that seek to provide a literal outline or narrative, such as those by Marjorie Perloff and Linda Reinfeld, quickly acknowledge the difficulty of such an endeavor: Perloff begins by attempting to trace a narrative–and indeed that is our first response as readers–but she quickly breaks off that line of exegesis and notes that not only “does Howe frequently decompose, transpose, and re-figure the word… she [also] consistently breaks down or, as John Cage would put it, ‘demilitarizes’ the syntax of her verbal units” (305). Reinfeld argues that “[t]o the degree that language makes sense, to the extent that it forges connections, it risks falsity and bad faith: it becomes regimental, the enemy. Only those chosen are saved and only the poet–specifically, the poet set apart by a capacity for visionary experience–can hope to emerge from chaos with something like self-possession (‘My voice, drawn from my life, belongs to no one else’). As we move toward meaning, ‘deep so deep my narrative’, we move into a language so fluid that the rescue of reason becomes impossible” (140). The poem, in Reinfeld’s view, becomes an emptying of meaning and order from language and a movement toward innocence and renewal. By concluding that Howe’s poetry folds into the great Western cyclical myths, Reinfeld diminishes the localized displacements of order Howe explores simultaneously in a specific language and history. By casting the interpretive process into solitary communion, Reinfeld further undercuts Howe’s performative position as prophet, which has an implicit social role. Prophecy requires an audience: the source must have its seer, yet the seer must also have listeners.

     

    Perloff interjects a specific polemic in her argument by seeing in Howe’s text a rebuttal to the packaged sentiments of a workshop poem and the need to re-vision history in poetry. Such a reading does locate rifts and locates Howe in particular contexts and lineages–but it also pulls away from any hermeneutical consideration, which I think the poem brilliantly offers. Reinfeld suggests a recuperative reading: that we do move toward “meaning”–implying that there is a point or final destination and that “self-possession” can be attained. Though the sense of self is left unclear, there is implied a unity of self–a movement from chaos to light or enlightenment?–that the poem, in fact, swerves us away from. Indeed, Reinfeld falls prey to that “regimental” exegesis–the belief in a final dwelling of meaning–that she otherwise argues against. As useful as Perloff’s and Reinfeld’s readings are–and they are very useful, for they do overturn the charge that Howe’s poetry is elitist and nonsensical–they also point to the entrapments reading confronts and the difficulty of eluding those traps.

     

    The title, Articulation of Sound Forms in Time, poses and exemplifies the difficulty of reading. “Articulation” is both linguistic practice as well as muscular kinesis. “Sound” implies not only vocality, but also safety and value, particularly in regard to financial risks, as well as a body of water and the plumbing of that depth (as Thoreau did, seeing the ruins beneath the water’s surface). “Forms” engages both as noun and verb. Lastly, “in time” suggests a border or margin, an extreme edge, a crisis averted. Howe presents the reader with a series of choices, not meaninglessness, but a series of choices whose reading will be dependent upon the cultural and historical positioning of the individual reader. Howe does not re-invoke the Emersonian ideal of the self-reliant individual, but re-visions the significance of that individual as mediated (or disciplined) by her or his culture.

     

    To read becomes a series of retrievals: Howe’s own reading of Dickinson’s poetry, particularly “My Life had Stood–a Loaded Gun,” brilliantly defines this process. To begin her discussion of Dickinson’s poem, Howe generates a list, “Possibilities”:

     

    My Life: A Soul Finding God.

     

    My Life: A Soul finding herself.

     

    My Life: A poet’s admiring heart born into voice by idealizing a precursor poet’s song.

     

    My Life: Dickinson herself, waiting in corners of neglect for Higginson to recognize her ability and help her to join the ranks of other published American poets.

     

    My Life: The American continent and its westward moving frontier. Two centuries of pioneer literature and myth has insistently compared the land to a virgin woman (bride and queen). Exploration and settlement were pictured in terms of masculine erotic discovery and domination of alluring / threatening feminine territory.

     

    My Life: The savage source of American myth.

     

    My Life: The United States in the grip of violence that threatened to break apart its original union.

     

    My Life: A white woman taken captive by Indians.

     

    My Life: A slave.

     

    My Life: An unmarried woman (Emily Brontë’s Catherine Earnshaw) waiting to be chosen (unidentified) by her Lover-husband-Owner (Edgar Linton).

     

    My Life: A frontiersman's gun. (MED 76-7)

     

    This list subverts the dominance of any single theory or interpretation: reading becomes inclusive; there is no authoritative reading. The anaphora my life fuses the poem’s phrase with the colloquial and autobiographical writing of “my life” as well as with Howe’s possessive title My Emily Dickinson and its various implications, from interpretation to reading to Howe’s own poetry. “My” marks not only possession but also the transfer of possession. This list does not attempt to provide a summation or an ordering, for if a poet “is to be true to vision and possibility, to the continuing exertion of vision’s power, then all the hierarchies and closures of criticism must be resisted,” writes John Taggart on Howe’s My Emily Dickinson (172). Howe’s reading of Dickinson, like her reading of Melville or Rowlandson, puts our versions of our selves, histories, and world into question. To read prophetically is to read against realization, not toward an indeterminacy, but, to invoke Wallace Stevens, in a state of imaginative inquiry of the evidence or the real.2

     

    Texts allow memory and limit memory: in Articulation of Sound Forms in Time, the opening documents seek to limit memory, to sum it up and thereby dismiss or contain memory. The first is Howe’s prose description of some of the conditions in May 1676 that led to the rout of English force, including the clergyman Hope Atherton, on the Connecticut River. At its conclusion, Howe asks, “In culture Hope is a name we give to women. Signifying desire, trust, promise, does her name prophetically engender pacification of the feminine?” (S 4). The second is an extract of a letter written a century later, seeming to discredit Atherton’s story. Placed in conjunction with Howe’s description and her concluding questions, we see a repetition of history and a failure to inquire of history; this is underscored by the resonance of the date of the Falls Fight 1676.

     

    To unleash one memory is to release other voices, thus delimiting sources and origins. In her My Emily Dickinson, Howe states,

     

    Each word is a cipher, through its sensible sign another sign hidden. The recipient of a letter, or combination of letter and poem from Emily Dickinson, was forced much like Edwards' listening congregation, through shock and through subtraction of the ordinary, to a new way of perceiving. Subject and object were fused at that moment, into the immediate feeling of understanding. This re-ordering of the forward process of reading is what makes her poetry and the prose of her letters among the most original writing of her century. (MED 51)

     

    To re-order the “forward process of reading” is a central element in Howe’s poetics and visionary reading. Slowing the consumption of text, resisting the emptying of language and the packaging of intellect and imagination becomes the task of the poet, then, in turn, of readers. As prophecy, Howe’s text re-orders our sense of time by stepping back, or re-visioning, so as to enter “an old text from a new critical direction,” which for women is “more than a chapter in cultural history: it is an act of survival” (Rich 35). Prophecy locates one in history: Howe inserts herself into the lineage of Rowlandson, Dickinson, and Melville as well as letting the reading of one moment–Hope Atherton’s wanderings and rejection–prefigure, supplement, and reveal another cultural and historical moment.

     

    Howe’s reading of Dickinson is a radical didactic, for in it she demonstrates the degree to which our reading of Dickinson has been policed, confined, and violently pacified. Her demonstration works as instruction, yet it does not assume the voice of master or authority; instead, the voice is relative yet possessed, as indicated by the word “my” in the title My Emily Dickinson. With each word, each of Howe’s texts necessitates choice, as the opening segment from the second section, “Hope Atherton’s Wanderings,” of Articulation of Sound Forms in Time demonstrates:

     

    Prest try to set after grandmother
    revived by and laid down left ly
    little distant each other and fro
    Saw digression hobbling driftwood
    forage two rotted beans & etc.
    Redy to faint slaughter story so
    Gone and signal through deep water
    Mr. Atherton's story Hope Atherton  (S 6)

     

    As many readers note, the opening word “Prest,” plays upon soundings of oppressed, pressed, impressed, and the sense of set after. However, read with the segment’s final line, the word suggests an urgency in maintaining an identity as an inviolate object–an “I”–rather than as a subject: the pressure of being (still) Hope Atherton, of being not reduced to someone’s (Mr. Atherton’s) story. The risk is to become story and then become marginalia, a curiosity discovered among one’s cluttered papers. Although this segment is most transparent, for the narrative of ambush, escape, and survival are apparent, so is the fragmentation and decomposition of the word. This is most apparent with ly. As Perloff notes, this little suffix can join with any number of words and works as well as a decomposition of lie, itself an ambiguous word (305). The reader must address each word as a signal coming “through deep water,” hence wavered, distorted, and transmuted.

     

    Hope Atherton becomes a mirror for ourselves as readers. Harried both by Indians–in their war for survival–and the British militia, he is the prey of military actions. What he has seen must be confined, obliterated, or rendered silent. Only a certain reading is allowed, hence Hope Atherton is ostracized from his community, who do not believe his story. Our condition as readers then is resolved by and reflects our condition as a community. “Mythology,” writes Howe, “reflects a region’s reality” (MED 43). As the poem continues with Hope Atherton’s wanderings, the lines, writes Peter Quartermain on another of Howe’s poems but applicable here, “seem to register a process of perception and thought subject perpetually and continuously to re-casting, re-seeing, re-vision. They register a process of cogitating, meditating, and exploring an old enigma, endemic perhaps to all human culture but especially acute in the history of New England, perpetually evoked and invoked by the complex of the known and the unknown, the seen and the unseen, the cultivated and the wild: The relations between the real and the visionary” (187). Quartermain’s comment, echoing Heidegger’s proposal of stepping back and exploring the enigmatic or the otherness of history, emphasizes the local in terms of geography and language. Quartermain, however, affirms a binary structure that Howe, in her visionary capacity, seeks to avoid. For instance, Howe does not negate the opposition of “the cultivated and the wild” but rather finds it inadequate. That we allow language to fail by re-enacting such dualisms, indeed by becoming through our words purely oppositional, demonstrates our crisis.

     

    Howe does not accommodate the reader: Atherton’s wanderings become our own as we construct readings–and question their foundations–from the gatherings of words. Words reveal their localness, habitation, or sited-ness:

     

    scow aback din
    
    flicker skaeg ne
    
    barge quagg peat
    
    sieve catacomb
    
    stint chisel sect  (S 10)

     

    In this ninth segment, with its fourth line crossed out but not erased, Atherton finds himself re-counting the miasma of his wanderings, yet we are drawn back to foundational words. For example, “ne” appears fractured and incomprehensible, yet it is an obsolete form for nephew, and more importantly, it is an archaic form of not, and part of the negative structure of neither… nor. It also serves as a homophone for knee, and so points to the kinetic qualities of language as well as Atherton’s flight.

     

    If we follow the Oxford English Dictionary, itself a lexicon of certain relations of history and power, “quagg,” or quag as the dictionary has it, is identified with marshy, boggy ground, is a descriptor for flabby, unsound flesh, and forms a verb, to submerge. Submerged in this quag is “skaeg,” which is not found in the O.E.D., but which is homophonically related to “quagg” as well as suggestive of the fracturing of American Indian languages, such as the Narraganset. Also, it prefigures–in regard to Howe’s work–and echoes Melville’s “Queequeg.” Emerging from dialects and perhaps onomatopoeic formations, as well as mutations of American Indian words, words such as “quagg” make their first recorded appearance, according to the O.E.D., just prior to Atherton’s wanderings and the early wars against the Indians typified by the Falls Fight. Hope Atherton’s vision, cast in the ambiguous outline of forest and syntax, is the hope-less destruction of wilderness and otherness: the cultivation of land and the harnessing of language. In the figure of Hope Atherton, Howe reads the consequences of Cartesian dualism: the exaggerated and hence distorted position of humans as fully distinguished and separated from nature and the further distinction between nature as a subject of theory and wilderness as perceived through experience.3 The Cartesian split between the human and nature parallels the schism between reader and writer, the text and the reading. The generation and textual as well as muscularly oral articulation of sound (forms) moves toward an eros or play of language, and away from normalizing distinctions and codes, away from the separation of body, cognition, and world.

     

    Are we then caught in a miasma–a defilement–of sound and meaning, or are we asked to interrogate the origins of words for the latent struggles of power and meaning? If the latter, then what of the seeming directive of the excised, but not removed “sieve catacomb”? A notation against the excavation of word-tombs? A notation against the impulse to “chisel” and “stint” words into tombs or “sects”? To “stint” a word, to stop its movement and flow, to assuage its pain, and the rupturing of instinct, is Hope Atherton’s fate: his vision of the forest, the violence unleashed, is stinted by his sect.

     

    Howe directs us to this close, demanding reading–and the realization that all readings will be stinted–through her circular constructions, as in the fourteenth and fifteenth sections. This is not a palindrome, but an articulation of sound, that is the pronouncement of movement. In the articulation of movement back-and-forth, oscillation, retrieval, and continuity become important rather than a shift to the symbolic ordering of Return and Organic Wholeness associated with the image of the circle. Reading the final words of section fourteen, “see step shot Immanence force to Mohegan,” which are reversed to become the first words of the next section as well as typographically compressed, connections between words are fluid. Yet “Immanence,” with its Dickinsonian capitalization, is destroyed. To lift a passage out and isolate it from the text is to risk perpetuating violence, and yet such is Howe’s own compositional method.

     

    The third section of Articulation of Sound Forms in Time, “Taking the Forest,” is comprised of twenty-five segments composed primarily in declarative couplets. The highly stressed, compact lines never rupture as they do in “Hope Atherton’s Wanderings.” Instead these lines seem set as “Letters sent out in crystalline purity” (S 22). Hank Lazer helpfully suggests that in Howe’s writing there are

     

    several noteworthy lyricisms: A lyricism of "disturbance" (of syntax and the layout of the page), that concentrates attention on the individual word, or even the syllables or letters in a word, as well as the word's placement on the page; a lyricism of statement in which the "philosophical" or didactic also sings; and a lyricism of historical fact, acting as an image or epiphanic vortex, often intensified by its opposition to accepted or normative historical accounts. (63-4)

     

    Lazer’s “lyricism of statement” describes this third and final section. Single lines, a single couplet, or even a grouping of couplets often form an oracular meaning. In segment seven, one of two (the other being the sixth segment), which is composed in single lines not couplets, there is a tension between the line as isolated meaning or prophesy and the entire segment as narrative (a recapitulation of the Falls Fight):

     

    Shouting an offering
    
    Messengers falter
    
    Obedient children elder and ever
    
    Lawless center
    
    Scaffold places to sweep
    
    unfocused future
    
    Migratory path to massacre
    
    Sharpshooters in history's apple-dark    
                                   (S 22)

     

    Howe names the condition “Lawless center,” a cipher loosed from the draft of history, a rejection of that pleading Yeatsian vision in “The Second Coming”: “Things fall apart; the centre cannot hold.” That tightened circle of falcon and falconer, of unity (but also that celebrated predatory violence that sweeps through Yeats’s work), is the early American town’s green, that of stocks and “Scaffold places.”

     

    Howe offers a spiritual history that forms an ongoing prophecy: the twenty-second segment opens with the line “Latin ends and French begins” thus compressing the transformation of languages that coincides with the shift of power, the rise of the vernacular, and the nation-state. By compression–an exercise of violence itself–Howe is able to delineate the history of the taking of the forest:

     

    Caravels bending to windward
    
    Crows fly low and straggling
    Civilizations stray into custom
    
    Struts structure luminous region
    Purpose or want of purpose
    
    Part of each kingdom of Possession
    
    Only conceived can be seen
    Original inventors off Stray
    
    Alone in deserts of Parchment
    Theoreticians of the Modern
    
    --emending annotating inventing
    World as rigorously related System
    
    Pagan worlds moving toward destruction 
                                    (S 35)

     

    Like Blake reading the already and always past, or Dickinson reading the Abstract and Luminous, Howe prophesies in what we know what we are becoming still. By moving toward prophecy, Howe eludes the claim of authorship. Heidegger’s description of poetry, that of the renunciation of linguistic mastery and an opening to language’s danger or mystery, informs Howe’s Hope Atherton. In every word, Howe implies at the poem’s conclusion, occurs the “Archaic presentiment of rupture” (S 38).

     

    In Howe’s poetry, the withdrawal of an identifiable authorial “I” re-emphasizes the demands placed upon the reader. Writing has ceased, but the act of interpretation continues. Howe’s work suggests her own reading–each text is never complete, each word a presentiment. Howe inserts herself into the canon through the interrogation of those texts (of Dickinson, Thoreau, Melville, Rowlandson), as Megan Williams argues, thus rescuing herself for posterity. As Williams notes, the reader of Howe’s texts, when faced with the blankness often surrounding the words, faces “the threat that words and literary stature can be reduced and written out of history” (110). Williams continues, arguing with acuity that the study of literary history in general does not acknowledge the choices individuals make in constructing chronologies so as to “create an ordered present that is a coherent continuation and conflation of our personal past” (121). When examining the prose sections that begin Articulation of Sound Forms in Time, the work becomes a clear demonstration of the process Williams describes: Atherton–and his writing–are lost because they do not conform to the history of the unfolding dominion over the forest.

     

    While Howe does place herself in the lineage of Rowlandson, Dickinson, and Melville, she does so as a prophet and thus inflects our readings with their own historical value. As Williams and Peter Nicholls have argued, Howe’s investment in colonial history may respond in part to a patrimony from which she has been excluded: her father was a Harvard historian interested in the colonial period. Yet Howe seldom asserts her own authoritative “I” that would thus displace the father or the Harvard academic circle. Rather, her non-authoritative, anonymous positioning recalls Dickinson’s or Melville’s position outside the margins, a situation pre-figured in Atherton’s wanderings which take him from his community.

     

    The reader assumes the responsibility of making meaningful the text; this is not to say that Howe has made meaningless works, but rather part of her work’s significance (its signifying value) is the need for the reader to participate in the signifying process. This involves one’s own meditation both on the historical context of reader and text and on the historicity of words. As Mark Long has argued, texts are not simply objects to use, nor are “readings simply successive appropriations of the object-text” with the ensuing “effect of discontinuing as well as deauthorizing a continued process of inquiry” (95). In regard to Dickinson, Howe writes that “[p]oetry is never a personal possession. The poem was a vision and gesture before it became sign and coded exchange in a political economy of value” (B 147). Echoing Stevens in her claims for poetry, Howe contends that poetry transcends critical practice, and in fact jeopardizes that professionalization of language and reading: “Poetry is the great stimulation of life…. Poetry is redemption from pessimism. Poetry is affirmation in negation” (MED 138). Cultural institutions mediate and discipline–and as Howe demonstrates, violate that vision, as in the case of Dickinson, out of the fear of otherness, the forest, and eros.

     

    Hope Atherton’s “wanderings”–as opposed to the disciplinary and teleological sense of journey–reiterate the necessity, and danger, of being open to mystery. Wandering suggests never reaching one’s goal and indeed, perhaps never fully positing a goal to be reached. Nonetheless, Howe suggests we are carried by “hope”–the word itself–as Atherton’s name became the figure for himself, or he the figure for the word. Atherton, wandering between forest and town, becomes a liminal figure. He prophetically occupies borders and becomes a specter from regions of otherness. He is in trespass, a kinsman to the “Shoal kinsmen trespass Golden / Smoke splendor trespass” (S 32). These “Shoal kinsmen”–thronging and skeletal, from the related Old English sceald from the word shallows–rise to the surface in this eighteenth section of Articulation of Sound Forms in Time from “muffled discourse from distance / mummy thread undertow slough” (S 32). Atherton, in his liminality, also carries us into, and prophetically summons forth, that other region:

     

    Eve of origin Embla the eve
    soft origin vat and covert
    
    Green hour avert grey future
    Summer summon out-of-bound shelter  (S 32)

     

    Howe trebles the feminine origin: Eve, Embla (the first woman in Norse mythology created from an elm), and eve. The line suggests no unitary source but rather multiple sources, hence multiple identities and readings. The palindrome of “eve” is echoed in the line’s phrasing, which further suggests the fluidity of time and identity. It is at such moment that reading as a discipline becomes ungoverned, perhaps dangerous, but also fruitful.

     

    These lines carry the force of prophecy as a form of stepping back to confront history, in that prophecy collapses time into the event of the utterance: the past informs the present in ways requiring participatory interpretation. Atherton’s wanderings has led to “Taking the Forest,” which suggests an ongoing rapine whose history has not yet concluded. Poet and prophet can still invoke “Green hour avert grey future,” which implies, as Howe has put it, a “redemption from pessimism.” This moment, although coming in the final third of “Taking the Forest,” must be tempered by the scene of the penultimate section of receding scenes:

     

    Last line of hills
    
    Lost fact dim outline
    
    Little figure of mother
    
    Moss pasture and wild trefoil
    meadow-hay and timothy
    
    She is and the way She was
    
    Outline was a point chosen
    Outskirts of ordinary
    
    Weather in history and heaven
    
    Skiff feather glide house
    
    Face seen in a landscape once   (S 37)

     

    Embla and Eve, the “little figure of mother,” are superimposed and become that “Face seen in a landscape once.” That the world is rendered as landscape, and particularly a pastoral one of “meadow-hay and timothy,” suggests a depletion, at least in our language’s capacity to realize, of the nexus of the feminine, the land’s greenness, and eros.

     

    Countering the tonal nostalgia of the previous section, Howe concludes Articulation of Sound Forms in Time with the bleak assessment that Atherton’s wanderings are already figured in earlier histories:

     

    To kin I call in the Iron-Woods
    Turn I to dark Fells last alway
    
    Theirs was an archheathen theme
    Soon seen stumbled in lag Clock
    
    Still we call bitterly bitterly
    Stern norse terse ethical pathos
    
    Archaic presentiment of rupture
    Voicing desire no more from here
    
    Far flung North Atlantic littorals
    
    Lif sails off longing for life
    Baldr soars on Alfather's path
    
    Rubble couple on pedestal
    Rubble couple Rhythm and Pedestal
    
    Room of dim portraits here there
    Wade waist deep maidsworn men
    
    Crumbled masonry windswept hickory (S 38)

     

    Through her highly stressed syllables and internal rhymes, Howe moves from the nostalgic awareness of recollected loss to the moment of history–if history in its very moment of enactment could be uttered. In the edition published by Wesleyan University Press, a typographical bar separates this final section of text from the blank final third of the page: as if there were more–a still earlier history now silenced, or as if the whiteness threatened to over-run the text. Or as if that space, with its traditional association of whiteness-virginity-Nature, were soon to be cultivated.

     

    The closing passage, nonetheless, enacts another stepping back, pointing toward the Norse sagas, diaspora, and bleak destruction. Those “Far flung North Atlantic littorals,” as Perloff suggests, point to Howe’s predecessors such as Melville, Crane, and Olson (310). More importantly, however, it is also Howe’s invocation, or nekkia, or voyage to the underworld’s realm to seek knowledge. “To kin I call in the Iron-woods” encapsulates the poet’s passage into the otherness of history, her realization of her own prophetic calling, and her return with those gifts of poetic and prophetic language. With the poem’s concluding line, “Crumbled masonry windswept hickory” (S 38), the prophet’s and poet’s possession of knowledge is revealed; her warning of desolation sweeps around us.

    Notes

     

    1. See Allan Megill’s Prophets of Extremity: Nietzsche, Heidegger, Foucault, Derrida for discussions of Heidegger’s rhetoric of crisis and the prophetic element within his writings (128-36, 142-170). While constituting parallels between Howe and Heidegger, rhetorical formations such as the creation of a genealogy and the location of moments of crisis are more useful as general elements describing a prophetic poetic. It is Heidegger’s views on poetry that remain critically compelling and instructive for creating ways of reading, especially texts such as Howe’s. Nonetheless, Howe’s insistence upon the specificity of history–but not simply a reiteration of the given–distinguishes her poetics from Heidegger’s.

     

    2. Complementing Dickinson’s poetics and Howe’s reading of them are such statements as these by Stevens from Necessary Angels: “Poetry is a revelation in words by means of the words” (33), and “It is not only that the imagination adheres to reality, but, also, that reality adheres to the imagination and that the interdependence is essential” (33) and “The imagination loses vitality as it ceases to adhere to what is real” (6); from Opus Posthumous: “Poetry is a means of redemption” (189) and the “genius of poetry… is the spirit of visible and invisible change” (242-43) and poetry “makes itself manifest in a kind of speech that comes from secrecy. Its position is always an inner position, never certain, never fixed. It is to be found beneath the poet’s word and deep within the reader’s eye in those chambers in which the genius of poetry sits alone with her candle in a moving solitude” (243).

     

    3. See Max Oelschlaeger’s The Idea of Wilderness (New Haven: Yale UP, 1991), 85-89, for a discussion of the impact of Descartes’s work on the idea of nature.

    Works Cited

     

    • Bruns, Gerald. Heidegger’s Estrangements: Language, Truth and Poetry in the Later Writings. New Haven: Yale UP, 1989.
    • Heidegger, Martin. Discourse on Thinking. Trans. Anderson, John M. and E. Hans Freund. New York: Harper and Row, 1966.
    • —. Identity and Difference. Trans. Joan Stambaugh. New York: Harper and Row, 1969.
    • Howe, Susan. The Birth-mark: Unsettling the Wilderness in American Literary History. Hanover: Wesleyan UP, 1993. [Abbreviated in the text as B.]
    • —. My Emily Dickinson. Berkeley: North Atlantic, 1985. [Abbreviated in the text as MED.]
    • —. Singularities. Hanover: Wesleyan UP, 1990. [Abbreviated in the text as S.]
    • Lazer, Hank. Opposing Poetries, Volume Two: Readings. Evanston: Northwestern UP, 1996.
    • Long, Mark C. “Reading American Literature, Rethinking the Logic of Cultural Work.” Pacific Coast Philology 32.1 (1997): 87-104.
    • Megill, Allan. Prophets of Extremity: Nietzsche, Heidegger, Foucault, Derrida. Berkeley: California UP, 1985.
    • Nicholls, Peter. “Unsettling the Wilderness: Susan Howe and American History.” Contemporary Literature 37.4 (Winter 1996): 586-601.
    • Oelschlaeger, Max. The Idea of Wilderness. New Haven: Yale UP, 1991.
    • Perloff, Marjorie. Poetic License: Essays on Modernist and Postmodernist Lyric. Evanston: Northwestern UP, 1990.
    • Quartermain, Peter. Disjunctive Poetics: From Gertrude Stein and Louis Zukofsky to Susan Howe. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1992.
    • Reinfeld, Linda. Language Poetry: Writing as Rescue. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State UP, 1992.
    • Rich, Adrienne. On Lies, Secrets, and Silence: Selected Prose 1966-1978. New York: Norton, 1979.
    • Stevens, Wallace. The Necessary Angel: Essays on Reality and the Imagination. New York: Vintage, 1951.
    • —. Opus Posthumous: Poems, Plays, Prose. New York: Knopf, 1980.
    • Taggart, John. Songs of Degrees: Essays on Contemporary Poetry and Poetics. Tuscaloosa: Alabama UP, 1994.
    • Williams, Megan. “Howe Not to Erase(her): A Poetics of Posterity in Susan Howe’s Melville’s Marginalia.Contemporary Literature 38.1 (Spring 1997): 106-32.

     

  • Textual Indigence in the Archive

    Jed Rasula

    Department of English
    Queen’s University
    rasulaj@post.queensu.ca

     

    The adjective “encyclopedic” is equivocal: as an enticement to comprehensiveness and mastery, it is awkwardly shadowed by its Enlightenment provenance and tainted by its association with master narratives. Yet the sort of narratives associated with encyclopedism are the very ones most insistently cited for their burlesque heterogeneity; and, inclining to pastiche, this has made Gravity’s Rainbow seem paradigmatically postmodern. Our distance and our proximity to the thought of encyclopedic narrative is patently linked to the publication date of Pynchon’s novel. In 1976 Edward Mendelson published “Gravity’s Encyclopedia” (in the Pynchon festshcrift Mindful Pleasures) and “Encyclopedic Narrative: From Dante to Pynchon” (in MLN), establishing a cogent vocabulary and a rationale for viewing Gravity’s Rainbow as the latest in a line of singular narratives exceeding the bounds of the novel. Ronald Swigger had previously written “Fictional Encyclopedism and the Cognitive Value of Literature” (Comparative Literature Studies, 1975), citing Pynchon as example but concentrating on Flaubert, Broch, Borges, and Queneau. Hilary Clark’s doctoral study, published in 1990 as The Fictional Encyclopedia: Joyce, Pound, Sollers, was given concise theoretical recapitulation in “Encyclopedic Discourse” (SubStance, 1992). Despite its relevance to the prodigious debate occasioned by Lyotard’s critique of metanarratives, “encyclopedic narrative” (or “discourse”) has not been assimilated to studies in postmodernism. But the appearance of Underworld by Don DeLillo raises the spectre once again–if only by virtue of its thematic scope and sheer length–imposing itself on the postmodern because DeLillo’s work has been instrumental in weaning the novel away from the gambit of metafiction and, by doing so, staking a claim for a more patently contemporary postmodern fictional practice–one attuned to “waning of affect” (Jameson) and epistemological ungrounding, yet oddly sensitized to glimpses of the sublime.1Insofar as the sublime is an anti-representational concept, it appears antithetical to the encyclopedic impulse. But as I will elaborate here, encyclopedism is a more complex legacy than its proximity to the household Encyclopedia suggests; its archival propensity is subject to a paradoxically restorative disabling which I will call “indigence.”

     

    Mendelson’s portrait of encyclopedic narrative is descriptive rather than prescriptive, drawn from a select core of authors (Dante, Rabelais, Cervantes, Goethe, Melville, Joyce, Pynchon). Indexing features common to these writers, Mendelson contends that the encyclopedic narrative offers a robust depiction of the knowledge and beliefs of a national culture, while at the same time exposing its underlying ideological orientation, thereby providing a tacit theory of social organization. In this endeavor such narratives assume a polyglot dimension, since their ideological analysis is contingent on a broad understanding of linguistic variety (being polyphonic, as Bakhtin would say), and they assimilate various generic protocols as a way of integrating linguistic perspectivism into their structures. Encyclopedic narrative is therefore formally indeterminate, exemplifying the double function of prophecy and narrative and thereby tending towards an epic dimension–a dimension marked by gigantism. Its prophetic and satirical enterprise is at once intrinsic and extrinsic to the society depicted, so Mendelson indicates that encyclopedic narrative is set near the immediate present but not in it (Pynchon’s 1973 novel takes place during World War Two, Underworld traverses the 1950s and early ’60s, with stroboscopic bursts of the ’90s); but such works display a temporal elasticity commensurate with their formal indeterminacy. Finally, in what might seem the most specific and thus most exclusive feature of the encyclopedic narrative, Mendelson claims that it offers a full account of at least one technology or science.2

     

    Where Mendelson’s approach is content-oriented, Hilary Clark’s anatomy of “encyclopedic discourse” is formalist and cognitive. With “unreadability” as its signature trait, such discourse is made evident in its compulsiveness, its impetuous desire, and its adoption of encyclopedic material as a pretext for philosophical speculation. Encyclopedic discourse is self-defeating, in Clark’s view, because its investigative energy is finally directed at its own premises and its own performance, and these are necessarily found wanting: “any text (fictional or not) that we would call encyclopedic must speculate on its own discursive processes of discovery and arrangement and on the limitations of these processes” (Clark 105).3 Ronald Swigger characterizes the resulting stance of the encyclopedist: “Impatience for cognition, for perception, is qualified in our modern and ‘postmodern’ literatures by various reservations: skepticism, aestheticism, and various sorts of irony” (352). Swigger equivocates, however, by refering this cognitive thirst for comprehensiveness to “literature as such”–an attribution which renders encyclopedism inconsequential, or else disqualifies as “literature” all but the most ambitious instances. Nevertheless, Swigger’s “impatience for cognition” corroborates Clark’s emphasis on the psychotropic profile of the encyclopedic compulsion; that is, the encyclopedic, disclosed as compulsion, is detached from objective conditions and made available to the more plastic measures of dream and desire. Underworld, for example, does not conform to Mendelson’s requirement for the comprehensive depiction of a science; but Underworld is an encyclopedia of mannerisms and gestures, a commodious vision of the mid-century American habitus, a panorama of inchoate desires.

     

    What Underworld makes instructive for the legacy of encyclopedic narrative is not a database but the glimpse it affords of stasis, its mid-century America trapped in paralytic arrest–or is it hibernation? Mendelson’s avatars are conspicuously associated with pilgrimage, which endows Joyce’s Dublin or Pynchon’s Europe with a sense of topological adventure. DeLillo’s work summons a geographical expanse too, but only to render it claustrophobic (Clara Sax’s fleet of deactivated military aircraft being converted to art in the desert; Matt Shay’s relationship falling apart during a car trip, paradigmatic site of the open road; Lenny Bruce’s nightclub tour resolved into crammed venues, objective correlatives of the manic congestion of his performance rants; and even Bobby Thompson’s homerun baseball, passing from hand to hand, turns out to be a mockery of mobility, dissolving in simulacra–its pedigree being open to question–and sequestered in private collections of memorabilia). Underworld immerses us in cold war tensions between encyclopedism as cultural ambition and the fear of knowing too much–a subject DeLillo previously rehearsed in The Names, White Noise, Libra, and Mao II. The model of mobility was gradually adapted in the cold war to the command-control operation, in which omniscience belongs not to those out in the field but to those in the bunkers underground, scanning screens and radar blips and databases. DeLillo’s unique contribution is to help us see the extent to which the posture of immobility and confinement, having been associated with the omniscience of global warning systems for decades now, has itself become conflated with knowledge. DeLillo’s work discloses the impasse between information and understanding, between data and human sense. But, importantly, DeLillo resists the judgement that this impasse signifies a breakdown. Rather, he surveys a world in which the specifically human dimension that arises out of cognitive craving and encyclopedic resources is a profligate unproductivity; he is intent on discerning freedom and mobility outside those familiar (and thoroughly commodified) American icons, the open road and the rocket capsule.4 The claustrophobic paralysis of Underworld reminds us that, for all its oceanic voyaging, Moby-Dick is set on the confines of a ship. Confinement can itself resonate with encyclopedic pressures: this is what gives Beckett’s work its apocalyptic aura, and it’s what is rendered more patently encyclopedic in the archival sense in Thomas Mann’s The Magic Mountain, set in a tuberculosis clinic. Mental ubiquity and intellectual restlessness, it seems, are symptomatic of blockage rather than liberation, paralysis rather than mobility.

     

    Although vague to begin with, and rendered hopelessly flacid by an ubiquity of citations, with modest foreshortening the term “postmodern” consistently evokes a certain mobility–speed and transitivity, symptomatized by channel surfing, jump-cuts, and hypertext modes of information linkage. Speed, of course, cannot be consigned exclusively to the postmodern, associated as it is with Marinetti’s manifesto of Futurism (1909) in which he celebrated a world enriched by “a new beauty… the beauty of speed” (Selected Writings 41). “Futurism is grounded in the complete renewal of human sensibility brought about by the great discoveries of science,” Marinetti wrote in 1913. “Those people who today make use of the telegraph, the telephone, the phonograph, the train, the bicycle, the motorcycle, the automobile, the ocean liner, the dirigible, the aeroplane, the cinema, the great newspaper (synthesis of a day in the world’s life) do not realize that these various means of communication, transportation and information have a decisive influence on their psyches” (Futurist Manifestos 96). Behind Futurist hyperbole was an accurate assessment of communication technologies in the era of mass media and hyperkinetic transport.

     

    The transportation revolution that has had such a conspicuous impact on the public sphere in the past two centuries has been accompanied by a corresponding acceleration of sapience. Arnold Gehlen ventures a plausible supposition that “the modern psyche develops at the same time as the science of it and as the art which mirrors it ” (81-82).5 Insofar as we associate modernity and speed, Gehlen’s triangular configuration speaks to a prolonged mutation in which the singularities of the present are obscured unless we submit them to a broader historical dialectic. To do so would mean, for example, overcoming the stereotypical association of Nathaniel Hawthorne with what was, even for him, an antiquarian interest in Puritanism, discerning in his work symptoms of Gehlen’s “modern psyche” in the vitro of industrial adaptation. In that light, Hawthorne’s story “Mr. Higginbotham’s Catastrophe” (1834) is prescient in its fanciful illustration that information outpaces fact, that in the feedback loop of signal/response a reversal of flow is possible–the response anticipating the signal which it then precipitates by virtue of impetuous expectancy. It also suggests a correlation between information and speed, an ominous complicity famously realized in Gravity’s Rainbow. When Pynchon gruffly concedes, late in the novel, “You will want cause and effect. All right” (663), we find ourselves confronted with Higginbotham’s catastrophe: that is to say, the traditional expository order of narrative is revealed as a regressive model of mental calculation. In fact, the real challenge of speed in modes of transport was always mental, not physical. The ultimate exhilaration of speed is psychic displacement, simulated ubiquity–not being everywhere, but knowing everything, as is now ineluctably demonstrated by the pervasive array of monitors (video games, personal computers, television) which combine sedentariness with speed.

     

    My concern in what follows is to investigate, by way of a reading of Moby-Dick and The Magic Mountain, the fate of this aspiration to know all, particularly as instantiated in the practical medium of print. The modern enthrallment with speed is a nascent stipulation of communication technologies, and these technologies are modeled on, and answerable to, the cross-referencing mobility pioneered in the Enlightenment encyclopedia. In these novels by Melville and Mann we find that beneath the utopian fantasy of total data transfer–a dream of unambiguous signals and noise-free channels–there is a different dimension, one that I call indigence. My choice of the term will be elaborated later; but for the moment I offer a preview by way of Italo Calvino. In the second of his six Memos for the Next Millennium, “Quickness,” Calvino writes: “In an age when other fantastically speedy, widespread media are triumphing, and running the risk of flattening all communication into a single, homogeneous surface, the function of literature is communication between things that are different simply because they are different, not blunting but even sharpening the differences between them, following the true bent of written language” (45). Sharpening differences: with this exhortation Calvino joins Maurice Blanchot, who commends the encyclopedic enterprise precisely insofar as it permits us “to know… in such a way that it renders us somewhat other in relation to ourselves” (51).

     

    Encylopedic Narrative and the Legacy of Wallowing

     

    The Encyclopédie pioneered by Diderot and D’Alembert remains the most famous and influential of encylopedic projects. Despite the contributions of Rousseau, Voltaire, the editors themselves, and a legion of notable peers, a conspicuous feature of the encyclopedic enterprise is that of a comprehensive book that writes itself out from under the coercion of authority and, by implication, releases itself from the charmed circle of authorship. The encyclopedia, then, is the “text” that dispels onerous authorizations of the “work” in Roland Barthes’s sense.6 But what are the guiding principles of such a text? It is evident that somebody, or some editorial board, is responsible for selecting the topics to be covered and somebody writes them. They are not spontaneously self-generating incarnations of a higher knowledge. By the same token, the “great books” are not self-selecting, despite Robert Hutchins’s contention that “there never was very much doubt in anybody’s mind about which the masterpieces were” (xi), so the Great Books were “almost self-selected” (xx).7 Mortimer Adler’s Great Books of the Western World were adopted by committee, and may be said to have followed Enlightenment precedent by according a role to scientific as well as literary titles. The famous Syntopicon, a two-volume conceptual index to the fifty-eight volumes (of the second edition) of the Great Books, also conforms in an interesting way to the norms of scientific culture: it is numerically valorized and statistically directed. The Syntopicon charts 2,987 topics, recording 163,000 references to passages in the Great Books. “The five most discussed ideas are GOD, KNOWLEDGE, MAN, STATE, and LOVE, in that order” (there are 102 “ideas” in all, from ANGEL to WORLD). Moreover, these great ideas are validated as statistical dominants: “We can assume,” says Adler, “that the amount of space devoted to the discussion of an idea gives an approximate measure of how much thought has been bestowed on it” (Great Ideas 129).8 By what measure, however, may one of these ideas be regarded as under discussion in Moby-Dick (in volume 48) or, for that matter, in works by Sophocles, Rabelais, Cervantes, or Ibsen (among other authors of Great Books)? What is the fate of an idea when it is encased in and elaborated by satire, tragedy, saga, picaresque, drama, lyric?

     

    The presumption of a “Great Conversation”–envisioned not only by Adler but by his cohort Robert Hutchins–proved to be seductive, at least as a marketing strategy.9 It has proven even more pervasive, culturally, as a tacit paradigm for the obscure and nearly inscrutable interplay of author and culture, text and context, which was addressed by T.S. Eliot in “Tradition and the Individual Talent” and, more flamboyantly, by Harold Bloom in The Anxiety of Influence (or more openly configured as a cultural context in The Western Canon). To think of the “agon” of writerly self-assertion as a “conversation” may be accurate, but the convivial nature of Adler’s term obscures darker forces at work; it is almost too obvious to bear repeating to say that “conversation” is all too often a verbal exchange between participants who are unequally endowed, prepared, or situated. The same is true of “discussion.” Much is “discussed” in Moby-Dick, to be sure, but on what ground? When the narrator identifies the right whale as a Stoic and the sperm whale as a “Platonian” (443), on what basis is a discussion convened? That Melville sports with the austere topics of philosophical debate is evident to any reader of Moby-Dick, yet its inclusion in the Great Books tacitly dignifies its improprieties (generic, conceptual, strategic) by suggesting some “contribution” to the discussion. From the Great Books perspective, Melville’s place at the table is ensured not by virtue of his prodigious cetological lore, but because he compares one whale to Locke and another to Plato (his irreverence being construed as stylistic exuberance). But what if whales really are the vital matter in Melville’s textual leviathan, and the philosophical materials no more than arabesques?

     

    The assumption behind the Great Books paradigm is one which has elsewhere been defined as the “archive”: “the collectively imagined junction of all that was known or knowable, a fantastic representation of an epistemological master pattern” (Richards 11).10 Interestingly, the terms themselves suggest the problem: the master pattern is subject to the epistemological vicissitudes of its creaturely ordainer, whose representations of the “known or knowable” will indeed make use of the fantastic. (In Régis Debray’s concise definition, culture is “an incessantly renegotiated interaction between our values and our tools” [117].) Where there is method there is madness; though this does not necessarily mean aberrance, but rather a guiding and inspiring mania, a divine prompting, an enigmatic surplus which at once provokes, secures, and makes manic the dream of total knowledge. The archive predisposes value as preservation (and in the same gesture, it might be argued, disposes of use as value), and archival preservation in its purest form is inertia (the documents that are never handled last the longest). Rhetorical and performative orders arise and dissipate; but their interregnum, however stately and composed, is always accompanied by the entropic undertow of the archive. The mass resists the method: the bulk of available material impedes the convened strategies of mobility. Plenitude leads to intransigence, to wandering in circles or meandering without purpose.

     

    As programmatically addressed in the Prospectus to the Encyclopédie, “The tree of human knowledge could be formed in several ways, either by relating different knowledge to the diverse faculties of our mind or by relating it to the things that it has as its object. The difficulty was greatest where it involved the most arbitrariness. But how could there not be arbitrariness? Nature presents us only with particular things, infinite in number and without firmly established divisions. Everything shades off into everything else by imperceptible nuances” (qtd. in Darnton 195).11 The arbitrariness that concerns the editors is conceptual–concerning a final indeterminacy of nomenclature, of classification, or cognizance–but by a seemingly unrelated practical decision the arbitrary is instantiated as the governing principle of the Encyclopédie itself, in its alphabetic arrangement of topics. “C’est l’ordre alphabétique contre l’ordre divin,” writes Meschonnic (21). In the empirical universe of experimental science and technology sanctioned by the Encyclopédie, the sacred paradigm of the tree of knowledge is scrapped (retained only as a rhetorical topos, as in the passage cited above), and the resulting heap of data occupies a paradoxical condition: the subordination of knowledge to the categorical formatting of information renders knowledge strategically robust but conceptually ungrounded. “Information is knowledge fractured into bits and pieces that can be moved around easily but never really assembled successfully into an integrated whole,” writes Thomas Richards (76). By the 19th century, the modern dispensation of arts and sciences was rapidly being consolidated within a circle of learning convened by Enlightenment encyclopedism. The winnowing out of “divine learning”–which had still been a feature of Francis Bacon’s encyclopedic program–was a decisive step, escalated by Diderot and D’Alembert into a revolutionary principle.

     

    The encyclopedic impulse is not to be accredited strictly to Enlightenment rationality. Even within the Encyclopédie itself there are conflicting aspirations, as the phantasm of “order” testifies to an underlying tension between technique and desire; between a positivist exposition of the emergent order of secular wisdom and a program of provisional confrontations with historical exigency; between strategies of accumulation and tactics of provocation. The iconoclastic intensity of the Encyclopédie was prefigured and inspired by Pierre Bayle’s idiosyncratic Dictionnaire historique et critique, a work of singular importance for Melville and a reminder that Moby-Dick anatomizes not only the bodies of whales but the ideological dispositions of men. Like Bayle’s Dictionary, the audacious labor of the Encyclopédie consists of a series of treatises and provocations. The Encyclopedia as envisioned by Diderot was a gesture of textual insubordination, an act of defiance against the authority of scripture, as was Voltaire’s (anonymously published) Dictionnaire philosophique, which appeared and was widely denounced by clerics in 1764, midway through the publication of the Encyclopédie (1751-1772).12

     

    Wilda Anderson summarizes Diderot’s encyclopedic dream as an “operational poetics” (257). The mark of progress associated with the encyclopedia, she suggests, “comes not from accumulating content but from provoking an act of thinking” (100). Distinguishing the “d’Alembertian Reader” from the “Diderotian Reader,” Anderson characterizes the latter as moving in the “direction of increasing virtue (philosophical intelligence)” while the former’s emphasis on accumulation of knowledge is merely “erudite stupidity” (107). The truly progressive function of the encyclopedia, then, is twofold: to introduce order and recompose it through an active engagement with disorder.13 It is as a proponent of poetic resourcefulness that Voltaire and Diderot hail as heirs of their encyclopedic impulses not the functionalist cultural bureaucrats of the ordered secular state, but those polyglot nomads like Ezra Pound, or Tyrone Slothrop in Gravity’s Rainbow, and the insolent encyclopedism on display in Bataille’s Dictionnaire critique (in Documents, 1929-30), the anonymous Da Costa Encyclopédique (1947), and Dale Pendell’s Pharmako/Poeia.14 The dual legacy of Enlightenment encyclopedism persists inasmuch as we remain polarized between accumulation (d’Alembert) and provocation (Diderot); between the allure of “master narratives” (with Lyotard’s diagnosis of their serving as one more instance of their survival) and the countermotions of dissemination.15

     

    A concomitant feature of the Encyclopedia as text is its arrangement of parts, its convening of a space made enticing by the prospect of increased fluidity. Such a prospect, of course, appeals as readily to the poet as to the statistician, albeit in different ways and for different ends. The modern (post-Enlightenment) encyclopedic activity has increasingly made its impact in the culture at large, outside the strict ordination of topics within the confines of a publication. Division of labor, cross-reference documentation, and centralization of data in major resources and institutions are the key characteristics of encyclopedic culture; together, they ensure mobility within a given field, a mobility contingent on conceptual consistency and standardization of aims. Cross-referencing is a technical device facilitating ease of movement; but such mobility obscures the aleatory dimension of non-hierarchical traversals of data. The efficiency of the archival web of encyclopedism readily leads to a complacent mirage of power and control, vividly depicted in Moby-Dick in “The Mat-Maker,” when the sailors grow lethargic in their mechanical expertise. In an analogy, Melville speaks of a weaver god, deafened by the sound of the weaving, who can’t hear the workers’ words “inaudible among the flying spindles”; but outside the factory windows they are audible, “so, in all this din of the great world’s loom, thy subtlest thinkings may be overheard afar.” Melville’s parable suggests the necessity of an outlet, a vent through which the sound of labor, and the undertone of dissent, can be transmitted and made audible.

     

    Melville revisits the infernal factory in “The Tartarus of Maids,” this time a paper mill, in which the narrator is moved by the sight of the blank paper to reflect on John Locke’s tabula rasa, as well as the “unbudging fatality,” the “metallic necessity,” with which the multitude of blank sheets are forced through the presses. The attendant maidens are as pale as the paper: “there, passing in slow procession along the wheeling cylinders, I seemed to see, glued to the pallid incipience of the pulp, the yet more pallid faces of all the pallid girls… their agony dimly outlined on the imperfect paper, like the print of the tormented face on the handkerchief of Saint Veronica” (284-285). Melville’s conflation of blank faces and blank pages with the miraculous imprint of the saint suggests that, by some preternatural twist, blankness is not given, as Locke would have it, but marks the spot of an effacement. At present, the microchips powering our massive computational technoculture are produced overseas, by a largely female underclass, another “tartarus of maids” in which the only difference from Melville’s tale is that the spectral apparition of the saint would appear now not in the form of a face on a blank page but as a face in a hologram. Beneath the utopian fantasy of total data transfer–a dream of unambiguous signals and noise-free channels–we find this occluded dimension, one that I call indigence, manifest in the narrative deployments of Moby-Dick.

     

    Melville’s factory scenes from Moby-Dick and “The Tartarus of Maids” resonate with an Enlightenment prelude. The effaced wage-slaves of the 19th century factory were a populace formerly consigned to the underclass category of indigence. In the revolutionary project of the Encyclopédie, the entry on Indigence ridicules the complacent presumption that social stratification is a measure of innate worth. “Indigent: a man who lacks the necessities of life in the midst of his fellow men who are enjoying, with offensive luxury, all the possible superfluities.” So contrary to nature is this state of affairs, according to the author of the article, that while “[a] vicious person is invited out, we shrink from the indigent” (40). To put this in perspective, it needs to be recalled that Diderot’s encyclopedic project scrupulously dignified technical manual labor: the whole enterprise can be read as a How-To Manual for tradespeople as well as an emancipation of reason from an (institutionally perpetuated) inheritance of superstition. Of course, the philosophes failed to foresee the rise of monopoly capital with industrial technology, which ensured that the indigents of the ancien regime would remain indigent ancillaries to the industrial revolution. The emergent social portrait is far more complex, of course, but what I want to establish here is a link between encyclopedia and indigence, specifically as narrative strategy. On a representational level the indigents appear in Moby-Dick as the indigenous figures Tashtego and Queequeg. On a structural plane, however, it is the bipolarity of Ahab and Ishmael that affords access to a narrative register of indigence.

     

    The 19th century whaling ship was among the most advanced technological production units of its time; and it has been common to recognize Ahab as a captain of industry. Ahab is a “hot old man” Stubb finds; “eyes like powder-pans” (223). Ahab accuses Stubb of treating him like a cannonball (222). The captain of another ship surmises that Ahab’s blood is “at the boiling point!–his pulse makes these planks beat!” (553). Ishmael observes “his eyes glowing like coals” (650). Ahab is an explosive force, and Stubb’s prognosis of him as a cannonball proves accurate. Michel Serres provides an instructive perspective on the source of Ahab’s explosiveness. The body, he says, “is not plunged into a single space, but into the difficult intersection” of multiple spaces, and “whoever is unsuccessful in this undertaking… explodes from the disconnection of spaces” (44). This is not to ascribe Ahab’s agony to the overcommitments of modern corporate man, but to recognize the multitude of striations that mark and disfigure him–not only the lost leg, but the seam that runs the length of his body, as if he were in his essence a geophysical fissure that is sealed only momentarily, and like the Vesuvius in which Ishmael would dip his condor quill, Ahab is ready to blow.

     

    Ahab’s seam is a crease marking the traversal of information technologies absorbed into the composition of Moby-Dick, and in its typological specificity it can be read as the mark of Pierre Bayle. Melville purchased Bayle’s Dictionnaire historique et critique (1696) in 1849. The book provided him not only with a compendium of resources on the thought of antiquity but also a way of rehearsing that legacy, in the spirit of Calvinism, as dualistic calamity–the religious inheritance of both Bayle and Melville. Through Bayle, Melville invents Ahab as Zoroaster, the fire-worshipping God of the Parsees and survivor of a lightning bolt.16 As a transposition of Bayle’s signature to Melville’s, Ahab is not simply the tragic hero of the tale but a trace-element of the mobile, cross-referencing encyclopedic resources at his author’s command. He is an insignia of Melville’s compositional procedure. As Millicent Bell indicates, Melville’s borrowings from Bayle are often very close, and would count as plagiarism had they been contemporaries. This is not a reproach to Melville, but evidence of encyclopedic culture in which cribbing is necessarily endemic. In the same spirit Thoreau closely followed Charles Kraitsir’s Significance of the Alphabet (1846) in his celebrated alphabetic reverie on the railway embankment in the “Spring” chapter of Walden.17 Likewise, Ezra Pound continues and amplifies the practice in The Cantos, explicitly incorporating an Enlightenment archive from John Adams and from Père de Moyriac de Mailla’s Histoire générale de la Chine (1777-1783). Ahab, then, marks a complicitious network of resources which archivally predispose narrative potential, and he is himself the composite figure of competing information regimes.

     

    Confronting the horizon of possibilities, Ahab’s is a posture of defiance. His hubristic ambition is an assault on the whale not as mammal but as god, enigmatic prototype of an “antemosaic, unsourced existence… which, having been before all time, must needs exist after all humane ages are over” (569). Father Mapple closes his sermon with the prescient question, “what is man that he should live out the lifetime of his God?” (143). Ahab’s impertinence consists in his determination to outlive his god, to exceed his earthly portion–compensating the insult of archival pre-inscription by outliving the nemesis that defines him. Ruminating on Vishnu as world-creator, Melville suggests that the Vedas pre-existed the creation as an archive of possibilities: “these Vedas were lying at the bottom of the waters; so Vishnoo became incarnate in a whale, and sounding down in him to the uttermost depths, rescued the sacred volumes” (472). The term “volumes” freely mingles text with water and with whale. The pun is later revisited by Ahab, who curses the “mortal inter-indebtedness which will not do away with ledgers. I would be free as air; and I’m down in the world’s books” (583). Ahab is “down” in the world’s books in several senses: hemmed in by contractual obligations (the surface meaning of his remark); but also sunken or mired in complicity, drawing on the demonic resources of his shadowy Parsees to mobilize the crew as agents in his own vengeance (this would be the allegorical reading of being down in the books). Ahab is typologically down in the world’s books as Prometheus, as Lear, and as Faust.

     

    The deadly unilateral force of Ahab is not to be associated with encyclopedism, despite his Faustian aspirations. He does not demand total knowledge, but impossible knowledge, like the knowledge of metaphysical shadows and phantom sensations. The alertness and vigilance of Ahab is at odds with the incumbency of the archive. But a distinction is needed between the archive and the encyclopedia. In The Archaeology of Knowledge Foucault anachronistically imposes on the old regime of print media the switching capacity of modern electronic communications. The intransigence of the old archive took centuries and repeated attempts to dispell, as the cross-referencing practices of Pierre Bayle, Ephraim Chambers, and Diderot eventually succeeded in undermining the heavy archival mass of “sacred learning,” or institutionalized superstition as the philosophes saw it. Foucault imagines the archive as a propulsive force, like an explosion which necessarily displaces everything, introducing a new configuration by detonating the old. “It establishes that we are difference, that our reason is the difference of discourses, our history the difference of times, our selves the difference of masks. That difference, far from being the forgotten and recovered origin, is this dispersion that we are and make” (131). Foucault is describing the inexorable dispersal of temporality, the unbidden fatal archivist. When the inexorable is summoned into the scope of human affairs by an Ahab it takes the form of speed and realizes intensity as explosiveness.

     

    Currently, the Internet reanimates our dreams of instantaneous telepresence, as this latest archival medium presumes to abolish the lag time that has hitherto been the atavistic impediment clinging to every technological innovation–a dream testifying to what Paul Virilio calls a “dromocratic revolution” in systems efficiency, in which we pass “from freedom of movement to tyranny of movement” (Virilio and Lotringer 70).18 The greater the subordination of components in a system, the more rapid the transit within it. But this coordination of resources also makes rapid transit compulsory. In the information pilgrimage, the marked link makes a repeatable path, and repetition smooths the way for enhanced speed. (Film and television serialization operates by means of such links, which help mobilize salient characteristics–stars, jingles, mannerisms, merchandise–into broader cultural orbits.) Mobility within the book is as crucial as geographical mobility outside it, and the book comes to mirror the world–no longer in the image of cosmic harmony, but as grand central station of rapid transit, with the figure of the earth itself consigned by NASA photos to its subordinate role as home base and launching pad.

     

    In the old pedestrian topography, the wandering scholar is forced to soak in the world and its contingent apparitions as the condition accompanying access to the book. But what might otherwise seem a nuisance is given a different texture when we recall the consistency with which medieval culture epitomized the world itself as a book, “in which the pages are turned with our feet” as Paracelsus put it (qtd. in Curtius 322).19 The peril attendant on digitized telepresence is that the uniform encoding of data obliterates the tactile agency of the pilgrimage. The book of the world is no longer commensurate with the world of the (computerized) book. There is, however, a residual manner in which a phantom materiality lingers on, and this is traceable by way of the cross-referencing and multiple-coding options of the Encyclopedia. The obstacle that emerges with a plenitude of cross-referencing is one of surfeit: the enhancement of cognitive speed confronts the increased magnitude of material to which its rapid conceptual transit has access. This forces the recognition that the archive is latent in matter as such: material forms always bear the imprint of an ancestral script. Footprints and fossils, for example, contribute to a venatic drama of pansemiosis in which everything signifies simply by being in contact with matter, leaving its trace in a passive cascade of imprints, like the pallid faces of the Tartarean maids on the paper they produce. Ahab is a scholar of the whale’s traces, seizing on its moments of breeching as nothing less than apocalyptic transfigurations in the fabric of matter itself. For all that the whale is associated with force and speed, however, we need to disassociate it from Ahab’s messianic explosiveness, for these qualities do not represent the whale in its natural state but as preyed upon by humans. In his Etymology Melville construes whale from “wallen“–“roll” and “wallow” (75). A contemporaneous etymological fantasia attributes the derivation of all mental acts “from Material objects,” so thoughts are thereby “attached to the Agitation of the Earth”: “‘To Revolve things in the mind’ [is] connected with Wallowing in the mire” (Whiter 129). Wallowing is an image of felicitous habitation, being at home in the world, enjoying “the pleasures of merely circulating” (to quote Wallace Stevens).

     

    As narrator, Ishmael is inclined to wallow, adapting his resources to the character of his subject. He is unflappably aware that we are all “down in the world’s books,” but rather than finding this an outrage he takes it as a compositional principle. Ishmael’s affirmation parallels his author’s, of course, and we hear them echoing one another in Ishmael’s query about the enigma of archival semiosis: “The subterranean miner that works in us all, how can one tell whither leads his shaft by the ever shifting, muffled sound of his pick? Who does not feel the irresistible arm drag?” (286). In the figure of Ishmael, Melville invents encyclopedic indigence. Ishmael is sanctioned to tell the tale not by superior wisdom but simply because he survived (“orphan” is the last word in Moby-Dick [687]). He is an indigent, a naïf like Hans Castorp in The Magic Mountain, and his encyclopedism is instructively gratuitous. What we find in Moby-Dick is a circumspection with respect to the tyrannous mobility of encyclopedic culture. The tactical narrative expedient is one of delay, meander, filibuster–like a work stoppage, or a blockade of auto routes. Ishmael’s narrative detours are compendious not from bombast but as an understated (if overdone) way of deferring the chase. Cut to the chase we say, urging the action on to its bloody finality. Ishmael’s is a pacifist narration which demonstrates in its own terms the constancy of a bloodbath in the natural cycle of predation, illuminating the futility with which the cycle is recast in manichean metaphysics by Ahab. Maximizing the tension between documentation and storytelling, Ishmael’s narrative rhythms articulate a rhapsodic seismography erupting along fault lines of the archival grid. Its encyclopedism is dedicated to a whimsy no less caustic and devastating than that of Flaubert’s hapless Bouvard and Pecuchet, while at the same time disclosing that myth is the original encyclopedic fund or fundament.20 The elusive chimera of the white whale attests to an archaic cosmos generative of archival magnitudes indifferent to the human archive–a circle, like the ouroboros, which is not contingent on the paradigmatic boundaries, and the self-absorbed constraints, of human learning.

     

    The circle commands the entire scope of cosmological activity, from chaos to terrestrial paradise; and as a geometric figure, the circle accommodates these extremes by its ability to expand and contract. Melville is assiduous in complying with Emerson’s dictum on “Circles.” “The eye is the first circle; the horizon which it forms is the second; and throughout nature this primary figure is repeated without end.” When Queequeg is sick and preparing for his death he wastes away “till there seemed but little left of him but his frame and tattooing.” But “his eyes, nevertheless, seemed growing fuller and fuller…. And, like circles on the water, which, as they grow fainter, expand, so his eyes seemed rounding and rounding, like the rings of Eternity” (588). As the school of whales gathers in “The Grand Armada” the Pequod is surrounded by leviathans, and Ishmael discovers a preternatural calm at the eye of the latent storm:

     

    though surrounded by circle upon circle of consternations and affrights, did these inscrutable creatures at the centre freely and fearlessly indulge in all peaceful concernments; yea, serenely revelled in dalliance and delight. But even so, amid the tornadoed Atlantic of my being, do I myself still for ever centrally disport in mute calm; and while ponderous planets of unwaning woe revolve round me, deep down and deep inland there I still bathe me in eternal mildness of joy. (498)

     

    There is a final element in this non-vicious circularity in Moby-Dick which reminds us that “encyclopedia” means, in its Greek components, circle of learning–and which Pound adapted from Frobenius as “the tangle or complex of the inrooted ideas of any period” (57).21 Ishmael, expounding upon the magisterial dimensions of his subject (“when Leviathan is the text” [566]), admits to being swollen with purpose:

     

    Unconsciously my chirography expands into placard capitals. Give me a condor's quill! Give me Vesuvius' crater for an inkstand! Friends, hold my arms! For in the mere act of penning my thoughts of this Leviathan, they weary me, and make me faint with their outreaching comprehensiveness of sweep, as if to include the whole circle of the sciences.... Such, and so magnifying, is the virtue of a large and liberal theme! We expand to its bulk. To produce a mighty book, you must choose a mighty theme. (566-7)

     

    This organic expansion is narrative mimicry of the whale’s inbreathed volume of air flamboyantly released in a shower of spray when the whale breaches. The lampooning, speculative, and data-saturated asides that add so much bulk to Moby-Dick are nothing less than Ishmael’s breachings.

     

    The affiliation of narrative venture with animal respiration indicates that Moby-Dick is not strictly an encyclopedic narrative: its somatic topology (in which leviathans are anatomized as The Folio Whale, the Octavo Whale, and the Duodecimo Whale [231]) is a covert nod to the predecessor of the modern encyclopedia: the Renaissance anatomy. Burton’s Anatomy of Melancholy parses its topic in such detail that a diagrammatic recapitulation runs to ten pages of fine print, with major headings given signs of the zodiac as emblems. The idea that a partitioned world needs to have guardians or patrons of its partitions goes back to the Middle Ages, and manifests as late as the 14th century in Domenico Bandini’s gigantic encyclopedia, Fons memorabilium universi, arranged in five parts in honor of Christ’s wounds (Collison 70). There is also a rich foreground of encyclopedism in the combinatorial diagrams of Ramon Llull, Juan de Celaya, Juan Caramuel de Lobkowitz, Athanasius Kircher, and Francis Bacon. What is instructive in the trajectory from medieval combinatorial wheels to enlightenment encyclopedia is a drama of expository mobility, a mobility that begins to impinge on the episodic character of the romance, injecting into the nascent genre of the novel a synoptic respiration. It is an itinerary that will culminate in Joyce’s Ulysses, with its diagrammatic scheduling of hours with motifs, organs, arts, symbols, and narrative techniques, its leitmotifs so sedulously reverberated in its own archival residue that repeated reading finds the whole text recapitulated on every page. (Almost: since Joyce doesn’t actually attempt this until inventing a language–a vehicle–for it with Finnegans Wake.)

     

    As a narrative that sides with animal life, wallowing in its archival resources, Moby-Dick offers a distinctive response to the problematic legacy of the encyclopedic archive. Its epistemological lesson is that a surface rationalism conceals an atavistic endowment which is at once a “pre-rational” or mythic threat as well as a repository of creative energy–the very energy that is required in order to compose the work. So it convenes its circle of learning like the momentary apparition of circles on the surface of a pond, expanding and dissolving at once, its sapience at one with the agent of its recognition, forced to reckon with agency as the orphan of whatever will have occurred. Moby-Dick also demonstrates that truth does not remain unblemished by being immersed in the volatile medium of actual human agents–a point amply and equally evident in Thomas Mann’s encyclopedic novel Der Zauberberg (The Magic Mountain).

     

    The adventures of Moby-Dick constitute Ishmael’s education, just as Melville said of his own whaling experience that it was his Harvard and Yale. Likewise, The Magic Mountain rehearses its author’s humanistic training in the comparably remote setting of a tuberculosis clinic in the Alps. Hans Castorp’s experience in the clinic is a model paideia, a scene of instruction in which he is exposed to humanism in the figure of Settembrini, spiritual messianism in the Jesuit Naphta, medical science in the clinic’s director Behrens, experimental science in Krokowski’s lectures, and Dionysian joie de vivre in Claudia Chauchat and Peeperkorn. In contrast to the unilateral program of Settembrini’s encyclopedism, Hans Castorp forms a non-cumulative relation to the learning to which he is exposed. What he retains, and rehearses, is the model of the circle rather than the learning (the enkyklos not the paideia of “encyclopædia”). “In both space and time, as we learn from the laws of periodicity and the conservation of mass,” Castorp says, all motion is circular (376) [Alle Bewegung ist aber kreisförming… Im Raume und in der Zeit, das lehren von der Erhaltung der Masse und von der Periodizität (536)].22 He comes to this understanding through the precession of the zodiac, which rehearses what he calls “the practical joke of the circle, of eternity that has no permanent direction, but in which everything keeps coming back” [der Eulenspiegelei des Kreises und der Ewigkeit ohne Richtungsdauer, in der alles wiederkehr (521)].

     

    It’s as if we’re being led around by the nose, in a circle, always lured on by the promise of something that is just another turning point–a turning point in a circle. For a circle consists of nothing but elastic turning points, and so its curvature is immeasurable, with no steady, definite direction, and so eternity is not “straight ahead, straight ahead,” but rather “merry-go-round.” (365)

     

    [Man wird ja an der Nase herumgezogen, im Kreis herumgelockt mit der Aussicht auf etwas, was schon wieder Wendepunkt ist... Wendepunkt im Kreise. Denn das sind lauter ausdehnungslose Wendepunkte, woraus der Kreis besteht, die Biegung ist unmeßbar, es gift keine Richtungsdauer, und die Ewigkeit ist nicht «geradeaus, geradeaus», sondern «Karussell, Karussell». (520-521)]

     

    Late in the book Hans Castorp calms a neurotic patient by speaking with “serene religiosity” of these elastic turning points and of “the mirthful melancholy of eternity” (622) [gelassener Religiosität… der übermütigen Melancholie, die in der ohne Richtungsdauer in sich selber laufenden Ewigkeit liege (887)]. The circle is not a panacea, however, as Castorp comes to recognize the viability of deviation and noncompliance with the revolving order of things. In the blizzard he wanders in a vast circle in a vain attempt to escape, and subsequently sees in circularity something “natural and impersonal and beyond all individual conscious effort, much as the temptation to wander in circles overcomes someone who is lost or sleep ensnares someone freezing to death” (526) [gesetzmäßig-unpersönlich und überlegen aller individuellen Bewußtheit, wie die Schlafverführung, die den Erfrierenden umstrickt, und wie das Im-Kreise-Herumkommen des Verirrten (749-750)]. One cannot act personally with reference to the entire cosmological order as configured in the zodiac; in fact, the assignment of natal identity in terms of a given zodiacal sign suggests that, beneath and within the circle of universal respiration, human affairs zigzag and criss-cross, meander and snag and only fitfully approximate the grand design by submitting to “The Pleasures of Merely Circulating” (to cite a title by Wallace Stevens23).

     

    Despite its exemplary circularity, the cosmological cycle resists being cast in human terms.24 This enigmatic recalcitrance of fate is beautifully summarized in an episode in which the inmates of the sanitorium gather in seance. The spirit Holger comes to them, and recites an epic poem, piling up

     

    a thousand details that it seemed would never stop--and an hour later, there was still no end in sight, for the poem, which had dealt relentlessly with the pain of childbirth and a lover's first kiss, with the crown of suffering and God's strict, fatherly kindness, had plunged into the warp and woof of creation [sich in das Weben der Kreatur vertiefte (933)], into epochs and nations, had lost itself in the vastness of the stars, even mentioning the Chaldeans and the zodiac, and would most certainly have lasted on through the whole night, if the conjurers had not at last removed their fingers from the glass and with politest thanks declared to Holger that that had to be it for now. (654)

     

    The otherworldly encyclopedic summation of the entire cosmic panorama, in short, moves its human auditors to boredom. At the level of basic human awareness and interest, encyclopedism is best confined to smaller projects; immortality, as it were, requires intimation not elaboration.

     

    Settembrini’s project is paradigmatic. As a member of the International League for the Organization of Progress [Internationaler Bund für Organiserung der Fortschritts (344)], the Italian humanist is engaged in an ambitious international undertaking, a “large-scale scientific program of reform… embracing all presently known possibilities for perfecting the human organism” (241) [Ein wissenschaftlich ausgearbeitetes Reformprogramm… das alle augenblicklichen Vervollkommnungsmöglichkeiten des menschlichen Organismus umfaßt (345)]. One aspect of the program is an encyclopedia in some twenty volumes, Sociological Pathology [Sociologie der Leiden; Sociologischen Pathologie (346, 347)], one volume of which is devoted to literature. As editor of this volume, Settembrini envisions it as “solace and advice for those who suffer, a synopsis and short analysis of all masterpieces of world literature dealing with every such conflict” (243) [den Leidenen zu Trost und Belehrung, eine Zusammenstellung und kurzgefaßte Analyse aller für jeden einzelnen Konflikt in Betracht kommenden Meisterwerke der Weltliteratur enthalten soll (347)]. Mann’s wit (too often mislabeled “irony”) is evident here, not only in view of the fact that literature is very nearly all about suffering–so Settembrini’s project is interminable–but also that The Magic Mountain itself is an immense chronicle of suffering, set in a tuberculosis clinic. Such a malady enables Mann to demonstrate that suffering is rarely physical, but predominately psychological and cultural. In fact, Hans Castorp’s own condition is ambiguous: he never manifests any real tubercular symptoms, and the fever that wins him admission to the select clientele of the clinic is gradually made to appear synonymous with life itself–albeit life as corpuscular rage, life as the supreme malady. Hans Castorp, in short, like Ishmael, incarnates in his indigence an encyclopedic propensity which is properly that of organic life, that microbial sapience that makes us what we are without our ever having to know anything about it; the charmed circle of life, in which the pleasures of circulating exceed the compass of human knowledge.

     

    Despite his almost visionary cordiality with the divine legation of the stars, Hans Castorp remains “life’s problem child” as Mann refers to him throughout the book [Lebens Sorgenkind (1006)] and he descends from the mountain to join in the first world war, that “wicked caper of amusement” [das arge Tanzvergnügen (1006)]. The entire novel is in many ways a rehearsal, after the event, of the intellectual and cultural stakes leading up to that conflagration. It is not incidental that the contributing ideologies are dissociated from militarism, and reviewed in the passional setting of personal debate and friendship. As a novel of ideas, though, its conceptual fabric is permeated with the personalities of the asylum residents, rendering problematic the Enlightenment aspiration to codify principles of universal validity. The truth can never remain unblemished when immersed in the volatile medium of actual human agents.

     

    Myth and the Pathos of Data

     

    Thomas Mann presents a deliberately static survey of humanistic pedagogy in the sealed confines of a tuberculosis sanitorium, exposing and satirizing the gridlock of disciplinary thinking, for which the only release appears to be Naphta’s “Terror” or the apocalyptic conflagration of war. In The Magic Mountain, as in Moby-Dick, we find a distinctive response to the problematic legacy of the encyclopedic archive, the prevailing lesson being that a surface rationalism of instrumental organization conceals an atavistic endowment which is at once a “pre-rational” or mythic threat as well as a repository of creative energy. Mann’s novel, like Melville’s, concedes that a subconscious or preternatural encyclopedism persists as a menacing subtext that is ineradicably part of encyclopedic rationalism. The dream of reason is accompanied by the dream of unreason, and together they form an uncanny alliance, at once traumatic and enlivening. Likewise, in the postmodern environment of encyclopedism recast in the chimerical allure of the Internet and online telepresence, we should bear in mind the imposing parameters of myth as phantom delegation and informing undertow.

     

    “Myth is a form of integrated perceptual awareness which unites ‘fact’ and ‘explanation,’ because it is a form of awareness in which fact and explanation have not yet become disunited” (Falck 117).25 Colin Falck’s definition is part of his attempt to restore a sacralizing outlook in the service of a “true post-modernism.” Falck diagnoses a regressive tendency in technophilia, reminding us that “objective or theoretical modes of explanation–such as natural–scientific ones, which in effect determine much of what we experience, as well as of what we do, in a technological world–may remain dependent on quite different, and ultimately more primitive, modes of comprehension which are essentially mythic” (119). It is not a coincidence that fledgling technologies are accompanied by such phenomena as Dungeons and Dragons, Star Wars, and Neuromancer; for there is a deep proximity between hi-tech and mythic resonance. Falck’s aspiration (openly derived from Romantic and Modernist precedent) is to restore myth to making so as to reaffirm the constitutive faculty by which we invent what is memorable.26

     

    Charles Olson (the American poet credited with one of the earliest known uses of the term “post-modern”) was adamant in retaining myth for his “special view of history,” regarding myth as “what is said of what is said”–now more familiar simply as “discourse” (57).27 Discourse is the vibratory archive of propositional forms, the quivering web of language we inhabit; any proposition summons retort or affirmation in a complex series of overlapping echoes, perturbations of the known. Some statements achieve priority as assertions of fact, some as assertions of feeling, others as examples of alluring shapeliness. Mythopoesis can be thought of as the stitching together of incommensurate discursive charms (“charm” in the sense in which any particular discursive register exercises its magic in convincing us it is self-evident).28 Northrop Frye sought to preserve history and myth as co-extensive terms. “To me myth is not simply an effect of a historical process,” he wrote, “but a social vision that looks toward a transcending of history, which explains how it is able to hold two periods of history together, the author’s and ours, in direct communication” (Words with Power 60-61). In Libra, Don DeLillo depicts the fragile matrix of sentience attending the historical trauma of President Kennedy’s assassination:

     

    People were lonely for news. Only news could make them whole again, restore sensation. Three hundred reporters in a compact space, all pushing to extract a word. A word is a magic wish. A word from anyone. With a word they could begin to grid the world, make an instant surface that people can see and touch together. (414)

     

    Nicholas Branch, the intelligence analyst in Libra who is archivist of the assassination files, is appropriately situated in “the room of history and dreams” (445). History and dreams: this is the decisive configuration; and we should understand by “mythopoeisis” our propensity for rendering the concrete plastic and malleable. In Diderot’s hands, it was not the data that set you free, but the exercise of faculties (reason and passion) that kept you free.

     

    Even the basic hermeneutic act of establishing a horizon of understanding inevitably partakes of a speculative and sympathetic (that is, pathically endowed) approach. Our historical understanding of another time, no less than gleaning the intent of another person, is stabilized by a mythopoetic reckoning in which we make what we know encompass more than we can possibly know, and in the process make the image of the known into the image of the possible. If this sounds risky, it’s because it is. The stakes in myth are always high–that is, imaginative risk is not recuperable to the ideology of “development.” It is a mistake to link myth with belief, says Roberto Calasso: rather, “we enter the mythical when we enter the realm of risk, and myth is the enchantment we generate in ourselves in such moments. More than a belief, it is a magical bond that tightens around us. It is a spell the soul casts on itself” (278). When Robert Duncan attests that “[t]he depths emerge in a kind of dream informed by the familiar tale. It is important here that the myth be first so familiar, so much no-more-than an old story, that the poet is at home with what is most perilous” (27), he might as well be speaking of Ishmael’s fate, his domesticity consentingly risked astride the perilous depths.

     

    It is from the depths that a symptom of engulfment emanates, a clue or reminder of what has been lost and what awaits recovery–the indigent reserve, the anomalous animation of the texture of the real.29 Stanley Romaine Hopper refers to it as the cry of Merlin:

     

    [T]he surfacing of Merlin's "cry" in the literature of our time signifies that we realize today more keenly than we have ever done that we live within a symbolic reality. Whether we think of this in terms of "standpoint" philosophy, or a philosophy of symbolic forms, or mythopoiesis, or "world hypotheses," or "master images," or archetypes of the unconscious, or radical metaphor, or "models," or "fields," or "frames of reference," or "language games," or "the global village," or the "house of being," the same point is being made. Our "thinking"--religious, philosophical, literary--belongs to "that prodigious net of numinous creation in which man is captured, although he himself has brought it forth." (15)

     

    In Hopper’s view, the constraints of knowledge networks and operative paradigms need the alleviation of “a new logos, a new grammar of awareness” (14). If “rational grammar” meant a measure proportionate to the human condition, it would suffice to call it that. But the claims of encyclopedism need to be viewed with the same circumspection as that applied to Reason. The Encyclopédie was a project, a venture, a point of engagement, a political weapon, an act of profound cultural generosity, and much more; but it was also an iconoclastic project, everywhere bent on clarification and elucidation–Promethean light–bringing–banishing the dark, the undertone, the demi-monde of anything not dedicated to the claim of reason. In the wake of this prejudicial inclination of the philosophes, there have been numerous works laying claim to the occulted legacy of a pre-Enlightenment encyclopedism, of which Finnegans Wake can be taken as exemplary.

     

    In the Wake Joyce depicts (in part through the polyglot texture of the book itself) the exemplary resolution of archival mass as a rubbish heap fermenting provocative incitements that do not so much illuminate as thicken or increase the texture of the darkness. In Underworld DeLillo offers a comparable vision; and the contending claims of illumination and passion converge in a passage in which Brian Glassic, a waste management engineer, confronts an enormous refuse heap, the Fresh Kills landfill on Staten Island.

     

    In a few years this would be the highest mountain on the Atlantic Coast between Boston and Miami. Brian felt a sting of enlightenment. He looked at all that soaring garbage and knew for the first time what his job was all about. Not engineering or transportation or source reduction. He dealt in human behavior, people's habits and impulses, their uncontrollable needs and innocent wishes, maybe their passions, certainly their excesses and indulgences but their kindness too, their generosity, and the question was how to keep this mass metabolism from overwhelming us. (184)

     

    Any search for a new grammar of awareness would benefit by attending to the indigent recess heaped up in our needs and wishes, our passion and excess.

     

    It is from the vantage given us by this exceptional prospect–this unwarranted and mongrel exemption; this underworld with its undertones, its duende of all that makes dark sounds30–that we might, in conclusion, recognize a familiar thread of thought that is at once alluring and disturbing. The thought goes by various names, from mathesis universalis and lingua generalis to the lucid demystifications of the Enlightenment philosophes, though our vernacular expression is now simply “encyclopedic.”31 The positive aspect of encyclopedism is increased access to comprehensive knowledge which is beyond the capacity of any of us to know on our own. It is this aspect that has been revitalized by computer technologies. Despite its association with McLuhan’s Gutenberg galaxy exploding into the hot and cold media of the electronic era, the issue is not strictly technological. It has also been propagated through more organic models, including Lovelock’s Gaia hypothesis, Sheldrake’s morphogenetic fields, Bohm’s implicate order, and, earlier in the century, Jung’s collective unconscious, Teilhard de Chardin’s noosphere and H. G. Wells’s “world brain.”32 These organic visions are now being revisited in utopian affirmations of our multi-media “infosphere”–a “process of information linkup toward the building of a global nervous system, a global brain” (R.U. Sirius), a “‘hive-mind consensus’” through which we will supposedly “evolve into ever higher forms” (Louis Rossetto), with humans as the “brain cells… waking up” the planet (Jody Radzik).33 Such euphoric proclamations are tantamount to pledges of religious faith in the beneficence of a higher power (albeit without Teilhard’s explicit Christology). But emanating as they do from the convulsive archives of blip culture and channel surfing, I am inclined to see them rather as evidence of a condition forecast early in this century by Henry Adams. Reviewing his own contortions of mental growth in the instructively third-person format of The Education of Henry Adams, Adams found that the exponential development of power and information had broken the historical neck of the old Enlightenment viewpoint which had formed the characters of his presidential predecessors. “Evidently the new American would need to think in contradictions,” he discovered, as “the next great influx of new forces seemed near at hand, and its style of education promised to be violently coercive. The movement from unity into multiplicity, between 1200 to 1900, was unbroken in sequence, and rapid in acceleration. Prolonged one generation longer, it would require a new social mind. As though thought were common salt in indefinite solution it must enter a new phase subject to new laws. Thus far, since five or ten thousand years, the mind had successfully reacted, and nothing yet proved that it would fail to react–but it would need to jump” (498). And jump it has. What Adams in his prescience recognized was that there is no advantage in revisiting, let alone attempting to resuscitate, the romantic/modernist antinomies of nature versus culture, primal intuitive energy versus rational artifice.

     

    The “new American” has long since become the Global Everyone, although the “need to think in contradictions” has not necessarily resulted in any vernacular dialectic. Rather, contradiction has become so pervasive as not to seem anomalous: as the material I’ve reviewed here suggests, there is a violence without and a violence within, but the relation between them lacks the reciprocal elegance of Wallace Stevens’ formulation (“The mind… is a violence from within that protects us from a violence without. It is the imagination pressing back against the pressure of reality” [36]). Stevens, writing in 1942, was attempting to preserve a balance between imponderable violence and civil grace, and (like Adams) he thought of nobility as a “force.” As we enter into the pacts and pledges of cyborg life and hypertext mobility, the assignment of force to any particular sphere is increasingly perplexing. A “show of force” by striking workers hangs in limbo when management in the global economy is at once everywhere and nowhere; as for “mind,” we might now adjust Villiers de l’Isle-Adam’s famous remark in Axel to read: “Thinking? Our computers can do that for us” (183).34 While they are doing that, we might get busy thinking of ourselves (meat puppets that we are) not only as creatures whose desires and fantasies alone can keep pace with the new dromocracy–the world of entitlements to speed–but who have a long and instructive legacy of wallowing and apparently aimless circularity. Entertaining the thought of such insouciant drift in the figures of Ishmael and Hans Castorp, we might wonder about the cost of impetuously casting such indigence behind us once and for all. The Enlightenment legacy derives from the recognition that, if knowledge is power, specific acts and agents are what empower it. In The Crying of Lot 49 Oedipa Maas confronts the question of such empowerment: to ask whether to project a world is at the same time to ask shall I know what I know?35–that is, shall I discern the limits of what I know and include that within the compass of my knowledge? The augmentation of an act of knowing by metacommentary adds one circle around the other. As Pynchon, DeLillo, Mann, Melville, and Joyce each exemplify, the circle of learning is empowered by an encompassing circle of awareness about the scope and limits of “learning” as such. “Our life is an apprenticeship to the truth that around every circle another can be drawn,” wrote Emerson, “and under every deep a lower deep opens” (403).

     

    Notes

     

    1. Since Libra vaulted him into prominence, DeLillo has been conspicuously affiliated with postmodernism: see John A. McClure, “Postmodern Romance”; Frank Lentricchia, “Libra as Postmodern Critique”; and the articles collected under Lentricchia’s editorship for New Essays on ‘White Noise.’ In this collection Michael Valdez Moses (“Lust Removed from Nature”) celebrates DeLillo for having “given [postmodern technological reality] its most detailed, expressive, and philosophically powerful representation” (63); while Paul A. Cantor (“‘Adolf, We Hardly Knew You’”) acknowledges that “[b]y setting White Noise within the academic world, DeLillo may have taken us close to the bloodless heart of postmodernism” (47). Cantor is thinking of the epistemological slippage associated with the simulacrum, and ventures an important distinction: “Is DeLillo a postmodern writer or is he a pathologist of postmodernism?” (58).

     

    2. See Edward Mendelson, “Gravity’s Encyclopedia” and “Encyclopedic Narrative from Dante to Pynchon.” My summary covers the points common to both articles.

     

    3. The dilemma of endless differential slippage as a challenge to encyclopedic completeness is taken up by Vincent Descombes, who elaborates on Derrida by citing the “extra place of the supplement [which] takes the place of the missingplace in the book” (59). “In other words, what is missing [in the encyclopedia] is the place for what is missing, and that is why it is necessary to supplement this lack” (58).

     

    4. As some of the more hyperbolic reviewers (like George Wills) of DeLillo’s novels have suspected, there is something “un-American” in his work; but they are too eager to equate this with anti-Americanism. DeLillo’s fiction is remarkably free of editorializing or grandstanding, and actually conforms to Stendhal’s model of the novel as a mirror carried through the common road, its mudstains deriving from the road not the mirror. In Underworld, though, there’s no mistaking capitalism as a malevolent force–a force which is significantly relocated at the end of the novel in the new Russia, while its American foreground is consigned to dump sites and inner city collapse like the Bronx.

     

    5. A similar historical thesis is developed by J.H. van den Berg; see The Changing Nature of Man: Introduction to a Historical Psychology (“Metabletica”) and Divided Existence and Complex Society.

     

    6. I combine, in this remark, the import of two of Barthes’s most influential essays: “From Work to Text” and “The Death of the Author,” in The Rustle of Language.

     

    7. For more on Hutchins and the Great Books, see Jed Rasula, “Nietzsche in the Nursery: Naive Classics and Surrogate Parents in Postwar American Cultural Debates.” The trope of self-selection continues to thrive in such sites as the rhetorical framing of American poetry anthologies: see Rasula, “The Empire’s New Clothes: Anthologizing American Poetry in the 1990s.” A somewhat different approach to the problem emerges when the genre is not poetry but pornography: “The principle of self-selection by the reader–so that all pornographic texts become, formally, like encyclopaedias–is what is largely responsible for the monotony with which they are charged by literary critics,” writes Jeremy Palmer in “Fierce Midnights: Algolagniac Fantasy and the Literature of the Decadence” (94). The alliance of pornography with encyclopedism is not as capricious as it may sound: Roland Barthes pointedly anatomizes the encyclopedic proclivities of pornography, spiritual exercises, and social reform in Sade, Fourier, Loyola.

     

    8. The number of topics and of references are given in the Introduction by William Benton (vii), who cites the further statistic that the Syntopicon took $2 million and eight years to compile. In his autobiography, Philosopher at Large, Adler remarks that “Bill Benton never forgot, and never quite forgave, the enormous discrepancy between the original estimate and the final cost” (239). The original estimate was $60,000 and two years. The most famous vilification of the project remains that of Dwight Macdonald, who characterized the Syntopicon as “one of the most expensive toy railroads any philosopher ever was given to play with” (260).

     

    9. To frame the hard work of reading Aquinas or Kant as a conversational contract was crucial to the commercial success of the project. Character-building by means of market resources is the tradition to which the Great Books enterprise belongs, much as it was institutionally sanctioned during Hutchins’s term as president of the University of Chicago beginning in 1929, and later with the founding of St. John’s College in Annapolis in 1937, which retains its Great Books curriculum to the present. The concept of a core curriculum of “great books” was pioneered by Columbia professor John Erskine (Adler was one of his students). Erskine’s affable approach is epitomized in his recommendation to aspiring readers of the Great Books: “get yourself a comfortable chair and a good light–and have confidence in your own mind” (qtd. in Rubin 168).

     

    10. See Thomas Richards, The Imperial Archive: Knowledge and the Fantasy of Empire. Richards’s subject is more specifically elaborated in a clause appended to the above citation, which continues: “… master pattern, a virtual focal point for the heterogeneous local knowledge of metropolis and empire.”

     

    11. These two dispositions of the tree of knowledge are derived from Ephraim Chambers, whose Cyclopædia (1728) was the work Diderot and D’Alembert were commissioned to adapt in 1747 as the basis for a French encyclopedia, a task which famously outgrew its founding intent. Diderot and D’Alembert preserved Chambers’s avowed didacticism, but they also retain and amplify the “scientific” dimension which Chambers found less congenial. In his prospectus he distinguishes these approaches:

     

    There are two manners of writing: in the one, which we may call scientific, we proceed from ideas, and things, to words: that is, first lay down the thing, then the name it is called by.--This is the way of discovery, or invention; for that the thing ought to be first found, before it be named. In this way we come from knowledge to ignorance; from simple and common ideas, to complex ones. The other is didactic, just the converse of the former; in which we go from words and sounds, to ideas and things; that is, begin with the term, and end with the explanation.--This is the historical way, or the way of teaching, and narration; of resolving the extraordinary knowledge of one person, into the ordinary of another; of distributing artificial complications into their simple ideas; and thus raising, and levelling again, what art had erected. (xvii)

     

    Chambers adds that his own work follows the latter method.

     

    12. Voltaire remarked, of the Encyclopédie, that “[t]wenty folio volumes will never make a revolution. It is the little portable volumes of thirty sous that are to be feared. Had the gospel cost twelve hundred sesterces the Christian religion would never have been established” (Besterman 7). Undeterred by the anticlericalism of the Enlightenment enclopedists, Northrop Frye locates the encyclopedic paradigm in scripture itself, in which he sees a continuous form that totalizes the episodic elements feeding into it as tributaries, such as oracle, commandment, parable, prophecy, and aphorism (Anatomy of Criticism 55-56).

     

    13. Disorder obviously means something different for us than it would have for an Enlightenment philosophe. As an “operational poetics,” however, a link can be made. Eighteenth century verse practiced orderliness. The metric regulae of Pope’s couplets secures for poetry even so encyclopedic a topic as an “Essay on Man.” Subsequent perigrinations of the medium through blank verse to free verse and most recently to transcribed talk (Antin, Benson) and aleatory and cut-up methods (MacLow, Andrews) have not abandoned order but, quite the contrary, pursued more resourceful means of procuring it. To subscribe to the rhymed couplet, after all, is not to appeal to an innate condition of mind, but to refer the material resources of the poem to such accidents as morphology and phonology. If rhymed couplets had never been invented until 1960, they would assuredly have become, by now, as idiomatic and pervasive a sign of the times as Warhol’s soupcans.

     

    14. Both the Dictionnaire critique and the Da Costa are translated as Atlas Arkhive Three (Documents of the Avant-Garde), Encyclopaedia Acephalica, assembled and introduced by Alastaire Brotchie. Bataille’s concept of the informe informs and forms the arrangement of topics in Formless: A User’s Guide by Yve-Alain Bois and Rosalind Krauss. Finally, Pharmako/poeia: Plant Powers, Poisons, and Herbcraft by Dale Pendell is a lovely promenade of esoteric information and gentle sagacity, arranged in a topical alphabet of hallucinogenic plants.

     

    15. Jay David Bolter traces another tension in the encyclopedic tradition, one between a synoptic vision of knowledge and the establishment of accurate information. See Writing Space: The Computer, Hypertext, and the History of Writing (88-93). Bolter favors the potential of hypertext to achieve both goals simultaneously. Hilary Clark addresses the issue in comparable terms as a tension between tactical goals and ideal completeness, and in the process raises another concern: whether order is discovered or imposed, objective or subjective (a concern which is also that of Oedipa Maas in The Crying of Lot 49).

     

    16. See Millicent Bell, “Pierre Bayle and Moby Dick.” On Bayle, see Paul Burrell, “Pierre Bayle’s Dictionnaire historique et critique.”

     

    17. See Michael West, “Charles Kraitsir’s Influence upon Thoreau’s Theory of Language.”

     

    18. Another useful model for considering speed is that of Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari in A Thousand Plateaus, in which they distinguish between striated and smooth space: between the systematic regularity of institutionally convened (or striated) space and, on the other hand, the perturbations and irregularities of nomadic (self-effacing or smooth) practice. Singularities prevail in nomadism; duplication and repetition are characteristics of the striated grid. A comparable paradigm is explored in The Practice of Everyday Life by Michel de Certeau. Virilio’s thesis of dromocracy is elaborated at length in Speed and Politics.

     

    19. See Curtius passim 319-326 on “The Book of Nature.”

     

    20. “Le mythes sont la première encyclopédie,” says Henri Meschonnic (Des mots 214).

     

    21. It was the dense complexity of “tangle” that Pound emphasized: “I shall use Paideuma for the gristly roots of ideas that are in action” (58).

     

    22. Thomas Mann, Der Zauberberg. [Gesammelte Werke Band 17] (Frankfurt am Main: S. Fischer Verlag, 1981). Subsequent bracketed German citations follow this edition.

     

    English citations follow The Magic Mountain, tr. John E. Woods (New York: Knopf, 1995).

     

    23. “Mrs. Anderson’s Swedish baby | Might well have been German or Spanish, | Yet that things go round and again go round | Has rather a classical sound.”

     

    24. This resistance of universality to the finite labors of human expression persists as incitement to philosophical encyclopedism, however. Mark Taylor remarks of Hegel’s encycopedic labors, “[t]he voice that says it all… talks in circles,” adding that for Blanchot philosophy is “the discourse that tries to say it all by talking in perfect circles” (Altarity 222). And Hegel himself affirms that “[t]he whole of philosophy resembles a circle of circles” (Taylor 224)–a prospect which Emerson finds to be the character of life as such: “Our life is an apprenticeship to the truth that around every circle another can be drawn” (403).

     

    25. There is much to recommend Falck’s position, but it’s not helped by his hostility to all things “post-structuralist.” So he is not inclined, for instance, to recognize in Paul de Man a recuperative potential congruent with his own project. When de Man calls “the conception of literature (or literary criticism) as demystification the most dangerous myth of all,” far from conflating literature and criticism (as Falck assumes) he is asserting literature’s unique claim to be “demystified from the start” (14)–that is, not engaged in partial projects of demystification, but something that “knows and names itself as fiction” (17) and thereby ungrounds itself. De Man surely learned from Blanchot, as did Derrida, that lack of a ground does not disable literature but, on the contrary, discloses in it what the poet Robert Duncan called “fictive certainties” (the title of a collection of his essays). De Man’s recommendation that criticism follow literature (in its program of self-demystification) is not a declaration of their indistinguishability, as it is often taken to be.

     

    26. “The narratives we agree to call myths are the products of an intellectual activity that invents what is memorable,” says Marcel Detienne in “Myth and Writing: The Mythographers” (11).

     

    27. In the early 1970s Olson was a major figure in the Boundary 2 context, at a time when it bore the subtitle “A Journal of Postmodern Literature.” But, despite the prodigious outpouring of work on postmodernism since then, it was not until 1995 when Olson’s prescient claims for the post-modern were finally recognized: see Hans Bertens, The Idea of the Postmodern (20-23). Despite a common perfunctory gesture towards Language poetry (sanctioned, in effect, by Fredric Jameson’s remarks on a poem by Bob Perelman), the genre of poetry as such has been neglected in discussions of postmodernism–a condition attributable, I think, to a shift in the profession of literary studies in which a presumed vanquishing of the New Criticism also discarded the genre most conspicuously associated with Tate, Ransom, Blackmur, Warren, and Brooks.

     

    28. Northrop Frye sought to preserve history and myth as co-extensive terms. “To me myth is not simply an effect of a historical process,” he wrote, “but a social vision that looks toward a transcending of history, which explains how it is able to hold two periods of history together, the author’s and ours, in direct communication” (Words with Power 60-61). Frye’s own openly declared inclination as an anatomist led him to favor sensible wholes over abstract distillations of data. The sense-making provocations of a multi-generic legacy of “encyclopedic aggregates” like that canonized as the Bible was Frye’s model of encyclopedic as “a total body of vision” (Anatomy of Criticism 55-56).

     

    29. The concluding quote within the citation is by Erich Neumann.

     

    30. “All that has black sounds has duende,” Federico García Lorca cites approvingly (from composer Manuel Torre): “Play and Theory of the Duende” (43).

     

    31. Encyclopedic programs are of course imponderably numerous and diverse. But, apart from the Encyclopédie of Diderot and D’Alembert, a very short list might include “Das allgemeine Brouillon” of Novalis, Coleridge’s “Opus Maximus” as well as his plan for the Encyclopedia Metropolitana, Bentham’s “Chresthomathia,” and Humbert de Superville’s ambitious attempt at “a single, figured and configuring, sign system,” the aim of which “was to uncover the corporate or permanent character of human thought and feeling” (Stafford 41). One might also take into account the encyclopedic social physiology in the novel cycles of Balzac and Zola, as well as The Cantos of Ezra Pound, with their explicitly extra-literary obsession with historical, fiscal, philosophical and scientific data (an uncited but pertinent predecessor being Lucretius’s De rerum natura). Finally, encyclopedic pressures impinge on Wagner’s Gesamtkunstwerk and Scriabin’s synaesthetic “Mysterium.” And even A Vision by W.B. Yeats attempts an encyclopedic synthesis of the phases of sublunar existence. For a wide-ranging and thoroughly informed panorama of encyclopedic impulses (though not named as such) in a multi-media context, see Donald Theall, Beyond the Word: Reconstructing Sense in the Joyce Era of Technology, Culture, and Communication. “The tendency to scientize all progress often leads us to disregard the importance of the heuristic power of the poetic in what comes to be,” Theall writes (265); his book seeks to rectify this oversight.

     

    32. H.G. Wells’s “world brain” may be the least known concept on this list. In the mid-1930s, he delivered a series of talks urging the international synthesis of knowledge in “a sort of mental clearing house for the mind” (49) that “would compel men to come to terms with one another” (16); “not a miscellany, but a concentration, a clarification and a synthesis… [that] would play the rôle of an undogmatic Bible to a world culture” (14), “directing without tyranny” (23)–yet spreading “like a nervous network, a system of mental control throughout the globe” (23)–to establish a “common ideology” (62) (or “common sanity” [48]) as “the only means, of dissolving human conflict into unity” (62). Fritjof Capra provides a useful synthesis of research in self-organizing systems (like Gaia) in The Web of Life. The theories Capra discusses have striking affinities with Pierre Teilhard de Chardin’s notion of cosmogenesis–a resemblance due in part to the fact that Teilhard’s “noosphere” is explicitly modelled on the notion of the biosphere. As is the case with Jung’s “collective unconscious,” Teilhard’s references to his most famous concept abound throughout his books. A convenient source is “The Formation of the Noosphere” in The Future of Man; but the concept is so thoroughly integrated into an evolutionary framework (drawing on paleontology, biology, chemistry, physics) and elaborated in a religious synthesis (Catholicism) that it’s worth attending to Teilhard’s more complex resumes in The Appearance of Man and The Phenomenon of Man.

     

    33. The citations from Sirius, Rossetto, and Radzik are from Mark Dery, Escape Velocity: Cyberculture at the End of the Century (47). A blend of organic and technological hyperbole, while increasingly common, is perfectly achieved in a Mondo 2000 exhortation: “Why settle for passé kinkiness when you can actualize techno-aphrodisia from the infosphere?” (Dery 38).

     

    34. The passage in Axel involves a renunciation of earthly existence in terms that are also relevant to current visions of techno-transubstantiation: “It is the earth, don’t you see, that has become the Illusion! … in our strange hearts we have destroyed the love of life–and… it is indeed in REALITY that we ourselves have become our souls! To agree to live after that would be but a sacrilege against ourselves. Live? Our servants will do that for us” (183).

     

    35. “Under the symbol she’d copied off the latrine wall of The Scope into her memo book, she wrote Shall I project a world? If not project then at least flash some arrow on the dome to skitter among constellations and trace out your Dragon, Whale, Southern Cross” (82).

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    • Lorca, Federico García. “Play and Theory of the Duende.” Deep Song and Other Prose. Ed. and tr. Christopher Maurer. New York: New Directions, 1980.
    • Macdonald, Dwight. Against the American Grain: Essays on the Effects of Mass Culture. New York: Vintage, 1962.
    • Mann, Thomas. Der Zauberberg. [Gesammelte Werke Band 17.] Frankfurt am Main: S. Fischer Verlag, 1981.
    • —. The Magic Mountain. Tr. John E. Woods. New York: Knopf, 1995.
    • Marinetti, F.T. Selected Writings. Ed. R.W. Flint. Tr. R.W. Flint and Arthur A. Coppotelli. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1972.
    • —. “Destruction of Syntax-Imagination without Strings-Words-in-Freedom.” Ed. Umbro Apollonio. Futurist Manifestos. Tr. R. Brain et al. New York: Viking, 1973. 95-106.
    • McClure, John A. “Postmodern Romance.” South Atlantic Quarterly 89.2 (1990): 333-353.
    • Melville, Herman. Moby-Dick. Ed. Harold Beaver. New York: Penguin, 1972.
    • —. “The Tartarus of Maids.” Billy Budd and Other Stories. New York: Penguin, 1986.
    • Mendelson, Edward. “Encyclopedic Narrative from Dante to Pynchon.” MLN 91 (1976): 1267-1275.
    • —. “Gravity’s Encyclopedia.” Mindful Pleasures: Essays on Thomas Pynchon. Eds. George Levine and David Leverenz. Boston: Little, Brown, 1976. 29-52.
    • Meschonnic, Henri. Des mots et des mondes: Dictionnaires, encyclopédies, grammaires, nomenclatures. Paris: Hatier, 1991.
    • —. “L’encyclopédie sortant de son mot pour se voir.” Tous les savoirs du monde: Encyclopédies et bibliothèques, de Sumer au XXIe siècle. Ed. Roland Schaer. Paris: Bibliothèque nationale de France/Flammarion, 1996.
    • Moses, Michael Valdez. “Lust Removed from Nature.” Lentricchia, New Essays 63-86.
    • Olson, Charles. The Special View of History. Berkeley: Oyez, 1970.
    • Palmer, Jeremy. “Fierce Midnights: Algolagniac Fantasy and the Literature of the Decadence.” Decadence and the 1890s. Ed. Ian Fletcher. New York: Holmes & Meier, 1979. 88-106.
    • Pendell, Dale. Pharmako/poeia: Plant Powers, Poisons, and Herbcraft. San Francisco: Mercury House, 1995.
    • Pound, Ezra. Guide to Kulchur. New York: New Directions, 1938.
    • Pynchon, Thomas. The Crying of Lot 49. New York: Harper & Row, 1986.
    • —. Gravity’s Rainbow. New York: Viking, 1973.
    • Rasula, Jed. “Nietzsche in the Nursery: Naive Classics and Surrogate Parents in Postwar American Cultural Debates.” Representations 29 (Winter 1990): 50-77.
    • —. “The Empire’s New Clothes: Anthologizing American Poetry in the 1990s,” American Literary History 7.2 (Summer 1995): 261-283.
    • Richards, Thomas. The Imperial Archive: Knowledge and the Fantasy of Empire. New York: Verso, 1993.
    • Rubin, Joan S. The Making of Middlebrow Culture. Chapel Hill: U of North Carolina P, 1992.
    • Serres, Michel. Hermes: Literature, Science, Philosophy. Ed. Josué V. Harari and David F. Bell. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 1982.
    • Stafford, Barbara. Body Criticism: Imaging the Unseen in Enlightenment Art and Medicine. Cambridge: MIT P, 1991.
    • Stevens, Wallace. The Necessary Angel: Essays on Reality and the Imagination. New York: Vintage, 1951.
    • Swigger, Ronald. “Fictional Encyclopedism and the Cognitive Value of Literature.” Comparative Literary Studies 12.4 (1975): 351-166.
    • Taylor, Mark. Altarity. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1987.
    • Teilhard de Chardin, Pierre. The Appearance of Man. Tr. J.M. Cohen. London: Collins, 1965.
    • —. “The Formation of the Noosphere.” The Future of Man. Tr. Norman Denny. London: Collins, 1964. 155-184.
    • —. The Phenomenon of Man. London: Collins, 1959.
    • Theall, Donald. Beyond the Word: Reconstructing Sense in the Joyce Era of Technology, Culture, and Communication. Toronto: U of Toronto P, 1995.
    • van den Berg, J.H. The Changing Nature of Man: Introduction to a Historical Psychology (“Metabletica”). Tr. H.F. Croes. New York: Norton, 1961.
    • Villiers de L’Isle-Adam, Philippe Auguste. Axel. Tr. May Guicharnaud. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1970.
    • —. Divided Existence and Complex Society. Pittsburgh: Duquesne UP, 1974.
    • Virilio, Paul, and Sylvére Lotringer. Pure War. Tr. Mark Polizzotti. New York: Semiotext(e), 1983.
    • Virilio, Paul. Speed and Politics. Tr. Mark Polizzotti. New York: Semiotext(e), 1986.
    • Wells, H.G. World Brain. London: Methuen, 1938.
    • West, Michael. “Charles Kraitsir’s Influence upon Thoreau’s Theory of Language.” ESQ 19 (1973): 262-274.
    • Whiter, Walter. Etymologicon Universale; or, Universal Etymological Dictionary. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1822.

     

  • Automating Feminism: The Case of Joanna Russ’s The Female Man

    Heather Hicks

    Department of English
    Villanova University
    hhicks@email.vill.edu

     

    In his historical review of various American theories of “postindustrialism,” Howard Brick makes the point that “[t]he historical reconstruction of the concept… helps to place the idea of postindustrial society in a new relation with the idea of postmodern culture. Rather than being regarded as corresponding definitions of ‘society’ and ‘culture’… postindustrialism and postmodernism might be taken to imply two distinct and alternative interpretations of contemporary social change and its significance.” Turning to the political stakes of adopting a “postindustrial perspective,” Brick speculates that viewing America through this lens might make us more likely to achieve “the long-standing social and political aspirations of the Left” than would attempts to make sense of American life in terms of postmodernism (350).1

     

    Brick’s suggestion strikes me as worth pursuing, for despite claims that the concept of postmodernism has “been able to welcome in the appropriate areas of daily life or the quotidian” (Jameson xiv) that other concepts, including postindustrialism, could not, the conceptual framework of postmodernism often functions as a surrender to abstraction rather than as an attempt to understand, much less change, daily life in America. It is more often in postmodern theories’ origins–as opposed to their current applications–that one finds specific insights about the “quotidian”; as Margaret Rose has demonstrated in her exploration of the relationship between theories of postmodernism and postindustrialism, most contemporary characterizations of American culture as “postmodern” begin from an understanding of Western nations as postindustrial.2 Returning to this initial set of insights as a fresh approach to thinking about contemporary American culture, then, would seem a particularly promising way of moving beyond the limitations of various postmodern models.

     

    Nonetheless, for the contemporary literary critic, taking the “postindustrial perspective” at first seems improbable. Aren’t postmodern poetics, after all, the cultural expression of what Fredric Jameson has famously referred to as the “impossible totality of the contemporary world system” (38)? In the cultural arena of representation as opposed to the domain of intellectual history from which Brick’s own work emerges, aren’t we fated to ponder only the residues of postindustrialism, the shattered remnants of narrative left in the aftermath of this (tidal) wave of capitalism? While I do not disagree that the formal traces of postindustrialism may reside in depthless, fragmented contemporary narratives, I also believe that a significant number of contemporary writers have attempted to engage with postindustrialism directly. In particular, a number of writers have, since 1945, attempted to represent changes in Americans’ experience as workers. The process of recovering the concept of postindustrialism in contemporary literary and cultural studies should begin with them.

     

    One of the most fascinating of these writers is Joanna Russ. In what follows I would like to offer a reading of her famous novel, The Female Man, understanding it not (or not only) as a classic instance of narrative postmodernism, but as a narrative obsessed with the meanings of postindustrial work for women. As I have discussed elsewhere, America’s economic shift from manufacturing to services has had particularly complex ramifications for American women, whose entry into the work force in massive numbers has happened in concert with this economic transformation.3 Specifically, I will argue here that Russ’s text is an attempt to rethink “women’s work” in a historical moment when liberal feminists were campaigning to put women to work while the New Left–increasingly wedded to the concept of “postindustrialism”–was claiming that cybernetic automation would soon make work obsolete. By illuminating these dynamics, The Female Man lays bare the ideological tangle from which a crucial present-day formulation of postindustrialism as the “feminization of work” was born; in these terms, I will suggest the ways that Russ’s text historicizes and complicates Donna Haraway’s conception of contemporary female workers as “cyborgs.”

     

    In The Female Man, which was written in the late 1960s but not published until 1975,4 Joanna Russ explores the lives and feelings of four female characters–Joanna, Jeannine, Janet, and Jael–each of whom is from what Russ terms a different “probability/continuum” (22). They are, in other words, women from four parallel universes that are characterized by very different economic and social histories. Joanna, based rather explicitly on Russ herself, is the product of our own “continuum.” She is a college professor living in a late-’60s America that is historically recognizable to the reader. Jeannine is a librarian who lives in a universe in which World War II did not happen, the Great Depression never abated, and the revolutionary social changes of the 1960s have not even been imagined. Janet, who is arguably the main character in this text, is an envoy from a point more than 900 years in the future–and a world in which a plague killed off the men, and the women built a utopian society, “Whileaway,” in their absence. Finally, Jael is an assassin from a future point closer to the present in which men and women are at war with one another.

     

    Anything but a linear narrative, Russ’s novel weaves together a variety of genres, from dramatic monologues, to fairy tales, to excerpts from fictional book reviews of The Female Man itself, all the while playfully staging a series of encounters between the four women. The first three quarters of the text are structured around Janet’s adventures and impressions, using them as a framework to introduce not only her history and the history of Whileaway, but also extended passages where we are privy to the daily experiences and private thoughts of Joanna and Jeannine. In the last quarter of the text, Jael, who has previously made only fleeting appearances, takes center stage, and we learn that it is she who has engineered the time travel necessary for the four women to come together and talk. In the process of enlisting their aid in her war against the men in her continuum, she reveals that they all are, in fact, the same woman; their differences are the product of the different histories of their respective universes (161-62).

     

    Critics who discuss The Female Man almost inevitably begin by identifying it, implicitly or explicitly, as a response to the burgeoning American feminism of the late 1960s and early 1970s. Indeed, it would be almost impossible to imagine a characterization of this text that did not begin with that premise, since the problem of women’s oppression fairly saturates its every passage.5 Yet I believe the brand of feminism with which Russ engages in the text is more open to question. Most critics have treated The Female Man as an expression of radical, rather than liberal, feminist politics.6 However, perceiving the degree to which Russ’s text is a meditation on liberal feminism, I contend, is the first step to understanding its role as an equally complex meditation on postindustrialism.

     

    There are, of course, a number of grounds on which to read Russ’s feminism as radical. In an interview in 1984, Russ remarked that the genre of science fiction generally lends itself to “radical thought” because “it is about things that have not happened and do not happen” (“Dialogue” 29).7 Yet the formal experimentations of The Female Man are exceptionally radical, even by the standards of science fiction. On its most basic level, the fragmented, heterodox form of Russ’s novel, which Sally Robinson, in terms inspired by Julia Kristeva, has described as “the kind of radicalization that can disrupt the symbolic order through dissidence” (115), suggests a profound and revolutionary resistance to the rationalism on which the status quo in the West is predicated.8

     

    That formal radicalism, moreover, is enlisted to make a number of points that were central to radical feminist thought of the late 1960s. According to feminist historian Alice Echols, “[e]arly radical feminists believed that women’s oppression derived from the very construction of gender and sought its elimination as a meaningful social category” (50). In Russ’s fragmentation of one woman across four different “universes of probability” (163), as well as her interest in the mingling of gendered identities that her title implies, we see her preoccupation with the social construction of gender. On a less abstract level still, in imagining her feminist utopia as one entirely free of men, Russ also defers to those radical feminists who claimed liberation meant separation of the sexes. It is also fair, I think, to concede the point made by Gardiner that the palpable anger that surfaces periodically in the text echoes the outrage expressed by many early radical feminists.9

     

    Yet while reading Russ’s text as a response to the radical currents within American feminism in the late 1960s is clearly both appropriate and productive, I believe reading the text for its engagements with liberal feminism can open up discussions that make Russ’s text particularly relevant to current debates about both feminism and postindustrialism. Counterpointed to the many facets of radical feminism in Russ’s text is a persistent focus on the complex and in some senses paradoxical relationship between women’s liberation and women’s entry into the (public) work force.

     

    The importance to the liberal Women’s Movement of women’s access to paid, prestigious work can scarcely be overstated. From its beginnings in Betty Friedan’s The Feminine Mystique (1963), liberal feminism focused doggedly on middle-class women’s equal right to work as a virtual panacea for their discontents. Friedan’s text set out to expose and give a name to what she termed, “the problem that has no name”–the nebulous misery plaguing American middle-class women. According to Friedan, the “feminine mystique,” as she came to call it, was quietly crushing the life out of a whole generation of women by telling them that rather than attempting to compete with men, they should seek “fulfillment only in sexual passivity, male domination, and nurturing maternal love” (43).

     

    Once she had identified the problem, Friedan isolated work outside the home as the only conceivable solution to women’s quiet suffering:

     

    ...work can now be seen as the key to the problem that has no name. The identity crisis of American women began a century ago, as more and more of the work important to the world, more and more of the work that used their human abilities and through which they were able to find self-realization was taken from them. (334, emphasis mine)

     

    According to Friedan, the public work place, as opposed to the housewife’s private domain, was “the sphere of our culture that is most morally worthwhile” (165). Friedan was careful, however, to spell out that she did not mean just any work. Her unapologetically classist project was willing to leave industrial work and menial forms of labor to some unspecified others; “busy work or punching a time-clock” (334) was simply not the sort of work she had in mind for her suburban sisters.10 “Honored and useful work” must be her female readers’ goal, she insisted again and again, and this sort of “work toward a greater purpose” was synonymous for her with work in a “profession” (335, 338).

     

    On very rare occasions in the course of Friedan’s 400-page text, she conceded that the professional American work place was not all that it could be. Citing David Riesman’s and William H. Whyte, Jr.’s well-known indictments of American corporate work places as conformist and dispiriting, Friedan acknowledged that men were already coping with the realization that even a professional career was not enough to guarantee a fulfilling sense of identity:11

     

    It does not come from just making a living, working by formula, finding a secure spot as an organization man. The very argument, by Riesman and others, that man no longer finds identity in the work defined as a paycheck job, assumes that identity for man comes through creative work of his own that contributes to the human community: the core of the self becomes aware, becomes real, and grows through work that carries forward human society. (334)

     

    Yet while Riesman in The Lonely Crowd argued for a revolutionary replacement of work with play,12 Friedan’s text ultimately sets out a program that would provide white, middle-class women with full access to careers that “demanded ability, responsibility, and decision” without manifesting any serious intent to transform the structure of the economy or the category of “work” itself (252).

     

    Friedan’s focus on women’s employment carried over, more or less unmodified, to later liberal feminist political efforts. Most of the language of the “Bill of Rights” adopted by the National Organization for Women at its first national conference in 1967, for example, concerned equal opportunity in employment. Of the eight rights this document demanded, five explicitly concerned employment, including an end to sex discrimination in hiring, maternity leave rights, tax deductions for working mothers, and daycare centers (512). A sustained concern with women’s relationship to work would, moreover, be reflected in the extended battle for the Equal Rights Amendment.

     

    The imprimatur of this decade-long fixation on work as a means to women’s liberation is unmistakable in Russ’s text. At a number of moments throughout The Female Man, Russ uses set pieces to make it clear that whether or not women should be allowed equal access to the work place is the defining issue of feminism in most Americans’ minds. Early in the text, for example, her narrative takes us on a careening tour through a series of conversational fragments at a Manhattan cocktail party. We “hear” the offhand remark, “You women are lucky you don’t have to go out and go to work” (35). Later in the same scene we are moved through the room to another snippet of conversation, in which a man asks Janet, who is a guest at the party, “What do you think of the new feminism, eh?… Do you think women can compete with men?” (43). After establishing that he regards feminism as a “very bad mistake,” the male speaker answers his own question:

     

    "You can't challenge men in their own fields," he said. "Now nobody can be more in favor of women getting their rights than I am. Do you want to sit down? Let's. As I said, I'm all in favor of it. Adds a decorative touch to the office, eh? Ha ha! Ha ha ha! Unequal pay is a disgrace. But you've got to remember, Janet, that women have certain physical limitations," (here he took off his glasses, wiped them with a little serrated square of blue cotton, and put them back on) "and you have to work within your physical limitations." (43-44)

     

    Russ’s comical flourishes here, as the male speaker’s own physical limitations are subtly communicated, should not detract from the larger function of this passage. The party motif allows Russ to distill to its essence the public’s understanding of feminism. In the form of “small talk,” the complexities of feminism are reduced to the struggle for “equal pay for equal work.”

     

    Later in the text, however, the depth of seriousness with which Russ herself regards the issue of women’s right to work is foregrounded. In another set piece in which an anonymous man and woman discuss their life together, a more thoughtful and complex version of women’s work dilemma is offered:

     

    HE: Darling, why must you work part-time as a rug salesman?

     

    SHE: Because I wish to enter the marketplace and prove that in spite of my sex I can take a fruitful part in the life of the community and earn what our culture proposes as the sign and symbol of adult independence–namely money.

     

    HE: But darling, by the time we deduct the cost of a baby-sitter and nursery school, a higher tax bracket, and your box lunches from your pay, it actually costs us money for you to work. So you see, you aren’t making money at all. You can’t make money. Only I can make money. Stop working….

     

    SHE: ... Why can't you stay home and take care of the baby? Why can't we deduct all those things from your pay? Why should I be glad because I can't earn a living? Why-- (117-18)

     

    Despite its black-and-white theatricality and an honesty in presenting motivations that is, again, almost comical (“You can’t make money. Only I can make money.”), this scene finally takes very seriously the pain caused by women’s relegation to the domestic sphere. The passage not only echoes Friedan’s insistence that “‘Occupation: housewife’ is not an adequate substitute for truly challenging work, important enough to society to be paid for in its coin…” (248); if possible it actually intensifies the tone of desperate defiance that Friedan’s text communicates in its discussions of society’s unjust conception of “women’s work.”

     

    Russ’s interest in liberal feminism’s claims regarding the liberatory potential of work is likewise apparent in the emotional struggles of her two most manifestly oppressed female characters. As both Joanna and Jeannine try to imagine happy lives for themselves, they repeatedly come back to a prestigious place in the work force as the most likely means to this end.

     

    Jeannine, the most benighted of all, struggles feebly throughout the text to imagine some other role for herself than the one of wife-and-mother that she feels thrust upon her both by her family and her society. In one of the most complex and poignant moments in the text, Jeannine agonizes about the course of her life and is counseled by that part both of Joanna and of herself that has acquiesced to sexism:

     

    "Jeannine, you'll never get a good job," I said. "There aren't any now. And if there were, they'd never give them to a woman, let alone a grown up baby like you. Do you think you could hold down a really good job, even if you could get one? They're all boring anyway, hard and boring. You don't want to be a dried-up old spinster at forty, but that's what you will be if you go on like this. You're twenty-nine. You're getting old. You ought to marry someone who can take care of you, Jeannine." (113-14)

     

    Much of the force of this passage comes from its apparent truthfulness. While a reader invested in seeing Jeannine liberate and transform herself cannot help but resist the negative voice that whispers in her ear here, the text presents much evidence that corroborates the words of the naysayer. Jeannine’s world is so mired in sexism and economic torpor that she truly is precluded by complex historical forces from finding work that can sustain her. Later this taunting voice becomes even more strident as Jeannine’s resistance to marriage begins to slip away:

     

    Do you want to be an airline pilot? Is that it? And they won’t let you? Did you have a talent for mathematics, which they squelched? Did they refuse to let you be a truck driver? What is it?…

     

    I'm trying to talk to you sensibly, Jeannine. You say you don't want a profession and you don't want a man... so what is it that you want? Well? (122-23)

     

    Ultimately, the effect of these passages is to bring work and its inaccessibility into focus as a key source of Jeannine’s sense of entrapment and despair. The jobs listed here, which are particularly associated with conventions of masculinity–the technology of airplanes and trucks, and the science of mathematics–reinforce the message that employment in her world has been carefully coded and mapped onto a gendered grid.

     

    As a successful professor of English, Joanna, the most autobiographical character in the text, has achieved the professional status that Jeannine can scarcely dream of, yet she feels torn between societal expectations that she be “feminine” and her intense pleasure in her work:

     

    I live between worlds. Half the time I like doing housework, I care a lot about how I look, I warm up to men and flirt beautifully…. There’s only one thing wrong with me:

     

    I’m frigid.

     

    In my other incarnation I live out such a plethora of conflict that you wouldn’t think I’d survive, would you, but I do; I wake up enraged, go to sleep in numbed despair,… live as if I were the only woman in the world trying to buck it all, work like a pig, strew my whole apartment with notes, articles, manuscripts, books, get frowsty, don’t care, become stridently contentious…. I’m very badly dressed.

     

    But O how I relish my victuals! And O how I fuck! (110)

     

    Again echoing Friedan, Russ’s text suggests that professional work can open the door to intense happiness, and even intense sexual satisfaction. And although Joanna concedes that despite her Ph.D. and prestigious career, her colleagues do not respect her, treating her as though she wore a sandwich board that reads, “LOOK! I HAVE TITS!,” she never abandons her hope that the public work place will be a site of further liberation in the future (133). Near the conclusion of the text, Joanna returns to the centrality of paid work to women’s identity:

     

    It’s very upsetting to think that women make up only one-tenth of society, but it’s true. For example:

     

    My doctor is male.

     

    My lawyer is male.

     

    My tax-accountant is male.

     

    The grocery-store owner (on the corner) is male.

     

    The janitor in my apartment building is male….

     

    I think most of the people in the world are male.

     

    Now it's true that waitresses, elementary-school teachers, secretaries, nurses, and nuns are female, but how many nuns do you meet in the course of the usual business day? Right? And secretaries are female only until they get married, at which time, they change or something because you usually don't see them again at all. I think it's a legend that half the population of the world is female; where on earth are they keeping them all? No, if you tot up all those categories of women above, you can see clearly and beyond the shadow of a doubt that there are maybe 1-2 women for every 11 or so men and that hardly justifies making such a big fuss. It's just that I'm selfish. My friend Kate says that most of the women are put into female-banks when they grow up and that's why you don't see them, but I can't believe that. (203-4)

     

    Persisting in Joanna’s last extended meditation on work is a sense that bringing women into the public work place is a crucial aspect of asserting the equal significance of women in the world. As in Friedan’s text, public, paid work beyond the conventional confines of “women’s work” is equated with a visibility that will necessarily translate into liberation.

     

    It is in the context of this feminism dedicated to the right to work that Russ’s engagement with New Left notions of post-scarcity becomes so interesting. In fact, I want to argue here that postindustrial, cybernetic technologies leave “women’s work” a deeply fractured and open category in Russ’s text. Despite the very fluid structure of The Female Man, Russ indisputably gives particular emphasis and detail to her account of Whileaway, the utopia from which Janet has emerged. Whileaway relies for its manufacturing on the sophisticated technology of the “induction helmet”–a cybernetic device which transmits brain waves directly to the controls of machinery without any physical exertion on the part of the user, making it “possible for one workwoman to have not only the brute force but also the flexibility and control of thousands” (14). Critic Tom Moylan, in his study of what he characterizes as the “critical utopias” of the 1960s, has discussed the extent to which The Female Man is a cultural artifact of the New Left’s interest in cybernetics. Moylan suggests that in her construction of Whileaway, Russ combines “post-industrial, cybernetic technology with a libertarian pastoral social system” (67). Indeed, Russ’s text bears the unmistakable mark of an element of New Leftist thought that is often overlooked.

     

    Today, when one mentions the American “New Left” the discussion is likely to turn immediately to protests against the Vietnam War. And if the discussion broadens and deepens, a narrative takes shape which begins, alternatively, with Martin Luther King’s Freedom Walks of the mid-1950s or the Greensboro, North Carolina lunch-counter protest of 1960, and then stretches to those Vietnam protests across an expanse of middle-class student actions against the “multiversity.”13 I find that when I mention the role that cybernetic automation played in American New Left politics, I am met with blank stares. And yet automation, specifically, and postindustrialism, generally, was a consistently recurring issue in New Left thought from the very beginning of the Movement. Indeed, what one sees in reviewing the documents of the “most representative organization of the Movement” (Teodori 53), the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), as well as documents from other New Leftist groups, is a gradual embrace of automation as a route to utopia.14

     

    As Massimo Teodori has suggested, in the early 1960s members of the newly formed SDS made America’s underclass their first cause (25-29). Appalled by the specter of poverty in an America where so many lived in resplendence, student groups fastened particularly on the problem of unemployment. In reflecting backward from 1967 on the early days of the Movement, activist Todd Gitlin remarked that the students believed that “the issue of jobs or income might be a single decisive lever of change” (138). This campaign against unemployment was marked by a set of fears distinctive to the post-World War II era; according to Gitlin, the basis of the SDS’s fixation on employment was “some naive expectations about the pace and effect of automation” (138).15

     

    In his description of the activities of one early SDS program, the Economic Research and Action Project (ERAP), Richard Rothstein, writing in 1969, explained that a crucial articulation of those expectations regarding automation was a 1963 manifesto entitled “The Triple Revolution” (275). Written by a “coalition of liberals and radicals,” including Tom Hayden, Michael Harrington, Irving Howe, and Todd Gitlin, the manifesto claimed that revolutions in “cybernation,” weaponry, and human rights demanded radical changes in American society (275).16 In particular, the writers of “The Triple Revolution” considered “the cybernation revolution” the linchpin for their own national revolution. Describing a “machines-and-man drama” in which American jobs were “disappearing under the impact of highly efficient, progressively less costly machines,” the writers reasoned that this domestic crisis made the current economic system manifestly untenable (340).

     

    Rather than calling for limits on the automation of manufacturing, however, the authors of “The Triple Revolution” advocated “the encouragement and planned expansion of cybernation” (347). Tapping a vein of social thought with deep roots in Western history, these writers characterized the U.S. as a post-scarcity society, a society in which “sufficient productive potential is available to supply the needs of everyone… ” (342).17 Contrary to liberal conventions that treated welfare as the safety net for the unemployed, this more radical phalanx believed that an “unqualified right to an income… would take the place of the patchwork of welfare measures” once the society was fully automated (348). Nor would this “right to income” be predicated on full employment of American workers. Instead, the manifesto writers sought to eliminate the “income-through-jobs link as the only major mechanism for distributing effective demand–for granting the right to consume” (343). Soon, work itself would simply no longer be part of the economic equation: “The economy of abundance,” they wrote, “can sustain all citizens in comfort and economic security whether or not they engage in what is commonly reckoned as work” (348). While uncertain of the specifics, they called for a society in which “work” was replaced by “many creative activities and interests commonly thought of as non-economic,” by “new modes of constructive, rewarding and ennobling activity” (348).18

     

    It would be inaccurate to suggest that “The Triple Manifesto” immediately turned the rank and file of the New Left on to a vision of a fully-automated, work-free America. If anything, the elements of this document that had the most powerful effect initially were its dire warnings about short-term unemployment, which were echoed by another report in the same year that predicted unemployment of 13% by 1970 (Rothstein 275-76). Subsequent writings of the SDS produced in the first half of the decade tended to dwell on the immediate “threat of automation,” to borrow activist Carl Wittman’s phrase, rather than its long-term promise (129). In the statement generated by their 1963 convention, “America and the New Era,” the SDS made this threat a central theme. The pamphlet described a crisis in the work force produced by “a new type of automated production” which allowed manufacturers to “increase productive output by seventy per cent, with no increase whatever in the number of manufacturing workers” (174). Again in 1965, a group of older leftists active on the editorial board of Studies on the Left alluded to the threat of automation to American employment, writing that “discontent is widespread, the conditions of work continue to worsen and security will diminish steadily with the continued spread of automation” (“Up from Irrelevance” 214). And in the streets and poor neighborhoods of America, too, students focused more on the short-term threat of automation, counteracting it with various projects meant to respark the force and energy of labor unions, generate employment and, in cases where job loss was unavoidable, improve the welfare system.

     

    Over the course of the 1960s, however, the more positive perspective on automation expressed by “The Triple Manifesto” gradually gained ground. In 1966, activist Richard Flacks predicted “the use of technology to eliminate demeaning labor, [and] the development of new definitions of work and status based on humanistic criteria” (195). And by the end of the decade numerous New Left thinkers were weighing in with wholesale paeans to full automation. Marvin Garson; Dave Gilbert, Bob Gottlieb, and Susan Sutheim; Martin Sklar; and Greg Calvert and Carol Neiman all produced economic and social analyses of the U.S. which called for the full automation of the society.19 In each of these accounts the conventional meanings of “work,” with all of their connotations of rationalization and social order, were unraveled by a vision of easy abundance.

     

    The notion of “work” itself, of course, did not disappear from every account. As late as 1972, Alan Adelson remarked that, when and if the revolution was actually achieved, student radicals had little idea of what sort of society should replace the current one (119). Adelson’s assessment was half true. Most students radicals looked toward some variation of a “post-scarcity society” as the goal of their revolutionary efforts. The place of work in such a society was open, however, to considerable debate. Certainly, throughout this era of intensified interest in a work-free, post-scarcity society, there were those who were standing by the importance of “work” as a source of personal fulfillment.20 Even in Calvert and Neiman’s book-length call for full automation, A Disrupted History, the writers seem unsure about work’s place in a post-scarcity world. At one point the writers argue that “living without working is the potential of capitalist economic and technological development” (86-87, emphasis mine), while at another moment they strategize for a “rational system of decentralized worker-controlled production and the creation of an ecologically sane environment” (137, emphasis mine).

     

    Yet despite such oscillations, there was unquestionably a new enthusiasm for a life without work. In summing up his overview of the New Left’s history and looking to the future, Teodori wrote, “The society dominated by the work ethic is being replaced by one in which creativity and imagination can play an important role in the realization of human potentialities” (83). In their later reflection back on the end of the 1960s, the editors of Social Text likewise identified a new contempt for work:

     

    Zero work, unwork, the merging on the [assembly] line of work and play, this signalled a new politics of labor. It also created new space, cleared by freeing time normally subordinated to capital. This is no longer the unemployment of the economic crisis: it is workers turning away from labor itself, abjuring the income ineluctably tied to it. As capital aims to fill all spaces in the day with activity that produces surplus value, labor aims to free itself from these spaces, to create its own space inside the work place. In the 60s, the anti-work ethic was thus introduced. (Sayres, et al. 3)

     

    Cybernetic automation underwrote these dreams of “unwork” and play, offering the possibility that work places might soon be a thing of the past, that men and women might soon be able to organize their lives not in terms of a regimented schedule of formal tasks, but in response to those highly personal desires revealed by the absence of the demands of production.21

     

    One would be hard-pressed, indeed, to find a society that more completely replicates the spirit of the New Left’s vision of post-scarcity than Whileaway. The “induction helmets,” which represent Russ’s version of cybernetic automation, have produced in Russ’s utopia precisely the sort of eruption of creativity that the New Left made its goal:

     

    ...there is, under it all, the incredible explosive energy, the gaiety of high intelligence, the obliquities of wit, the cast of mind that makes industrial areas into gardens and ha-has, that supports wells of wilderness where nobody ever lives for long, that strews across a planet sceneries, mountains, glider preserves, culs-de-sac, comic nude statuary, artistic lists of tautologies and circular mathematical proofs (over which aficionados are moved to tears), and the best graffiti in this or any other world. (54)

     

    Such descriptions prompt Moylan to describe Russ’s vision of Whileaway as largely inspired by the “the deep changes advocated by the all-male new left of the 1960s” (66). Yet I differ from Moylan and other critics who have discussed Russ’s text by resisting a reading that sees this notion of post-scarcity as readily compatible with Russ’s feminist politics.22

     

    Russ’s mixture of New Left post-scarcity politics with her liberal feminist enthusiasm for work, which I mapped earlier, yields strange results indeed. Despite its remarkable advances, Whileaway still has a number of social problems, and among these, one is given particular emphasis. No point is made about Whileaway with greater regularity than that the women of Whileaway work much too hard: Russ writes, “Whileawayans work all the time. They work. And they work. And they work” (54, original emphasis). In speaking of the hiatus from incessant toil Whileawayans enjoy during the five years in which they raise their infant daughters, Janet explains: “There has been no leisure at all before and there will be so little after…. At sixty I will get a sedentary job and have some time for myself again” (15). Her interlocutor in Joanna’s continuum, taken aback by this characterization asks, “And this is considered enough, in Whileaway?” to which Janet replies, “My God, no” (15).

     

    Yet, where work is concerned Whileaway is a riddle. For we are also told that Whileawayans do not work more than sixteen hours a week, or for more than three hours on any one job (56, 53). While the recent advent of the induction helmet may have somewhat abruptly reduced what had previously been more constant labor (Russ does not make this clear), the repeated complaints about too much work are framed as a current issue, not one of the past.23 These enigmatic formulations allow for a number of possible interpretations. Critic Frances Bartkowski, untroubled by the apparent contradictions concerning work on Whileaway, implies in her reading of the novel that Whileawayans’ laments about their work reveal that even sixteen hours of formal employment have come to seem excessively burdensome within the enlightened society of Whileaway (73). Yet one might also understand Russ’s treatment of work in her utopia to imply the opposite–that every female activity, even those not formally understood as work, has been colored by a pervasive work ethic. Finally, it is possible that the text simply sets up separate, irreconcilable accounts of Whileaway–that the moments when Janet claims that Whileawayans work all the time and those when she claims they work only sixteen hours are meant to be two alternative visions of Whileaway–just as Russ occasionally allows to coexist different, contradictory accounts of certain events elsewhere in the text.24

     

    I would push things a bit further here, however, and maintain that none of these readings is complete without being situated in the context of Russ’s extended engagement with liberal feminism’s celebration of work. It is only in these terms that we can understand Russ’s persistent representation of “work” in a society so clearly modeled after the “zero-work” societies being advocated by the New Left. It is not just any work that is happening in Whileaway, we must conclude, but a version of “work” that has its roots in the liberal feminist appropriation of this category in the 1960s. This women’s work, so brazenly, ostentatiously out of place amidst the industrious circuitry of her utopia, demands that the reader interrogate whether “work” indeed should remain an important category for women when there is no longer an economic imperative to participate in it.

     

    In other words, looking forward from a point at which automation seemed to promise the end of work, Russ reexamines what a feminist notion of women’s work should be. Is “work” a means to an end–that end a state of leisure? Is it a concept that women should embrace as a constant source of respect and power–a term that should become so permeable with the concept of feminism that the two become synonymous? Or is it possible that Russ, in her attention to the endless work that plagues life on Whileaway, is suggesting that by striving toward a life of work at the moment that the New Left was dismissing work as obsolete, women were fettering themselves to a confining rather than liberating set of practices–that women instead should disown and resist work?

     

    At least part of the answer lies, I believe, with the character Janet, the emissary from Whileaway whose arrival in Joanna’s continuum in 1969 opens the novel. Janet’s work as an emissary is strictly temporary. Her regular work on Whileaway is as a “Safety and Peace” officer (1). Specifically, what she does in this job is to track down those who are “unable to bear the tediousness of [their] work,” and, if they cannot be persuaded to return to their job, to kill them (55). In other words, Janet, who stands in metonymic relationship to Utopia itself, is also the one who forces women to work. To simplify that equation a bit further, feminist utopia is in some sense epitomized by, even the equivalent of, the necessity to work.

     

    A slightly different, but not uncomplementary, reading that the text seems to make available is that a conventional gender binary, with its categories of “man” and “woman,” is itself essential to the distinction between work and leisure. That is, Russ’s text allows for an interpretation in which, in the absence of men, all binary structures disappear. The resulting, prevailing epistemology on Whileaway, spurred by the feminist drive to enter the public world of work, constructs work as a totalized category.25 The women of Whileaway “work all the time” because work has become tantamount to existence itself. Certainly the very public and private spheres which have traditionally defined male and female sites of work are abandoned in Whileaway. Janet remarks of Whileawayans at work:

     

    [T]hey work outdoors in their pink or gray pajamas and indoors in the nude until you know every wrinkle and fold of flesh, until your body's in a common medium with theirs and there are no pictures made out of anybody or anything; everything becomes translated instantly into its own inside. (95)

     

    While the elimination of binaries such as public/private and subject/object seem to signal profound liberation, Russ’s insistence that work has simply taken over the binary of work/leisure once again returns us to the question of the meaning of “work” in such a fluid sphere.

     

    I would argue that despite her sense that “work” was in the process of being evacuated of its original economic meanings in the late 1960s, Russ was convinced that women should not relinquish their new-found purchase on this concept. Both Janet’s role as an embodiment of the need to work, and the apparent absence of a meaningful alternative to work, suggest that, while Whileawayans complain about work, they also claim it as their ontology. Even as their lives move closer to complete freedom, their notion of themselves as workers bound to a collective future continues unabated. For Russ, it appears, the course on which women had set themselves in the early days of the second wave was inextricably connected with a notion of “work.” The female worker was, de facto, a feminist, and, conversely, the feminist was a female worker.

     

    It is precisely here, from within Russ’s contradictory utopia of automated feminist work, that we should place her text in dialogue with one of its theoretical progeny, Donna Haraway’s “A Manifesto for Cyborgs.” For the distance between Russ’s complex notion of the continuation of work in an automated society as feminist and Haraway’s understanding of it as feminized suggests the particular relevance of Russ’s thinking about women and postindustrial work for us today. Reading Russ’s text at the intersection of New Left and liberal feminist politics begins to answer Mary Ann Doane’s implicit invitation to historicize Haraway’s contemporary notion of the “cyborg.”26

     

    Russ’s characterization of life on Whileaway as one without binaries–where “everything becomes translated instantly into its own inside”–is strikingly similar to what Donna Haraway describes as “the eradication of ‘public life’ for everyone” in her contemporary meditation on cybernetics and feminism (192):

     

    Let me summarize the picture of women's historical locations in advanced industrial societies, as these positions have been restructured partly through the social relations of science and technology. If it was ever possible ideologically to characterize women's lives by the distinction of public and private domains--suggested by images of the division of working-class life into factory and home, of bourgeois life into market and home, and of gender existence into personal and political realms--it is now a totally misleading ideology, even to show how both terms of these dichotomies construct each other in practice and in theory. (193-94)

     

    In some senses, the superficial similarity between Haraway’s and Russ’s visions here is not difficult to understand. Haraway explicitly names Russ as one of the inspirations for her thinking about contemporary workers as “cyborgs.” Unlike Russ, who celebrates the evaporation of the public/private binary as part of her utopia, however, Haraway characterizes this “privatization” as part of a trend that she describes as the “feminization” of work:

     

    Work is being redefined as both literally female and feminized, whether performed by men or women. To be feminized means to be made extremely vulnerable; able to be disassembled, reassembled, exploited as a reserve labor force; seen less as workers than as servers; subjected to time arrangements on and off the paid job that make a mockery of a limited work day; leading an existence that always borders on being obscene, out of place, and reducible to sex. (190)

     

    Both Russ and Haraway generate visions of societies that, despite their remarkably productive machines, still require extraordinary amounts of work from their human–especially female human–populations. Yet the significance of this merging of women and work in their respective accounts could not be more different. In her discussion of paid, postindustrial work as “feminized,” Haraway presents an ironic twist on earlier liberal feminist projects of ushering women into the work force. Rather than work transforming the meanings of “woman” in American society so that it came to connote strength and independence, it appears, in Haraway’s account, that the binding together of work and woman has instead transformed the meanings of “work,” to a degree negating its positive valence–or, in those cases where it was already regarded negatively, increasing that negativity.

     

    Certainly, both Russ and Haraway see the cyborg as a means to epistemological transformations that can empower women socially and economically. Jael, whose steel teeth and cybernetic claws mark her as an archetypal cyborg, is the character in The Female Man who most straightforwardly communicates the transformative power of work for women. In the future she inhabits, Manlanders have increasingly “farmed out” work to Womanlanders, producing an effect not unlike that which Haraway identifies with contemporary postindustrialism. Yet Jael perceives this trend not as a diminishment of the value of work but a strengthening of women’s cause. Emphatically stating that, “Work is power” (170, original emphasis), Jael permits herself occasional moments of leisure, but finally she makes sense of her life as one of work:

     

    Sometimes I go into one of our cities and have little sprees in the local museums; I look at pictures, I get a hotel room and take long hot baths, I drink lots of lemonade. But the record of my life is the record of work, slow, steady, responsible work. (192)

     

    Near the conclusion of the text Jael reveals that her war efforts are part of the same historical continuum that will produce Whileaway–that her world and her work are necessary to achieve Janet’s utopia (211).27 Similarly, Haraway treats her “cyborg myth” as a vehicle for utopian politics, seeing the trope as a figure for “transgressed boundaries, potent fusions, and dangerous possibilities which progressive people might explore as one part of needed political work” (178).

     

    Yet in Haraway’s account, it is unclear what status work would be assigned in the enlightened cyborg society she calls for.28 Perhaps what understanding the complex social context of Russ’s text can provide us in our current discussions of cyborgs, then, is an increased awareness that incorporating technology more centrally into our understanding of ourselves is not enough to produce a more just world. In these terms, while Russ’s embrace of work qua work may seem anachronistic in our era of multinational capitalism, her insistence that we make work integral to our discussions about feminism and technology could not be more timely.29

     

    In her 1977 essay, “SF and Technology as Mystification,” Russ decries the tendency of academics to obscure the reality of human work and workers with “false abstractions” (35). She suggests that academics “are insulated from the solid, practical details of their own lives by other people’s labor; they therefore begin their thinking about life by either leaving such practical details out or assuming that they are trivial” (34). Russ’s intervention in the historical collision between liberal feminism and the post-work politics that emerged around automation in the 1960s, when placed next to Haraway’s highly influential tract, forces us to ask what new meanings feminists need to attach to work in the cyborg world we inhabit.30 As committed to utopian possibilities as Russ, Haraway invites us to reimagine ourselves as intimately linked, like Jael, to the cybernetic circuitry that surrounds us. Yet, finally, placing Haraway’s text in the context of The Female Man reminds us that another manifesto waits to be written, a document that will rearticulate not women’s imaginative relationship with technology, but their relationship to work in a postindustrial context. Such a document would be the next step in the process of rethinking contemporary postindustrial “work” in ways that will help us transform it from the feminized state in which Haraway finds it to the feminist form Russ dreamed it might take.

    Notes

     

    1. Brick is particularly dedicated to reviving interest in those postindustrial theories that worked toward a type of “social change in which new forms of community emerged as counterweights to market-based norms of organization” (350). My own use of the term “postindustrialism” in this discussion more broadly encompasses the historic shifts in American work and its conceptualization that occurred in response to the extensive automation of production after World War II.

     

    2. Rose states this generalization explicitly (20, 167-68) and supports it throughout her text using specific instances of both theories.

     

    3. See my “‘Whatever It Is That She’s Since Become’: Writing Bodies of Text and Bodies of Women in James Tiptree, Jr.’s ‘The Girl Who Was Plugged In’ and William Gibson’s ‘The Winter Market,’” esp. 62-69.

     

    4. According to Samuel R. Delany, fragments of what would resurface in Russ’s novel as the feminist utopia, Whileaway, were first developed in 1966, as she began writing the short story, “When It Changed”; Marilyn Hacker has indicated that Russ began writing the novel itself in the spring of 1969 (as qtd. in Moylan, 219, 3ff; 57).

     

    5. For accounts that situate The Female Man in relation to specific feminist currents and/or critics, see Ayres; Bartkowski (17, 49-78); Gardiner; Moylan (55-90); and Robinson. For discussions that assume Russ’s feminism as their starting point, see DuPlessis (182-84); McClenahan; Spector; and Spencer. Only one critic, Marilyn J. Holt, has explicitly resisted contextualizing Russ in terms of the development of second-wave feminism, insisting that Russ’s text is “more understandable if it is viewed as preceding, rather than proceeding from, the feminist movement” (488). Admittedly, Holt’s reminder to us that because Russ completed her book in 1971, “she owes many fewer debts than the 1975 publication date indicates” (488), is not without some value in helping us to historicize The Female Man. Yet the critic’s statement that “Russ invented the modern feminism and the dialectics she wrote” (488) overlooks Russ’s own explicit acknowledgment of her debts to “Friedan, Millet, Greer, Firestone, and all the rest” in the final chapter of the novel (213).

     

    6. They identify Russ’s politics with Women’s Liberation, that is, as opposed to the Women’s Movement. The Women’s Movement emerged in the early 1960s in response to the almost simultaneous publication of Betty Friedan’s The Feminine Mystique, and the findings of the President’s Commission on the Status of Women, and was comprised largely of middle-aged, professional women. Women’s Liberation, on the other hand, emerged in the late 1960s as a result of the frustration of female members of the New Left with the blatant sexism of that movement (Lauret 52-64; Ryan 309-17). Sara Evans has documented the details of the emergence of Women’s Liberation from the New Left (156-211). For discussions that foreground the tensions as well as points of intersection between Women’s Liberation and the older Women’s Movement, see Evans (19-23, 217-18); and Ryan (309, 312-17).

     

    7. Russ first explored this way of understanding science fiction in her 1973 essay, “Speculations: The Subjunctivity of Science Fiction.”

     

    8. Robinson’s essay, which analyzes the “multiplicity and heterogeneity” of Russ’s text, among others, to demonstrate “the affinity… between French theory and American fictions” is an interesting–if somewhat essentialist–example of how a postmodern perspective can be effectively brought to bear on The Female Man (115, 122).

     

    9. Ayres’s essay, “The ‘Straight Mind’ in Russ’s The Female Man,” offers the most thorough analysis to date of the ways that “gender roles are indeterminate and contingent” in Russ’s novel (32). Tom Moylan has discussed the link between Russ’s novel and the separatist wing of the feminist movement (75-76). A number of critics have identified the importance of anger in the text; Moylan (74-90) and McClenahan (118-125) characterize it as an essential–and positive–element of the liberation Russ is enacting (and Russ herself has corroborated this interpretation in a 1993 interview with Donna Perry [291]; Bartkowski, on the other hand, associates it with a dangerous “false future” (61). It is Gardiner, however, who specifically contextualizes Russ’s uses of anger in The Female Man within the history of “radical feminists who focus on women’s united need to confront and attack male dominance and patriarchal institutions” (104).

     

    10. Friedan’s text addressed two groups of middle-class women, both of which she felt were selling themselves short: women who stayed home and did no paid work, and women who had accepted work in industry that required no “training, effort, [or] personal commitment” (186). In the case of the former, Friedan’s occasional references to “canning plants and bakeries” as well as automatic household cleaning devices suggest she felt much of this work would be taken up by automation of one form or another (254, 216-17). As to who would take over factory work, Friedan does not say.

     

    While Daniel Horowitz has recently argued persuasively that Friedan’s early leftist activism and journalism place her, and hence liberal feminism, further to the left politically than has been previously acknowledged, I maintain that Friedan shows little concern for or interest in the working class in The Feminine Mystique.

     

    11. See Riesman’s The Lonely Crowd and Whyte’s The Organization Man.

     

    12. Riesman’s remarkable text argued for the continued expansion of automation–to a degree that would drastically reduce human work–and the elevation of “play” to a new status as the crucial activity in American life: “Objectively,” he wrote, “the new situation surrounding work permits a reduction of hours; subjectively, it permits a withdrawal of the concern work demanded in the earlier era and the investment of this concern in non-work” (263). As Howard Brick has noted, Riesman’s ideas regarding automation and work would eventually contribute to the visions of a post-scarcity America promoted by the New Left (350-62).

     

    13. I do not, in fact, mean to imply that these forms of action were not crucial to the history and identity of the New Left. When I refer to the “New Left” throughout this section of my discussion, I mean specifically the American political movement that emerged in the late 1950s–a movement comprising both liberals and radicals that departed from the American “Old Left” in its resistance to the “hierarchical party structure and systematic ideology of the Communist Party” (Trimberger 434). I find Howard Zinn’s characterization of this movement as “that loose amalgam of civil rights activists, Black Power advocates, ghetto organizers, student rebels, [and] Vietnam protestors,” quite appropriate (56). It is my interest here, however, to demonstrate the underlying fascination many of these activists shared in the cybernetic technologies that were proliferating throughout the 1960s.

     

    14. I am indebted to Howard Brick’s essay, “Optimism of the Mind: Imagining Postindustrial Society in the 1960s and 1970s,” for first leading me to many of the sources I cite in my discussion of the New Left’s interest in automation. Brick treats 1967 as the date after which the New Left largely lost interest in the concept of postindustrialism, remarking that by 1967, “anti-imperialist perspectives were more salient on the Left than postindustrial ones” (351). In my own discussion here I maintain that, despite the increased attention directed to Vietnam after 1967, visions of a fully automated post-scarcity America continued to flourish among New Leftists through the end of the decade.

     

    15. The degree to which New Left expectations about “the pace and effect of automation” were actually naive is, of course, very open to question. For an account that underscores the dramatic and frightening effects of automation on production workers, see Denby’s “Workers Battle Automation.” For a more skeptical account of the New Left’s ideas about automation, see Adelson (251).

     

    16. Gilbert, Gottlieb, and Sutheim define “cybernation” as “the automated control of automation” (426). For discussions of the impact of “The Triple Revolution,” see Rothstein (275), and Brick (353-54).

     

    17. First and foremost, of course, this view was articulated by Marx, who, as David Harvey suggests, understood that “[r]evolutions in technology… had the effect of… opening up the capacity to liberate society from scarcity and the more oppressive aspects of nature-imposed necessity” (110). In the U.S., as Andrew Ross has demonstrated, the notion of a technologically enabled post-scarcity state was entertained as early as the World’s Fair of 1939 where, “technology’s potential to create a postscarcity culture out of machine rather than human labor” was one of the “principal elements of the Fair’s philosophy” (128). Yet while the Fair was billed as “the first fair in history ever to focus entirely on the future” (128), and its conception of post-scarcity was framed in these terms, the students of the New Left believed that the technologies were already available to make their vision a reality. David Riesman also anticipated a work-free America before the New Left had taken up this idea, both in The Lonely Crowd (1950) and in “Leisure and Work in Post-Industrial Society” (1958) (Brick 351-353).

     

    18. In this regard, the neo-Marxists of the New Left were updating Marx’s own view that “the realm of freedom actually begins only where labour which is determined by necessity and mundane considerations ceases…. Beyond it begins that development of human energy which is an end in itself, the true realm of freedom” (qtd. in Harvey 111).

     

    19. See Garson, “The Movement: It’s Theory Time” (1968); Gilbert, Gottlieb, and Sutheim “Consumption: Domestic Capitalism” (1968); Sklar, “On the Proletarian Revolution and the End of Political-Economic Society” (1969); and Calvert and Neiman, A Disrupted History (1971).

     

    20. In their description of their activism within the Movement for a Democratic Society (MDS), for example, Marge Piercy and Bob Gottlieb call for the creation of “alternative jobs, alternative ways of living in the society,” while also stressing that “we must take into account the degrees to which a person identifies with his work” (408). They envision a post-revolutionary society in which “new work-places must enable a man to sort out what is truly creative in his field, the real meat of it, from the part that is merely professional obfuscation” (408).

     

    21. Given the centrality of the concept of labor to the notion of the human itself in Marx’s thought, the forms of activity that arose in a post-scarcity society would still be understood as labor from a Marxist perspective. Yet, clearly, this version of human work departed dramatically from the paid, public activities being touted by liberal feminists. My interest in this discussion, then, is how Russ fuses these apparently incompatible modes of work in her feminist project.

     

    22. Moylan, for example, suggests no conflict in Russ’s portrayal of “the use of an advanced technology in the service of a female humanity” (72). Nor does Bartkowski isolate such tensions between the feminism and leftism of The Female Man, despite her reading of such tensions in another text of the same period, Woman on the Edge of Time (63-64).

     

    23. The helmet is represented as currently, “turning Whileawayan industry upside down” (14).

     

    24. For a discussion of such contradictory moments, in which “the sequence of events makes sudden and disorienting leaps, back and forth, across time probabilities wherein some of the events never happened or happened differently,” see Moylan (84-85).

     

    25. This theory seems to be supported by the fact that the only period in which women enjoy leisure on Whileaway is when they tend their children during the children’s infancy. This is the period when there is an “other”–another kind of identity distinguished from their own. It is merely distinguished in the register of age rather than sex.

     

    26. Doane writes that “The cyborg is born all at once, fully developed, a full-fledged member of the work force…. Haraway’s aim is to detach the cyborg from a past and an origin–effectively to dehistoricize it” (210). Later, Doane admonishes that “[o]riginary narratives are not the only way of conceiving of history” (211). What I offer here is not the originary narrative of the cyborg, but one of many.

     

    27. The most feminized “worker” in Russ’s novel, on the other hand, is–significantly, I think–the one to whom the term “work” is never attached in any way. Late in the text Russ graphically describes a sexual encounter between Jael and her cyborg, Davy. Generated in a lab from monkey DNA, and outfitted with cybernetic components, Davy most directly embodies Haraway’s characterizations of the cyborg; he is literally part human, part animal, and part machine. Perhaps the strongest message Russ’s text offers in its creation of a notion of postindustrial “women’s work” is its presentation of a male cyborg who is socially coded in a traditionally “feminized” sense by his identity as Jael’s sex toy. Obediently dwelling in her house, where he plays, exercises, and awaits Jael’s commands, Davy represents everything Russ’s text refuses to signify as feminist work–although it was, during the years Russ was writing and until very recently, activity condescendingly characterized as “women’s work.” What Davy does is not “work” in the sense in which Russ intends this term; and what he represents is not what women should be. Rather than feminizing the meanings of work, Russ expunges an outmoded notion of femininity and reserves the term “work” for the empowering activities of Davy’s contemporary, Jael. In so doing, the text associates weakness with automated leisure and projects both onto the only male body portrayed in any detail in the text.

     

    28. In the first chapter of Simians, Cyborgs, and Women, Haraway identifies with the Marxist view that “the labour process constitutes the fundamental human condition” (28). Yet if, for Haraway, “labor is the humanizing activity that makes man,” it is less clear how labor figures in the construction of the “disassembled and reassembled, post-modern collective and personal self” that is her cyborg (“Manifesto” 182, 187).

     

    29. While a host of contemporary books document the crises of postindustrial labor, two of the best are the collection edited by Fraser and Freeman, and the economic study by Schor. The increasing centrality of work to American women’s lives is demonstrated most graphically by the latter, which indicates that the number of hours the average American woman works annually has increased by 305 hours since 1969 (29).

     

    30. The degree to which automation put pressure on Russ’s thinking about women’s work is evident in the differences between her original conception of Whileaway in “When It Changed,” and the version she creates in The Female Man. In the early story the technology of Whileaway is characterized in mechanical rather than cybernetic terms, and there is no significant attention given to the concept of “work.” Moreover, both Russ’s 1968 novel Picnic on Paradise and her 1970 novel And Chaos Died weigh images of gendered work and leisure against a backdrop of automated societies.

     

    Works Cited

     

    • Adelson, Alan. SDS. New York, Scribner, 1972.
    • Ayres, Susan. “The ‘Straight Mind’ in Russ’s The Female Man.” Science-Fiction Studies 22 (1995): 22-34.
    • Bartkowski, Frances. Feminist Utopias. Lincoln: U of Nebraska P, 1989.
    • Brick, Howard. “Optimism of the Mind: Imagining Postindustrial Society in the 1960s and 1970s.” American Quarterly 44 (1992): 348-80.
    • Calvert, Greg and Carol Neiman. A Disrupted History: The New Left and the New Capitalism. New York: Random House, 1971.
    • Denby, Charles. “Workers Battle Automation.” 1960. Long, New Left 151-71.
    • —. “A Dialogue: Samuel Delany and Joanna Russ on Science Fiction.” Interview. With Charles Johnson. Callaloo: A Journal of African-American and African Arts and Letters 7:3 (1984): 27-35.
    • Doane, Mary Ann. “Commentary: Cyborgs, Origins, and Subjectivity.” Weed, Coming to Terms 209-14.
    • DuPlessis, Rachel Blau. Writing Beyond the Ending: Narrative Strategies of Twentieth-Century Women Writers. Bloomington: Indiana UP, 1985.
    • Echols, Alice. “The Taming of the Id: Feminist Sexual Politics, 1968-83.” Pleasure and Danger: Exploring Female Sexuality. 2nd Ed. Ed. Carole S. Vance. London: Pandora, 1992. 50-72.
    • Editors of Studies on the Left. “Up From Irrelevance.” 1965. Teodori, New Left 209-17.
    • Evans, Sara. Personal Politics: The Roots of Women’s Liberation in the Civil Rights Movement and the New Left. New York: Knopf, 1979.
    • Flacks, Richard. “Is the Great Society Just a Barbecue?” 1966. Teodori, New Left 192-96.
    • Fraser, Steven B., and Joshua B. Freeman, eds. Audacious Democracy: Labor, Intellectuals, and the Social Reconstruction of America. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1997.
    • Friedan, Betty. The Feminine Mystique. 1963. New York: Laurel, 1983.
    • Gardiner, Judith Kegan. “Empathic Ways of Reading: Narcissism, Cultural Politics, and Russ’s The Female Man.” Feminist Studies 20 (1994): 87-111.
    • Garson, Marvin. “The Movement: It’s Theory Time.” 1968. Teodori, New Left 380-84.
    • Gilbert, Dave, Bob Gottlieb, and Susan Sutheim. “Consumption: Domestic Capitalism.” 1968. Teodori, New Left 425-37.
    • Gitlin, Todd. “The Radical Potential of the Poor.” 1967. Teodori, New Left 136-49.
    • Gottlieb, Bob, and Marge Piercy. “Movement for a Democratic Society, Beginning to Begin to Begin.” 1968. Teodori, New Left 403-11.
    • Haraway, Donna. “A Manifesto for Cyborgs: Science, Technology, and Socialist Feminism in the 1980s.” 1985. Weed 173-204.
    • —. Simians, Cyborgs, and Women: The Reinvention of Nature. New York: Routledge, 1991.
    • Harvey, David. The Condition of Postmodernity. Oxford: Blackwell, 1989.
    • Hicks, Heather J. “‘Whatever It Is That She’s Since Become’: Writing Bodies of Text and Bodies of Women in James Tiptree, Jr.’s ‘The Girl Who Was Plugged In’ and William Gibson’s ‘The Winter Market.’” Contemporary Literature 37 (1996): 62-93.
    • Holt, Marilyn J. “Joanna Russ.” Science Fiction Writers: Critical Studies of the Major Authors from the Early Nineteenth Century to the Present Day. Ed. E. F. Bleiler. New York: Scribner’s, 1982. 483-90.
    • Horowitz, Daniel. “Rethinking Betty Friedan and The Feminine Mystique: Labor Union Radicalism and Feminism in Cold War America.” American Quarterly 48 (1996): 1-42.
    • Jameson, Fredric. Postmodernism or the Cultural Logic of Late Capitalism. 1991. Durham: Duke UP, 1992.
    • Lauret, Maria. Liberating Literature: Feminist Fiction in America. London: Routledge, 1994.
    • Long, Priscilla, ed. The New Left: A Collection of Essays. Boston: Porter Sargent, 1969.
    • Moylan, Tom. Demand the Impossible: Science Fiction and the Utopian Imagination. New York: Methuen, 1986.
    • “NOW Bill of Rights.” Sisterhood Is Powerful: An Anthology of Writings from the Women’s Liberation Movement. Ed. Robin Morgan. New York: Vintage, 1970.
    • Riesman, David. The Lonely Crowd: A Study of the Changing American Character. 1950. New Haven: Yale UP, 1977.
    • —. “Work and Leisure in Post-Industrial Society.” Mass Leisure. 1958. Eds. Eric Larrabee and Rolf Meyersohn. Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1960.
    • Robinson, Sally. “The ‘Anti-Logos Weapon’: Multiplicity in Women’s Texts.” Contemporary Literature 29 (1988): 105-24.
    • Rose, Margaret A. The Post-Modern and the Post-Industrial: A Critical Analysis. 1991. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1996.
    • Ross, Andrew. Strange Weather: Culture, Science and Technology in the Age of Limits. London: Verso, 1991.
    • Rothstein, Richard. “Evolution of the ERAP Organizers.” 1968. Long, New Left, 272-88.
    • Russ, Joanna. And Chaos Died. 1970. Boston: Gregg Press, 1978.
    • —. The Female Man. 1975. Boston: Beacon Press, 1986.
    • —. Interview. With Donna Perry. Backtalk: Women Writers Speak Out. Ed. Donna Perry. New Brunswick: Rutgers UP, 1993. 287-311.
    • —. Picnic On Paradise. New York: Ace, 1968.
    • —. “SF and Technology and Mystification.” Russ, To Write 26-40.
    • —. “Speculations: The Subjunctivity of Science Fiction.” Russ, To Write 15-25.
    • —., ed. To Write Like a Woman: Essays in Feminism and Science Fiction. Bloomington: Indiana UP, 1995.
    • —. “When It Changed.” Again, Dangerous Visions. Ed. Harlan Ellison. New York: Doubleday, 1972. 233-239.
    • Ryan, Mary. Womanhood in America from Colonial Times to the Present. 3rd ed. New York: Franklin Watts, 1983.
    • Sayres, Sohnya, et al. Introduction. The 60s Without Apology. Ed. Sohnya Sayres, et al. 1984. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1988. 1-9.
    • Schor, Juliet B. The Overworked American: The Unexpected Decline of Leisure. New York: Basic Books, 1992.
    • Sklar, Martin J. “On the Proletarian Revolution and the End of Political-Economic Society.” Radical America 3:3 (1969): 1-41.
    • Spector, Judith. “The Functions of Sexuality in the Science Fiction of Russ, Piercy, and LeGuin.” Erotic Universe: Sexuality and Fantastic Literature. Ed. Donald Palumbo. New York: Greenwood, 1986. 197-207.
    • Spencer, Kathleen L. “Rescuing the Female Child: The Fiction of Joanna Russ.” Science-Fiction Studies 17 (1990): 167-87.
    • Students for a Democratic Society. “America and New Era.” 1963. Teodori, New Left 172-182.
    • Teodori, Massimo, ed. The New Left: A Documentary History. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1969.
    • —. “Historical and Critical Notes.” Teodori, New Left 3-89.
    • Trimberger, Ellen Kay. “Women in the Old and New Left: The Evolution of a Politics of Personal Life.” Feminist Studies 5 (1979): 432-449.
    • —. “The Triple Revolution.” 1963. Long, New Left 339-54.
    • Weed, Elizabeth, ed. Coming to Terms: Feminism, Theory, Politics. New York: Routledge, 1989.
    • Whyte, William H., Jr. The Organization Man. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1956.
    • Wittman, Carl. “Students and Economic Action.” 1964. Teodori, New Left 128-33.
    • Zinn, Howard. “Marxism and the New Left.” Long, New Left 56-68.

     

  • Violence and Reason on the Shoals of Vietnam

    Anthony Burke

    jetzone@ozemail.com.au

     

    “Tell me, pray,” said I, “who is this Mr Kurtz?”

     

    “The chief of the Inner Station,” he answered in a short tone, looking away. “He is a prodigy…. He is an emissary of pity, and science, and progress, and devil knows what else. We want… for the guidance of the cause entrusted us by Europe, so to speak, higher intelligence, wider sympathies, a singleness of purpose… and so he comes here, a special being…”
     
    –Joseph Conrad, Heart of Darkness (55)

     

    "Vietnam is still with us."


    --Henry Kissinger (Karnow 9)

     

    Ironic perhaps, that we begin with the words of Henry Kissinger–Harvard academic, international relations theorist, member of the Trilateral Commission, of the boards of American Express, R.H. Macy, CBS, Revlon, Freeport-McMoRan, and former U.S. National Security Advisor and Secretary of State. Of course Kissinger, placed so powerfully at the locus of several influential discourses of world order in the post-war age, had his own axe to grind. He went on to say: “[Vietnam] has created doubts about American judgement, about American credibility, about American power–not only at home, but throughout the world. It has poisoned our domestic debate. So we paid an exorbitant price for the decisions that were made in good faith and for good purpose” (Issacson 142).

     

    The crisis to which he alludes would be viewed and characterised differently by the victims and opponents of the war on one hand, and on another, by the elites to whom “Vietnam” stands as a signifier of defeat, failure, crisis, and further paranoia. The conservative scholar Daniel Bell has written that the “American Century”–heralded by Life publisher Henry Luce in 1941–“foundered on the shoals of Vietnam” (Bell 204). What is happening here? I suspect a new story of the West, an ironic metanarrative, that seems to appear everywhere: a long journey, a great sea voyage, a shipwreck. Or as Lyotard has written: “The narrative function is losing… its great hero, its great dangers, its great voyages, its great goal” (The Postmodern Condition xxiv).

     

    Perhaps these men overstate the setback which the defeat in Vietnam represented for American global interests, but their views are no less significant for that. Their words acknowledge a certain challenge to their power, and in turn the power of the institutions, structures, and systems to which they devote themselves and their thought. This challenge both arises out of the United States’ (and broader western) experience in Vietnam, and coalesces around it. Other markers include the 1973 oil price shocks and other third world attempts to assert control of vital commodity markets and prices, as well as the global economic stagnation and inflationary spirals that the war helped to provoke. Further ongoing crises in the project of western economic expansion and modernisation have been provided by the economic nationalism of third world elites, and the struggles of millions for decolonisation, human and civil rights, democracy, and economic and political self-determination. In such a context, “Vietnam” then becomes both a complex and problematic historical event and a tableau, a stage upon which further related crises and problems–mythological, epistemological, political, cultural, and economic–are played out.

     

    This essay thus takes as its object some of the more influential and paradigmatic historiographic texts of the war: Stanley Karnow’s Vietnam, A History, a companion to the PBS television series; Neil Sheehan’s A Bright Shining Lie; Robert McNamara’s In Retrospect; and Francis Ford Coppola’s film Apocalypse Now. While there is an immediately “political” question of their power as vehicles of a certain historical “reality” of the war, there are also questions about the very fact of their appearance in our culture. In The Perfect War James William Gibson argues that during the 1970s and early 1980s the war was “abolished” in America, “progressively displaced and repressed at the same time it was written about”; yet by 1983-4, it had suddenly become “a major cultural topic… as if a legendary monster or unholy beast had finally been captured and was now on a nationwide tour” (Gibson 6).

     

    I am motivated here by an element of this paradox. My interest in these particular texts arises because while they form their narrations in relation to the vast array of events which are assumed collectively to constitute the war, they also do so in relation to a series of broader cultural narratives, conflicts, and myths that reach into the very bedrock and possibility of our modernity. This essay takes up the theme of politics and violence by addressing the way reason–as a form of state power, an index of civilisation, and a movement of historical progress–has been problematised within these texts. I make no claim that they are the most representative of the vast memorial literature on the American war in Vietnam; likewise it must be acknowledged that there are many texts which contest their apologetics for the war, in many different ways, from films like Born On the Fourth of July and Full Metal Jacket, to the memoirs of servicemen and books like Michael Herr’s Dispatches.1 I suggest that these texts reveal key themes of the post-Vietnam literature as this literature relates to a crisis in U.S. foreign policy and national identity. I also suggest that these texts are riven with internal contradictions that derive from the cultural contradictions they attempt–and fail–to reconcile.

     

    Specifically, these texts attempt to reconcile two antithetical impulses: the first opens up a vast aporia within modernity’s (and America’s) claims to reason and culmination, an event Lyotard characterised as an abyss within enlightenment thought, and to which Habermas’s work is also addressed; the second, more sinister, seeks recuperation. Here no such aporia is acknowledged, and reason becomes an apologia for the violence of the war and the discursive architecture that drove its execution. The violence and self-certainty of the Cartesian paradigm are retained, and reason’s function as a promise of historical perfection is revived through a vast act of forgetting, especially in the writing of Francis Fukuyama. The essay concludes that the invention of formal models of non-coercive reason are of less use than a relentless suspicion of the concrete historical effects of such metaphysical claims to liberation.

     

    McNamara’s War

     

    If any event proved that “Vietnam is still with us,” it was the 1995 publication of former U.S. Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara’s memoir In Retrospect: The Tragedy and Lessons of Vietnam. McNamara had been recruited to his position in 1960 by John F. Kennedy from the Ford Motor Corporation where, not long before, he had been appointed its youngest President. He served the Kennedy and Johnson administrations until 1968 when, disillusioned with the war from which he then advocated America’s withdrawal, he was moved to the World Bank. Yet he had become so closely identified with the war in Vietnam that it became known as “McNamara’s war.” In 1995, after sixteen years, he broke his silence and declared the war a mistake.

     

    The book’s brief opening sets out the war’s epistemological and strategic significance for western elites, the narrative strategy McNamara would pursue in an attempt to contain and recuperate its loss, and perhaps unwittingly, the aporias that would remain:

     

    We of the Kennedy and Johnson administrations who participated in the decisions on Vietnam acted according to what we thought were the principles and traditions of this nation. We made our decisions in light of those values.

     

    Yet we were wrong, terribly wrong. We owe it to future generations to explain why.

     

    I truly believe that we made an error not of values and intentions but of judgement and capabilities. I say this warily, since I know that if my comments appear to justify or rationalise what I and others did, they will lack credibility and only increase people’s cynicism. It is cynicism that makes Americans reluctant to support their leaders in the actions necessary to confront and solve our problems at home and abroad.

     

    I want Americans to understand why we made the mistakes we did, and to learn from them.... That is the only way our nation can hope to leave the past behind. (McNamara xvi-xvii)

     

    Here, in the slide from “principles and traditions” to “values and intentions,” is the causal movement which frames an event that saw as many as three million people killed, millions more wounded, and immense and lasting damage done to the environmental and genetic order. Here too is the moral quarantine that would partition “judgement and capabilities” from the beliefs which underlay them, in the hope that this event could finally recede from memory. But can “we” really leave “the past” behind in this way, obscure its legacy and prevent its continual irruption into the present? In this narrative the essential “values” that form the core of the modern American identity remain untainted, except for their application; the broad project of American foreign policy and mission remains, all delivered in the rousing tones and generalities of a Presidential Inauguration speech. (Whatever Clinton’s views on the war, such gestures of recuperation are crucial to making his talk of a new American century possible, a kind of speech impossible only ten years before.) In a formulation that mirrors much of the other historiography of the war, McNamara’s framing text makes a concerted effort to contain the war’s corrosive power and turn its “lessons” to future use. Or to put it another way, what we are witness to here is a modern Descartes contemplating the awesome consequences of the wrong method. Reason still seeks its own return.2

     

    Both Neil Sheehan and Stanley Karnow open their histories in similar ways. Karnow’s book opens with the November 1982 dedication of Washington’s Vietnam memorial, “an angle of polished black stone” upon which are engraved the names of over 58,000 Americans killed or missing in action during the 20 years of direct American involvement there. These names, Karnow writes,

     

    record more than lives lost in battle: they represent a sacrifice to a failed crusade, however noble or illusory its motives. In a larger sense they symbolise a faded hope--or perhaps the birth of a new awareness. They bear witness to the end of America's absolute confidence in its moral exclusivity, its military invincibility, its manifest destiny. They are the price, paid in blood and sorrow, for America's awakening to maturity, to the recognition of its limitations. With the young men who died in Vietnam died the dream of an "American century." (Karnow 9)

     

    This passage casts the war in terms of a great rift, a break that sets the possibility of something redeeming (“a new awareness,” a “recognition of limitations”) against a panorama of loss. Karnow’s words here–particularly their reference to the doctrine of manifest destiny and the post-war vision of Henry Luce–also owe a great deal to Daniel Bell’s essay “The End of American Exceptionalism,” published a few months after the fall of Phnom Penh and Saigon in April, 1975.

     

    Sheehan’s opening section is simply titled, “The Funeral.” Although it commemorates the death of a single American soldier, this event also announces the death of a great deal more. A state funeral, it is accompanied by all the mythological trappings of the American nation, signs which refer to its earliest origins and the decisive battles that brought it into being:

     

    Six gray horses were hitched to a caisson that would carry the coffin to the grave. A marching band was ready. An honor guard from the Army's oldest regiment, the regiment whose rolls reached back to the Revolution, was also formed in ranks before the white Georgian portico of the chapel. The soldiers were in full dress, dark blue trimmed with gold, the colors of the Union Army, which had safeguarded the integrity of the nation. (Sheehan 3)

     

    The funeral itself, held at Arlington Cemetery on May 16, 1972, was for John Paul Vann, around whose larger-than-life figure Sheehan organises much of the moral and political drama of his book. Vann had risen, despite many long-running conflicts with his superiors, from a position as American advisor to the South Vietnamese army in 1962, to wielding in 1971 so much influence within the U.S. civil-military bureaucracy and the Saigon government structure that he was “the most important American in the country after the Ambassador and the commanding general in Saigon.” His role is so decisive, or emblematic, that he was for Sheehan, “the soldier of the war in Vietnam”:

     

    In this war without heroes, this man had been the one compelling figure. The intensity and distinctiveness of his character and the courage and drama of his life had seemed to sum up so many of the qualities Americans seemed to admire in themselves as a people. By an obsession, by an unyielding dedication to the war, he had come to personify the American endeavor in Vietnam. He had exemplified it in his illusions, in his good intentions gone awry, in his pride, in his will to win. Where others had become defeated or discouraged over the years, or had become disenchanted and turned against the war, he had been undeterred in his crusade to find a way to redeem the unredeemable, to lay hold of victory in this doomed enterprise. (Sheehan 3)

     

    “A failed crusade,” “a doomed enterprise”: these writers build ambivalence into the very buttresses of their American Vietnam stories. The war for them is an event disputed, a nation divided and traumatised, a healing shadowed by the destruction and horror of times past. They will strike out in search of narrative unity, but find it continually thwarts them. Karnow’s introduction concludes with an attempt at recuperation, which focuses on the November 1982 march to dedicate the memorial:

     

    From afar, the crowds resembled the demonstrators who had stormed the capital during the Vietnam war to denounce the conflict. But past controversies were conspicuously absent this weekend. Now Americans appeared to be redeeming a debt to the men who had fought and died--saluting their contribution, expiating their suffering. The faces, the words of dedication, and the monument itself seemed to heal wounds. (Karnow 10)

     

    This is moving, and plausible enough in isolation–but when followed by the sobering argument of Bell’s essay, the troubles of veterans, and the bitterness and frustration of policymakers, the gesture seems weak. Karnow’s subsequent attempt at synthesis resolves little, and is accompanied by no small disingenuousness, clouding the USA’s responsibility for the violence and the disproportionate toll on Vietnamese society: “In human terms at least, the war in Vietnam was a war that nobody won–a struggle between victims. Its origins were complex, its lessons disputed, its legacy still to be assessed by future generations. But whether a valid venture or misguided endeavor, it was a tragedy of epic dimensions” (Karnow 11). Sheehan seems less convinced, saying that “some of those who had assembled at Arlington wondered whether they were burying with [Vann] more than the war and the decade of Vietnam. They wondered whether they were also burying with him this vision and this faith in an ever-innocent America” (Sheehan 8).

     

    Crisis, Modernity, and American exceptionalism

     

    Beneath their surface performance of American identity and strategic crisis, these texts are traversed by a deeper set of problems involving a broader structure of western legitimacy and self-identity. Allied with the direct strategic, economic, and mythological crisis of American power is a crisis of what Lyotard has called metanarratives–the narratives of progress, freedom, justice, and reason that have formed the silent philosophical buttresses of the vast cultural, economic, political, scientific, and technological transformations which modernity names. Robert Pippin, in a way similar to Habermas, has called this “the modernity problem,” a problem of the moral and ethical value of modernity, of its “legitimacy”–its ability to ground itself, its project, and its normativity (Pippin 1-4).3 Edward Said in turn links this phenomenon to the process in which a Western cultural identity was simultaneously constructed and destabilised through the historical experience of imperialism. Reproving Lyotard for not suggesting why the metanarratives came into question, Said suggests they went into decline largely as a result of the “crisis of modernism, which… was frozen in contemplative irony for various reasons, of which one was the disturbing appearance in Europe of various Others, whose provenance was the imperial domain… Europe and the West, in short, were being asked to take the Other seriously” (Said 223).

     

    I would argue that we must treat the linkage of these themes, directly played out in Apocalypse Now, as a significant cultural effect; the result of the enormous historical sweep and deployment of the mythology which posed the United States as “the exception,” a new Europe in an untouched space, the newest societal embodiment of reason and progress. In particular Daniel Bell’s essay “The End of American Exceptionalism” traces out this process. He cites the philosopher and Anglican bishop George Berkeley (whose 1726 poem proclaimed “Westward the course of empire”); Hegel, who proclaimed America “the land of the future” in his 1822 Philosophy of History; John O’Sullivan, Walt Whitman, and Ralph Waldo Emerson, who espoused the United States’ “manifest destiny to overspread the continent allotted by Providence for the free development of our yearly multiplying millions”–a doctrine used to justify the Louisiana Purchase, the acquisition of Florida and California, and the dispossession of native American tribes; and Publisher Henry Luce, whose February 1941 Life editorial outlined his vision of a post-war “American Century”–a “vision of America as a world power which is authentically American… America as the dynamic center of ever-widening spheres of enterprise, America as the training center of the skillful servants of mankind… America as the powerhouse of the ideals of Freedom and Justice” (Bell 195-203).

     

    These images Bell grouped beneath “the conception of ‘American exceptionalism”:

     

    the idea that, having been "born free," America would, in the trials of history, get off "scott free." Having common political faith from the start, it would escape the ideological vicissitudes and divisive passions of the European polity... [and] as a liberal society... it would escape the dissaffections of the intelligentsia, the resentment of the poor, the frustrations of the young--which historically, had been the signs of disintegration, if not the beginnings of revolution, in other societies. In this view too, the United States, in becoming a world power... would, because it was democratic, be different in the exercise of that power than previous world empires. (197)

     

    This was a revealing description of the ideals of “the American dream,” the construction of a distinctively American (meta)narrative of identity and progress in terms of the Hegelian “project of a total history” that seeks to “reconstitute the overall form of a civilisation” according to “the continuous chronology of reason” (Foucault, Archaeology of Knowledge 8-9). But Hegel’s “Universal History,” and America’s shimmering place in its teleology, was not the only philosophical idea at issue here. In this description of “exceptionalism” (and in Hegel’s view of America as “a land of desire for all those who are weary of the historical lumber room of old Europe”) was a sense that the United States was developing as a political and geographic space where Europe could re-invent itself and its project. By virtue of its youth, its seemingly boundless tracts of land, and its liberal ideals, America would escape the “signs of disintegration” represented by the writings of Marx, Nietzsche, and Freud and by a polity beset with poverty, misery, and class warfare.4 It was as if, by getting off “scott free,” America could escape the postmodern moment of its modernism, and initiate a pure, consensual modernity that would provide the foundations of future world hegemony and stand as a beacon for the civilised West. Furthermore, in Henry Luce’s vision and in its post-war foreign economic policy, America would spread these values around the globe, driving an enormous global cultural and economic transformation whose deeply contradictory effects are still with us.5

     

    The phenomenon called “Vietnam” would strike a great blow to this arrogance, to America’s world-historical mantle, bringing into its culture all the “postmodern” contradictions long experienced by other western societies. Using a revealing metaphor, Bell wrote that “[t]he American century lasted scarcely 30 years. It foundered on the shoals of Vietnam” (204). But traumatic as the Vietnam defeat may have been for American elites, in Bell’s essay its effect was not restricted to questions of “credibility” and the narrowing of foreign policy options; the war became a stage for a number of related concerns about the health of the American polity, the structure of consensus, and the long-term survival of America’s economic supremacy. “Can we escape,” he asked in a sentiment worthy of McNamara, “the fate of internal discord and disintegration that have marked every other society in human history? What can we learn from the distinctive ideological and institutional patterns that have, so far, shaped a unique American society and given it distinctive continuity in 200 years of existence?” (205).

     

    (Post)modern Echoes: Apocalypse Now

     

    Apocalypse Now plays out such themes, linking them with the deeper malaise Lyotard and Said identify. While many commentators have attacked the film as flawed and overblown, I see the film’s failings as symptoms of the enormous cultural and philosophical contradictions it attempts to reconcile.6 The film’s title signifies these preocupations; it suggests that the war is not only a barely thinkable horror, but a moral and cultural disaster of major order–an event that precipitates the end of the world, the end of civilisation as we know it, the end of metanarratives.

     

    In a gesture at once curious and apt, the film’s structuring narrative teleology is appropriated from Conrad’s classic modernist novel, Heart of Darkness (1902). Coppola’s is one of the few Vietnam films, in the torrent which have appeared, to rework a western literary classic in this way, placing the war squarely within a philosophical problematic which dates to modernity’s earliest self-awareness. The Marlow character, Captain Willard (Martin Sheen), is an assassin sent by a shadowy command to terminate the activities of the Special Forces Colonel Walter E. Kurtz, who is running operations without license from a base just inside the Cambodian border. He has been charged by a military court with murder, having ordered the execution of some South Vietnamese whom he considered to be double agents. Marlow’s movement between the various “stations” of the novel, toward the “heart of darkness,” provides Coppola with both a stage for a number of rather surreal narrative episodes, and a temporal space in which a more overtly political rhetoric can develop. Willard introduces his journey by saying: “I was going to the worst place in the world, and I didn’t even know it yet… weeks away and hundreds of miles up a river that snaked through the war like a main circuit cable, plugged straight into Kurtz….” During the briefing for his mission, Willard hears a tape of Kurtz’s voice: “I watched a snail crawl across the edge of a straight razor–that’s my dream, my nightmare… crawling across the edge of straight razor, and surviving… we must kill them, pig after pig, cow after cow, village after village, army after army and they call me an assassin, what do you call it when the assassins accuse the assassins…?” Kurtz is described by the briefing general as “one of the most outstanding officers this country has ever had,” but he has somehow gone bad, his “ideas, his methods, became unsound.”

     

    In a brief monologue, the General prefigures both the film’s political problematic, and much of its moral and philosophic scope: “Y’know Willard, in this war things get confused out there… power, morality and practical military necessity… out there with these natives it must be a temptation to… be God… because there is a conflict in every human heart, between the rational and the irrational, between good and evil, and good does not always triumph… sometimes the dark side overcomes what Lincoln called ‘the better angels of our nature.’” Coppola’s Kurtz is a hybrid figure who, like his precursor in Conrad, emerges slowly, an object of desire, speculation, and awe, providing the journey upriver with direction, significance, and mystery. Existing as he does, at the very heart of darkness, he functions as a space in which the film combines its broader moral/philosophic concerns with two countervailing rhetorics of the war.

     

    Simplifying a little, these rhetorics divide on the morality of the war and the question of America’s failure. One rhetoric can be read in many of the film’s visual sequences (especially the helicopter attack on the Mekong Delta village commanded by Colonel Kilgore) and in some of the more isolated narrative episodes, and presents the war as a horrific and meaningless event where, in the words of Coppola, modern technology was used to perpetrate genocide (Connolly 65). The other rhetoric, which is developed via the figure of Kurtz and in Willard’s ruminations on his mission, is deeply at odds with this first reading. This rhetoric seems to suggest that Kurtz is less a monster acting “beyond the pale of any acceptable human conduct,” than a harassed and strangely prophetic figure who truly understands the reserves of brutality and discipline that would have to be harnessed if America was going to prevail. In short, it repeats the crude argument that America fought the war with one hand tied behind its back.

     

    This reading is suggested by an interpretation of Kurtz’s remarks on the tape played for Willard–the “snail” is the Vietnamese enemy, the “straight razor” it crawls across, and survives, is the American military machine. And early in the film Willard remarks–referring to his mission–that “charging a man with murder in this place was like handing out speeding tickets at the Indy 500.” As he reads Kurtz’s file on the journey, Willard’s admiration increases:

     

    October 1967 on special assignment in Kontum Province 2 Corps, Kurtz staged "Operation Archangel" with combined local forces. Rated a major success. He received no official clearance. He just thought it up and did it. What balls! They were gonna nail his ass to the floorboards for that one, but after the press got hold of it, they promoted him to full Colonel instead. Oh man, the bullshit piled up so fast in Vietnam you needed wings to step out of it.

     

    Similarly, Willard reads a letter Kurtz had addressed to his son, in which Kurtz expounds his philosophy on the morality and use of force:

     

    In a war there are many moments for compassion and tender action. There are many moments for ruthless action. What is often called ruthless, what may in many circumstances be only clarity, seeing clearly what there is to be done and doing it... directly, quickly, awake, looking at it. As for the charges against me, I am unconcerned. I am beyond their timid, lying morality. You have all my faith, your loving father...".

     

    Reason is not a stable value here; reason is not a space outside which we are led to assume Kurtz exists. Certainly he has been denounced as “insane,” his methods called “unsound,” but such definitions are countered by as many valorisations of his approach. These tensions seem largely unresolved, but they point to a notion of reason whose morality is pliable and uncertain, a question of what reason allows, what it may find necessary or just; that it may, in this instance, allow and require a man like Kurtz.

     

    Political Reason and History

     

    I am not arguing here against reason as such, as if it could be easily abandoned–as Derrida reminds us, metaphysics supplies the very languages and terms with which we seek to undermine it. However I am suggesting that any use of reason, even mine, must acknowledge its problematic status; its features then must be differentiated, and its deployment into particular historical and institutional contexts be critically analysed. This view bypasses, for instance, Habermas’s efforts to reconstitute a universal rationality free from its past coercive implications, rather taking its cues from a poststructuralism which, in Robert Young’s words, “reanalyses the operations of reason as such” (8).7

     

    While I have sympathies with Habermas’s broad political impulse, I am uncomfortable with a strategy that seeks to preserve the sovereignty and metaphysical claims of a transcendental concept rather than interrogate the specific forms of rationality which produce and enable events like Vietnam. A metaphysics that differentiates between reason and unreason in order to apply political and moral value is no longer viable and has in fact been undermined by the experience of the war. We need to think of such events not as irrational but as rational in one way or another. We need, that is, to jettison the emotive and superior value we place upon rationality and to define it as the operation of specific political and cultural deployments of power, that combine institutional, legal, economic, technological, and scientific frameworks in a strategic fashion. As Foucault comments, in the exercise of political power it “is not ‘reason in general’ which is implemented, but always a very specific type of rationality” (Politics, Philosophy, Culture 73).

     

    Of course the problem of reason relates to more than simply political efficiency: in these histories reason is further at issue both in terms of the moral and ethical values which have been imputed to it, and in terms of its place at the intersection of the broader exercise of political power and the life of individual subjects: how they are governed, how they govern themselves, and the values and ideals with which they do so. Reason as a measure of the efficacy of political power was a problem central to the seventeenth-century doctrines of “reason of state,” which Foucault discusses in his 1979 lectures published as “Politics and Reason.” Here the problem was not the link between the prince and the state, as it was in Machiavelli, but to reinforce, expand, and strengthen the state itself. Reason of state, says Foucault, was a search for “a rationality specific to the art of government” (Politics, Philosophy, Culture 58-77).

     

    In the philosophy of history reason also had an added temporal function. In Kant’s 1784 essay “Idea for a Universal History,” reason was the “guiding thread” which supplied history with direction, but was also a powerful political technology: “a faculty of widening the rules and purposes of the use of all its powers far beyond natural instinct” (13). Hegel further elevated reason into a virtual law of historical development, which bound together the state and the individual subject in an inevitable and ideal embrace. The state was “the material in which the Ideal of Reason is wrought out” (9); individuals realised their “essential being” in “the union of the subjective with the rational will… the moral Whole, the State” (38). The possession of reason was also a measure of historical progress among peoples: History could only be taken up “where Rationality begins to manifest itself in the actual conduct of the World’s affairs (not merely as an undeveloped potentiality)” (59). Thus it was in Reason in History that reason of state and teleology became united–united in their concerns for the strength of states and mechanisms of government, in representing historical change as rationality, and in stengthening the union of personal and national identity, of individual freedom with the state and its destiny.

     

    Failures of Reason

     

    Both McNamara’s and Sheehan’s books take as their central themes this problematic of “rationality,” in particular the post-war search by American policymakers for an effective rationality of global power, a “rationality” that would forge an ideal combination of strategic assumptions, political strategies, and administrative, diplomatic, and military techniques with realistic and legitimate goals. This in turn was linked with the larger historical movement of reason of which the United States was seen as a vehicle–with the effect of obscuring this reason’s practical techniques and consequences within an emotive metaphysical smoke. In this John Paul Vann and McNamara appear as paradigmatic figures. McNamara was the figure of the Cartesian, mathematical policymaker who believed that the gradual and massive application of superior force would prevail, and who drew up fantastical assessments of troop numbers, casualty rates, and time frames for victory. Vann was the idealistic citizen, courageous warrior, and fierce anticommunist with an enormous organisational, tactical, and administrative ability–the soldier-archetype.

     

    McNamara was a paradigm case of a thinker whose craving for certainty and whose almost unshakable belief in reason’s power to control reality contributed to the destructiveness of the war; however, this was entirely consistent with what James William Gibson describes as a “deeply mechanistic world view” which took hold in the postwar policy elite of the United States. He cites Kissinger as writing, without irony, that after 1945 American foreign policy had been based “on the assumption that technology plus managerial skills gave us the ability to reshape the international system and to bring about domestic transformations in emerging countries.” This “scientific revolution” had “for all practical purposes, removed technical limits from the exercise of power in foreign policy.” Gibson suggests that, in such a system, the defeat of the United States by “a nation of peasants with bicycles” was literally unthinkable (14-16).8

     

    Seeing this hubris so starkly laid out allows us to understand the dual crisis of technical and philosophical reason that the defeat engendered. There is a strong sense in both Sheehan’s and McNamara’s books that the crisis of these strategies and capabilities had an added historical force that brought the whole metaphysic of the American century (and its self-conscious echoes of exceptionalism and manifest destiny) into question. In particular Vann’s figure dramatises a conflict–within the nation, the government, and the U.S. Army–over the merits and prosecution of the war. Vann’s appeal for Sheehan is played out in two narrative streams: his military biography which, in recounting his constant battles with higher authority, dramatises his “candor,” “moral heroism,” and “truth telling”; and his personal biography which presents his character in more psychologising terms as torn between “a duality of personal compulsions and deceits that would not bear light and a professional honesty that was rigorous and incorruptible.” Here, his inner struggle becomes a metaphor for the unhappy mix of idealism and “dark compulsions” at the heart of the American dream (Sheehan 385).

     

    While Vann conducted a principled campaign against the corruption of the Saigon regime, the brutality and slaughter of the air war, and the ruthlessness of many soldiers, he did so out of an underlying belief that the war was fundamentally just and that the range of politico-military strategies brought to bear had to be changed. Even after the Tet Offensive of January 1968, after which so many–including McNamara–advocated withdrawal, Vann remained a fervent proponent and became a major source of inspiration for Nixon’s “Vietnamisation” strategy. In this way, Vann functioned as a touchstone, a quasi-ideal locus of rationality by which other actors and institutions could be measured. Also, as far as can be gleaned from Sheehan’s account of Vann’s commitment to the state and his passionate refusal to lose faith in the war, he functioned to illustrate the limits to this rationality; thus the book oscillates between an immersion in the rhetoric which Vann’s story forms and a more detached and principled critique of Vann’s actions and thinking. Sheehan’s writing, for instance, does allow the reader to question the limits to Vann’s outrage, which, according to the story, lay at the core of his reputation for “moral heroism.” In 1968 Vann had encouraged CIA station chief William Colby in his efforts to have Thieu support the “Phoenix” program, which aimed to capture or assassinate the cadres of the NLF’s clandestine government (Sheehan 732-33). Colby estimated in 1971 that 28,000 people had been captured and another 20,000 killed under the program, which was in reality a gross and systematic violation of human and civil rights, the imprimatur of a military dictatorship its only legal justification.

     

    Reason then, as a moral value, ultimately became a measure of necessity and discretion in killing, a discretion moderated and controlled by the requirements of political and military efficiency. Sheehan wrote that “Vann had no moral qualms about killing Vietnamese Communists and those who fought for them, nor was he troubled by the fact that he would be getting Vietnamese who sided with the United States killed to achieve American aims in Vietnam… he assumed that he and his fellow Americans in Vietnam had a right to take life and to spend it, as long as they did so with discretion, whenever killing and dying were necessary in their struggle” (12). In his introduction, Sheehan explained that Vann opposed the air war because “he considered it morally wrong and stupid to wreak unnecessary violence on the innocent” (6). Vann’s convictions brought him common cause with Senator Edward Kennedy, who had attempted to alleviate the suffering of the civilian war wounded and the refugees, and, Sheehan wrote, “had shared Vann’s concern for the anguish of the Vietnamese peasantry and had, like Vann, attempted to persuade the U.S. government to wage war with reason and restraint” (42, emphasis added). The form of words here is crucial, highlighting as it does the limits to this morality, which refuses to question the United States’ claimed right to intervene, and ultimately subsumes its denunciation of the violence beneath the pragmatics of the war’s continued prosecution. This attenuated morality united both men like George Kennan, who argued for Vietnam’s essential strategic irrelevance to the United States, and men like Vann who, wrote Sheehan, while concerned with reducing pain and suffering as much as possible, “believed with equal firmness that there was no choice but to sacrifice the Vietnamese peasants to the higher strategic needs of the United States” (535).

     

    McNamara’s final chapter is entitled “The Lessons of Vietnam,” and turns around a list of the major causes for American failure. These include a misjudgement of Vietnam’s “geopolitical intentions” and of “the power of nationalism to motivate a people”; an ignorance of Vietnamese culture and history; a failure “to recognise the limitations of modern, high-technology equipment, forces and doctrine”; a failure to “draw Congress and the American people into a full and frank discussion”; and a failure to “recognize that neither our people nor our leaders are omniscient…. We do not have the god-given right to shape every nation in our own image or as we choose” (320-23). Of particular interest here is the crisis in McNamara’s (self) image as the epitome of the rational, controlled, mathematical policy-maker: a Cartesian psychological and administrative formation that exalts problem solving and strives for certitude and mastery. This insight is suggested to me by writers like Elizabeth Grosz and Christine Sylvester who challenge the gendered “normativity of sex” in international relations which aligns maleness, order, reason, and intellect in opposition to passion, disorder, and the body–values constructed as perpetually threatening, irrational, backward, and disruptive.9 This approach thus reveals the mechanistic world-view as self-consciously masculine. McNamara makes an interesting comment as his tenth “cause”: “We failed to recognise that in international affairs, as in other aspects of life, there may be problems for which there are no immediate solutions. For one whose life has been dedicated to the belief and practice of problem solving, this is particularly hard to admit. But at times, we may have to live with an imperfect, untidy world” (323).

     

    McNamara almost finds the understanding, but he fails at the crucial point. In that final metaphor of an “imperfect, untidy world,” the flaw in his recuperation becomes evident. While initially it had seemed that he had discarded the geopolitical baggage of an earlier period, it becomes clear that he has not. Lapsing into the propaganda of the time, he says that “the United States of America fought in Vietnam… for what I believe to be good and honest reasons… to protect our security, prevent the spread of totalitarian Communism, and promote individual freedom and political democracy.” Thus it wasn’t the fundamental strategic rationale which was wrong, or the metaphysical abstractions which underpinned the policy, but simply its field and application; McNamara argues that the “South Vietnamese… had to win the war themselves… external military force cannot substitute for the political order and stability that must be forged by a people for themselves” (McNamara 333).

     

    With this mantra of “stability” McNamara betrays a refusal to acknowledge that the South Vietnamese state was, and always had been a lie; nor was it ever democratic and nor did the U.S. ever seriously encourage an open political system that would have had to include the NLF. He refuses to acknowledge, except in the most oblique way, that the loss in Vietnam was determined by politics, not force, and that the intervention was fundamentally unjust from the outset. Nor does he acknowledge the immense human destruction caused by the twenty-year U.S. operation and the responsibility–equalling that of post-war Japan or Germany–that needed to be borne. Ultimately he remains committed to the idea of rational judgement and decision, in all its metaphysical fullness. He mourns perhaps the optimism and certitude with which this rationality was once was applied, tempers the hubris a little, and hopes finally to heal and improve the interlinked system of ideals, belief, and administration the war so damaged. Much like George Bush rejoicing after the Gulf War at the defeat of the “Vietnam syndrome,” McNamara seeks to enlarge the possible field of rationality and intensify its nuances, rather than to interrogate its very grounds or legitimacy. The American Century, holed in the bow, can be refloated with the tide and resume its grand imperial voyage.

     

    Aporias: Apocalypse Now Concludes

     

    The final scenes of the Apocalyse Now demonstrate most clearly the moral aporias central to this body of historiography, in turn relating them to the broader problematic of western identity that structures Heart of Darkness. These scenes come closest in the film to any scenes in the novel, and circle around the question of the exact nature and moral value of the rationality Kurtz represents. The rhetorical outcomes from this climactic sequence, and thus the film as a whole, remain deeply ambiguous. The scene opens as Willard’s boat approaches Kurtz’s camp, which is guarded by local Montangard tribesmen who stand silently, their bodies painted white, a still assembly of latent threat. The compound is festooned with stakes topped by skulls and severed heads, and Willard is imprisoned for a time in a kind of “tiger cage” where Kurtz, his face painted like some demon, torments him. In the novel, Kurtz is dying when Marlow reaches him, his ruthlessness, power, and efficiency by that time a memory. Still, this section of the film presents the Kurtz of the novel, a Kurtz who “lacked restraint in the gratification of his various lusts” and in whom “there was something wanting”:

     

    Whether he knew of this deficiency himself I can't say. I think the knowledge came to him at last--only at the very last. But the wilderness had found him out early, and had taken on him a terrible vengeance for the fantastic invasion. I think it had whispered to him things about himself which he did not know, things of which he had no conception till he took counsel with this great solitude--and the whisper had proved irresistably fascinating. It echoed loudly within him because he was hollow at the core... (Conrad 53)

     

    Here the film appropriates Conrad’s moral sleight of hand, which, while portraying Kurtz as a destructive emissary of “progress,” ultimately projects his violence back onto the jungle, as if the colonial enterprise he represents had been contaminated by the primaeval land it raped. The Montangards function as symbols of darkness and death, a projection which in turn activates a long tradition of western fears of paganism, ritual, and cannibalism. Once again, the figure of the savage becomes the repository of the guilt and fear associated with imperial control, and the isolated figure of a man who has lost his reason stands in for the systemic violence of the European enterprise.

     

    Yet while Coppola makes this somewhat attenuated denunciation, I also see another rhetoric available from this scene, one that seeks to expand the space of reason to encompass a necessary and intensified level of violence. This moment comes with a long monologue spoken by Kurtz, which is accompanied by none of the censure that surrounds his figure in the novel. Kurtz begins by saying that Willard has “a right to call me a murderer… but you have no right to judge me” and that “horror has a face and you must make a friend of horror, horror and moral terror are your friends. If they are not then they are enemies to be feared.” Kurtz goes on to recount a story of how, after his Special Forces unit had been inoculating children in a village, the Viet Cong came through and “hacked off every inoculated arm.” Kurtz describes how he first wept, and then realised

     

    the genius of that, the genius to do that... I realised they were stronger than we because they could stand it... If I had ten divisions of those men our troubles here would be over very quickly... you have to have men who are more and at the same time who are able to utilise their primordial instincts to kill without feeling without passion without judgement... without judgement... because it is judgement that defeats us...

     

    The Viet Cong atrocity recounted in this scene is pure fiction; what is interesting here, however, is the morality of this argument, a firmly contemporary nuance with no parallels in the novel. Simon During has commented that having chosen for his story “an old mythic narrative: the voyage to the underground and back” (one with other western antecedents, such as Dante’s Inferno), Conrad was confident “that the culture [could] narrativise its own reneging on enlightenment” (During 26). I sense that Coppola, having recognised how bound the Vietnam war was with that American enlightenment narrative, felt no such confidence. The myth was gone, wrecked on the shoals of this war; no return could be made. At the film’s end Kurtz is killed, hacked to death by Willard to the strains of The Doors’ The End. But however violent this scene, it ultimately seems meaningless, a climax without narrative significance, the plot’s attempt to conclude and solidify a logic that here founders on a chaotic diffusion of signs, falling and scattering like mercury. All that is left is Kurtz’s wish, like the America for which he is metaphor, to escape “judgement,” and a pathetic and chilling vision which could only intensify a rationality that so clearly, and terribly, has failed.

     

    The Abyss of Reason

     

    So why now, an abyss? Toward what space do these texts lead us, at a time when other prophets speak of “the end of History,” of the imminent culmination of human reason and endeavour, the realisation of an imagined, utopian space that our ideals, our system, and our masters have always been creating for us. This would be a space that admits no abyss, except as an already resolved contradiction, a loss without memory. Many will recognise Francis Fukuyama’s neo-Hegelian historico-philosophical claim, one I treat with the utmost seriousness, given that its broad contours mirror increasingly powerful global discourses of economic and cultural integration.10 Fewer perhaps would recognise how, in the 1992 book which expanded Fukuyama’s original essay, a broad cultural phenomenon of “deep historical pessimism” was posed as one of the fundamental challenges to his project. This was a symptom of “truly terrible events” like the Holocaust, the two world wars, or Stalin’s Soviet Union, events “in which modern technology and modern political organisation” were put “to the service of evil.” True to his claim and his reading of Hegel, Fukuyama subsumes these problems beneath a new “dialectical” optimism which takes the fall of “strong states” and the global spread of “economic and political liberalism” as its final proof (Fukuyama 3-12). Like McNamara, Fukuyama allows the past to recede so recuperation can begin.

     

    The work of Lyotard thwarts an easy resolution of such contradictions. In “The Sign of History,” he argues that Auschwitz was a “proper name” which “places modern historical or political commentary in abeyance…. Adorno pointed out that Auschwitz is an abyss in which the philosophical genre of Hegelian speculative discourse seems to disappear, because the name ‘Auschwitz’ invalidates the presuppositions of that genre, namely that all that is real is rational, and all that is rational is real” (163). Such events thus produce an immense “fission affecting the unity of the great discourses of modernity” (192). In my view, the French and American wars in Indo-China are just such an event: one which should, and does, produce a serious ethical and historic rupture in the value we place upon “modernity” and a philosophical rhetoric of historical progress. In particular, this event produces a “fission” in a particular historical experience of modernity in which the United States has been seen as a beacon and in which it has acted as a hegemonic and universalising force. Nor are these the only such events in American history: we could consider the destruction of native American tribes, the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, and more recent events like the support for the Indonesian killings of 1965-66, or the wars against Nicaragua, Panama, or Iraq. And most western nations, through their roles as colonisers or as post-war geopolitical and economic actors, share such stains.

     

    This however does not amount to a wholesale polemic against something called “the enlightenment,” which, as both Foucault and Derrida have argued, still provides valuable tools for its own critique and continues to shape the languages in which we frame our thought, however critical.11 Rather, as I have tried to do here through this discrete cultural history of “reason,” it forces us to differentiate its elements and to analyse its historical formation and deployment into particular systems of rationality. Many understandably worry that poststructuralist critiques such as Lyotard’s deny us the ability to distinguish between good and bad uses of reason, between destructive and ideal deployments of truth and power, and robs us of the idealist core of the enlightenment project.12 While accepting the importance of such concerns, I don’t necessarily agree. This essay for instance has implied that the forms of reason deployed by the antiwar movement or the NLF had superior claims to those of the American war and foreign policy machines. Broadly speaking they did; however criticism ought to be made of the NLF’s frequent resort to brutality and terrorism (and the failure of sections of the antiwar movement to acknowledge this) and of its perversion into Stalinist repression as the form of the post-1975 Vietnamese state solidified.

     

    In answer to such problems I suggest that we cannot be happy with a reason that retains its metaphysical gloss at the expense of a permanent and restless activity of self-critique. This is the insight I take from Lyotard and from deconstruction, and for which I believe Habermas to have been arguing in his own way. The idealist impetus can be retained, as long as we are also able to question the ways in which the universalising and teleological claims of such metadiscourses, whoever deploys them, too often close off moral and political contradictions and limit the scope of the possible. In the western context, such claims to reassessment or democratic culmination retain deeply misogynist and ethnocentric assumptions which legitimate a continued geopolitical economy of violence, along with neocolonial patterns of economic power and fundamental privilege. Above all, we must acknowledge the grave cultural problem present in almost all these texts: the contemporary recuperation of a metanarrative structure constituted by a simultaneous refusal to think properly its own abyss.

     

    Notes

     

    My thanks to Caroline Graham, Robert Young, and Jim George, and to the anonymous reviewers who made many useful suggestions for this essay. Thanks also to Simon During, whose 1987 essay “Postmodernism Or Postcolonialism Today” first brought my attention to the links between Coppola’s film, Heart of Darkness, and the philosophy of Lyotard. Although my reading of the film departs from his, a considerable debt is still owed.

     

    1. For a survey of the veterans’ literature on the war see The Perfect War (462-76). Gibson comments that this literature “contradicts the war managers at virtually every level” yet has “failed to influence the conventional assessments by both the ‘error in judgement’ and the ‘self-imposed restraint’ schools. How can a major war like Vietnam be absorbed into the historical record without listening to those who fought the war, especially when over 200 books have been written by soldiers and their close observers? What are the tacit rules governing ‘legitimate’ knowledge about the war…?”

     

    2. Paul Hendrikson’s book The Living and the Dead, an intriguing personal and political biography of McNamara, is an important additional reference here. He discusses the layers of (self)deception and denial which shaped McNamara’s political career and his relationship to the war, and which re-emerged in his 1995 memoir. His devotion to science and mathematics, and its influence on his prosecution of the war, are also traced, along with their slow and partial breakdown as he allowed the human tragedies of the war to affect him.

     

    3. See also Jurgen Habermas, The Philosophical Discourse of Modernity.

     

    4. See Pippin, Modernism as a Philosophical Problem; and Paul Johnson, The Birth of the Modern: World History 1815-1830, especially Chapter 5.

     

    5. Here I am referring to Lyotard’s idea of the postmodern as both a dialogue of disillusionment with modernity, and existing contemporary with it, rather than being temporised as coming “after” modernism or as synonymous with “late capitalism.” As he writes in The Inhuman,

     

    neither modernity nor so-called postmodernity can be identified and defined as clearly circumscribed historical entities, of which the latter would always come "after" the former. Rather... the postmodern is always implied in the modern because of the fact that modernity, modern temporality, comprises in itself an impulsion to exceed itself into a state other than itself. And not only to exceed itself in that way, but to resolve itself into a sort of ultimate stability, such for example as is aimed at by the utopian project, but also by the straightforward political project implied in the grand narratives of emancipation. Modernity is constitutionally and ceaselessly pregnant with its postmodernity. (25)

     

    6. My reading of Apocalyse Now tends to cut across, but not necessarily refute, readings which see the film as entirely complicit with the war through its making, its director’s inflated vision, and its technology, which involved the hire of helicopters from the Filipino military and the burning of vast tracts of forest to achieve some shots. Such a reading has been made by Jean Baudrillard, for instance, and I have no essential quarrel with it. I have also noted disturbing complicities in terms of the film’s rhetoric, but also anti-war elements. Rather than seeking to produce a conclusive, homogeneous reading of the film, I have chosen to explore these contradictions and ask what broader cultural symptoms they reflect.

     

    7. See Jacques Derrida, “Structure, Sign And Play In The Discourse Of The Human Sciences” (280).

     

    8. Gibson’s book is a particularly insightful and systematic attempt to lay out and critique the mechanistic assumptions which underpinned the American prosecution of the war, and must be a crucial reference for anyone who wishes to explores these elements of U.S. policymaking.

     

    9. See Christine Sylvester, “Handmaid’s Tales of American Foreign Policy”; and Elizabeth Grosz, Volatile Bodies: Towards a Corporeal Feminism.

     

    10. Former Australian Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade Gareth Evans, for instance, extolled the brilliance of Fukuyama’s thesis in a 1990 speech. Speculating upon its growing realisation in Asia, he cited the moves by the Chinese and Vietnamese toward market economies, the “democratisation” of Taiwan and South Korea, and the growing acceptance among regional leaders of the Asia Pacific Economic Co-operation (APEC) forum. He carefully avoided the questions of democracy in Singapore and Indonesia, and, given his hopes for a U.N. brokered settlement in Cambodia, would no doubt have questioned Fukuyama’s later myopic attitude to the U.N.

     

    11. Derrida comments that “[t]here is no sense in doing without the concepts of metaphysics in order to shake metaphysics. We have no language–no syntax and no lexicon–which is foreign to this history; we can pronounce not a single destructive proposition which has not already had to slip into the form, the logic and the implicit postulations of precisely what it seeks to contest” (280). A crucial essay here is Foucault’s “What Is Enlightenment?”

     

    12. For a profound presentation of such concerns see Jurgen Habermas’s essays in The Philosophical Discourse of Modernity, which, while presenting a strongly argued critique of much poststructuralism, shared much with those thinkers’ critiques of Hegelian forms of liberalism and classical marxism.

    Works Cited

     

    • Bell, Daniel. “The End of American Exceptionalism.” The Public Interest 41 (Fall 1975): 193-224.
    • Connolly, Keith. “Apocalypse Now.” Cinema Papers (February-March 1980): 65-66.
    • Conrad, Joseph. Heart of Darkness. London: Wadsworth, 1960.
    • Derrida, Jacques. “Structure, Sign And Play In The Discourse Of The Human Sciences.” Writing and Difference. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1978. 278-294.
    • During, Simon. “Postmodernism or Postcolonialism Today.” Textual Practice 1.1 (1988): 32-47.
    • Evans, Senator Gareth. “Change in Asia and the End of History.” Address to the Asia Society. New York. 27 September 1990.
    • Foucault, Michel. The Archaeology of Knowledge. New York: Pantheon Books, 1972.
    • —. Politics, Philosophy, Culture. Ed. Lawrence D. Kritzman. London: Routledge, 1988.
    • —. “What Is Enlightenment?” The Foucault Reader. Ed. Paul Rabinow. New York: Pantheon Books, 1984.
    • Fukuyama, Francis. The End of History and The Last Man. London: Penguin, 1992.
    • Gibson, James William. The Perfect War: Technowar in Vietnam. Boston: The Atlantic Monthly Press, 1986.
    • Grosz, Elizabeth, Volatile Bodies: Towards a Corporeal Feminism. Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1994.
    • Habermas, Jurgen. The Philosophical Discourse of Modernity. London: Polity Press, 1987.
    • Hegel, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich. Lectures On The Philosophy of History. New York: Prometheus Books, 1822.
    • Hendrikson, Paul. The Living and the Dead. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1996.
    • Issacson, Walter. “Kissinger’s Web.” Vanity Fair September 1992: 142-148.
    • Johnson, Paul. The Birth of the Modern: World History 1815-1830 London: Orion Books, 1991.
    • Kant, Immanuel. “Idea for a Universal History from a Cosmopolitan Point of View.” On History. Ed. L.W. Beck. Indiana: Bobbs-Merrill, 1963. 10-24.
    • Karnow, Stanley. Vietnam: A History. New York: Penguin, 1983.
    • Lyotard, Jean François. The Inhuman. Cambridge: Polity Press, 1988.
    • —. The Postmodern Condition. Manchester: Manchester UP, 1989.
    • —. “The Sign of History.” Poststructuralism and the question of history. Eds. Attridge, Bennington, and Young. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1989. 161-170.
    • McNamara, Robert S. In Retrospect: The Tragedy and Lessons of Vietnam. New York: Times Books, 1995.
    • Pippin, Robert. Modernism as a Philosophical Problem. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1991
    • Said, Edward. “Representing the Colonised: Anthropology’s Interlocutors.” Critical Inquiry 15.2: 205-225.
    • Sheehan, Neil. A Bright Shining Lie. New York: Pan-Picador, 1989.
    • Sylvester, Christine. “Handmaid’s Tales of American Foreign Policy.” Unpublished paper, 1995.
    • Young, Robert. White Mythologies. London: Routledge, 1990.

     

  • Publicizing the President’s Privates

    Loren Glass

    Center for the Humanities
    Oregon State University
    loren.glass@orst.edu

     

    For me an audience interminable.

     

    –Walt Whitman

     

    And I will make a song for the ears of the President.

     

    –Walt Whitman

     

    On Monday, August 17, 1998, a day that seemed to have gone down in history before it even arrived, President Bill Clinton made the obviously poll-driven and eminently quotable claim: “Even presidents have private lives.” Clinton was assuming that his national television audience distinguished between his public office and his private life, and that he could consequently convince them that his blowjobs were his business. The plethora of public opinion polls that preceded his appearance did seem to reflect a national belief that some sort of commonly understood and juridically established division between public and private is crucial not only to a healthy presidency, but to a healthy society. Clinton seemed safe in assuming that the American public would agree to let him resolve the affair privately.

     

    And yet The Starr Report, certainly the most widely distributed public document in the history of the Republic, appears to have proven him wrong. Bill Clinton’s private life and personality became a vital center of public discussion in the United States and the world. The tragicomic narrative of his doomed affair with Monica Lewinsky was followed avidly by millions, if not billions, of readers. The explicit sexual details of their furtive encounters are now universally known. Never before has something so private become public so rapidly and spectacularly. In fact, I would like to claim that the explicit content and democratic distribution of The Starr Report indicate a significant transformation in the structure of the American public sphere.

     

    The scandal exposed a schizophrenic split in American public subjectivity: While the polls repeatedly revealed that Americans claim to respect Clinton’s right to privacy, the intense media scrutiny clearly solicited public curiosity about how he exercises that right. The prudery of America’s public conscience collided with the prurience of its public libido.1 Such contradictions in public subjectivity tend to have concrete symptoms, and the symptom of the Clinton Crisis couldn’t be clearer: it is the President’s penis. Not the phallus, not the symbol of his office, but his actual anatomical penis: The palpable specificity of Clinton’s penis has stood at the center of this crisis, from Jones’s allegation that she could identify its physical idiosyncrasies to Kenneth Starr’s irrefutable scientific claim that only one penis out of 7.87 trillion could have spilled the semen onto Monica Lewinsky’s dress.

     

    Slavoj Zizek defines the symptom as “a particular element which subverts its own universal foundation.” This particular element is both “a point of breakdown heterogeneous to a given ideological field and at the same time necessary for the field to achieve its closure” (21). Thus “freedom” as a “universal notion” is enabled by a symptomatic exception: the worker’s freedom to sell his labor, which is really the opposite of freedom. The American presidency occupies a similar relation to the ideological field of bourgeois law, which is supposedly based on impersonal norms. In a constitutional republic conceived as a “government of laws, not of men,” the President is the one man who must in turn embody the Law. In this sense, the Presidency is the enabling symptom of republican government. His personal power is the exception that proves the rule of bourgeois democracy.2

     

    However, the explicit acknowledgment of the president’s anatomical masculinity pushes the logic of the symptom past the threshold of the enabling exception, threatening to generate a crisis in the ideological field of American patriarchal authority itself. As a symptom of a symptom, a concrete positivity that gives the lie to the foundational symbolic anchor of the Law, Clinton’s penis stands for an unprecedented breakdown in both the intelligibility and effectivity of that Law. In Lacanian terms, the entire edifice of male entitlement to power under the Law of the Father depends upon the ideologically crucial yet admittedly vulnerable equation between the phallus as the transcendent signifier and the penis as its anatomical referent.3 One of the principal strategies for reinforcing this equation is simply to conceal the penis. In fact, we could say that our patriarchy to a great degree depends upon concealing the anatomical penis behind the symbolic phallus. The penis–in the end a paltry thing–must be concealed if its fictional equation to the omnipotent phallus is to be sustained. And the public exposure of the penis, particularly the erect penis, has been and remains in our culture the ultimate violation of privacy, acceptable only in–and indeed partly constitutive of–the realm of pornography to which the Clinton scandal is consistently compared. Clinton’s apparent inability to restrain his libido, to keep his dick in his pants, constantly reminds us of the human penis behind the official phallus. This repeated thrusting of the pornographic penis into a public realm organized around the symbolic phallus indicates a crisis in the patriarchal structure of authority that has traditionally undergirded the American public sphere.

     

    In this paper, I would like to trace the coordinates of this crisis, and its attendant risks and opportunities, across three public spaces of discourse and debate. First, I will analyze The Starr Report itself as mobilizing the contradictory appeals of what I am calling the pornographic public sphere, in which explicit discussion and representation of sexuality has come to articulate political allegiances and antagonisms. Second, I will discuss the crucial role the online magazine Salon played in framing public discussion of the scandal, in order to indicate the close relationship between new technologies of communication and new protocols of public discourse. Finally, I will conclude with a consideration of Bill and Hillary’s opaque “professional” marriage, which I believe indicates an ambiguous model of domesticity that seems to be displacing more conventional patriarchal models of the family. My argument throughout will be that the Clinton sex scandals have shown that the ideology of patriarchy is becoming increasingly unable to regulate the boundary between private life and public representation in the United States.

     

    The Pornographic Public Sphere

     

    Through me forbidden voices, Voices of sexes and lusts, Voices veiled and I remove the veil, Voices indecent by me clarified and transfigured.

     

    –Walt Whitman

     

    The obsessive public focus on President Clinton’s sex life, which only reached a certain apogee in The Starr Report, offers a particularly spectacular example of what Lauren Berlant has called the “intimate public sphere,” in which “narratives about sex and citizenship ha[ve] come to obsess the official national public sphere” (Queen 5). Both popular and academic intellectuals have tended to decry this privatization of public life as indicating a disintegration of the political integrity of citizenship and civil society in America.4 Certainly it is undeniable that there are more important political issues facing America than Clinton’s extramarital affairs. Nevertheless, that doesn’t mean that the Clinton scandal and The Starr Report are politically insignificant, nor that they signal a further decline in the integrity of American public culture. In fact, a significant rhetorical and legal battle is being waged in America between an increasingly vocal, puritanical right wing that has used the Clinton crisis as a platform to call for abstinence until marriage, and an increasingly marginalized left wing that endorses open public discussion and expression of sexuality. I would like to argue that this struggle is getting played out in a relatively novel collective space, a space whose political possibilities are yet to be fully evaluated or explored, a space I will call the pornographic public sphere.5

     

    This pornographic public sphere has grown out of and remains in close relation with its more traditional counterparts. Thus Habermas’s foundational definition of the Enlightenment public sphere as an arena for rational-critical debate remains central to an understanding of the Clinton scandals, and I think it is crucial that we recognize “the people’s public use of their reason” in the public reaction to and discussion of The Starr Report (27). The unprecedented free distribution of the text precipitated Internet discussions, radio and TV call-in shows, and water-cooler gossip across the nation about the relationship between private life and public office, a relationship which is, after all, a genuine political and constitutional issue. Further, it is no accident that Clinton’s lawyers in their published rebuttal to the Report attempted to clarify this relationship through recourse to the intentions of “the framers of our Constitution” by way of Alexander Hamilton’s discussion of impeachment from the Federalist 65 (445-62). Both the rational rhetoric of The Starr Report and the Clinton Rebuttal and their widespread public distribution are solidly in the tradition of Enlightenment political debate that goes back to the pamphleteering of the Revolutionary era.6

     

    This tradition of collective discussion has always been split between the democratic scope of its philosophical rhetoric and the restricted access of its historical reality. If the public in theory has seemed to include everyone, in practice it has always involved complex structures of exclusion. In terms of gender–the principal identity category foregrounded by the Clinton scandal–these structures of exclusion can be attributed to the close historical relation between patriarchal authority and the Enlightenment public sphere. Habermas confirms that the audience-oriented subjectivity appropriate to participation in public dialogue “had its home, literally, in the sphere of the patriarchal conjugal family” (43). Euro-American patriarchy dictated the asymmetries that traditionally have restricted women’s access to public debate up to this day. Critics working in the Habermasian tradition have yet to describe a public sphere not centrally informed by patriarchy.7

     

    The Starr Report proves that, despite the oceans and centuries that intervene between contemporary American society and the European Enlightenment that forms the focus of Habermas’s study, the categories of gender and sexuality remain central to the concept and structure of the public. Both the rhetoric and practice of modern citizenship have developed out of and remain grounded in the structure of the bourgeois nuclear family. In stage-managing an adulterous affair into a constitutional crisis, the Starr investigation foregrounded the persistent connections between the patriarchal family and the public sphere in America, and revealed how the psycho-sexual tensions of the former can generate social symptoms in the latter.

     

    Traditionally, the psycho-sexual drama of the patriarchal conjugal family has been played out in the novel and its various mass-mediated offspring. Habermas affirms that the audience-oriented subjectivity of the family found its signal expression in “the domestic novel, the psychological description in autobiographical form” (49). And, as many scholars have affirmed, if the rational-critical debate of the political extensions of the public sphere is traditionally gendered male, then the novelistic discourses that instantiate private subjectivity are traditionally gendered female.8 It was frequently through the genre of the novel that women were able to gain the public voice denied them in more traditional political venues.

     

    Thus it is highly significant that, dominated as The Starr Report is by the two men whose public struggle it documents, the central narrative therein is told by a woman. “Monica’s story,” as it has come to be called, complements the rational appeal of a constitutional debate with the affective appeal of a romance novel. And, just as it is crucial that we respect the rationality of the constitutional debate, it is equally important that we respect the authentic emotional appeal of Lewinsky’s narrative.9

     

    This emotional appeal is rooted in the affair’s very conventionality. Here Monica narrates her first private meeting with Bill Clinton:

     

    We talked briefly and sort of acknowledged that there had been a chemistry that was there before and that we were both attracted to each other and then he asked me if he could kiss me.

     

    Starr himself simply and sensitively concludes the inaugural moment: “In the windowless hallway adjacent to the study, they kissed” (72). Lewinsky and Starr in essence collaborate in weaving a deeply conventional narrative of the development, consummation, and disintegration of a doomed romance into the dryer fabric of legalistic detection that frames the Report as a whole.

     

    For the most part, however, this romantic narrative is told in Monica’s words and remains firmly anchored in her emotional universe. She reports upon her uncertainties: “I didn’t know if this was developing into some kind of longer term relationship than what I thought it initially might have been” (82). In letters written but never sent she expresses her frustrations with the President: “I was so sure that the weekend after the election you would call me to come visit and you would kiss me passionately and tell me you couldn’t wait to have me back” (104). When Clinton gives her a special edition of Leaves of Grass, she calls it “the most sentimental gift he had given me… it’s beautiful” (114). Finally, Lewinsky speaks for Clinton himself, as she recounts a July 4 discussion between them over the possibility of their marrying after he leaves the White House: “And he said, well, I don’t know, I might be alone in three years…. I think I kind of said, oh, I think we’d be a good team…. And he… jokingly said, well, what are we going to do when I’m 75 and I have to pee 25 times a day?” At this point, she “just knew that he was in love with me” (128).

     

    Once the lawyers and the media close in and the affair gradually unravels, the Report has established its emotional core in the voice of its primary witness. And the appeal of “Monica’s Story” is only enhanced by the dramatic irony created by our knowledge of the tragic denouement. Thus the “narrative” that constitutes “Part One” of The Starr Report is a love story which all but obligates its audience to sympathize with its central female voice. The sober and impersonal public appeal of the “Introduction” and the “Grounds” sandwiches this narrative solicitation of the reader’s emotional susceptibilities.

     

    Of course, affect and argument have always been entangled in the various articulations of the modern American public; and on this level Starr’s interweaving of a romantic narrative and a juridical dilemma is nothing new. It simply demonstrates his and our familiarity with the formula for classical Hollywood narrative, that ubiquitous “machine for the production of the American couple.” Combining a love story and a crime story is one of the central recipes for mainstream American film. The telic momentum of this narrative interweaving tends toward the achievement of some overlapping truth: the truth of the relationship in love or separation and the truth of the crime in guilt or innocence. In mainstream film, this truth almost always represents a containment of the ideological threats the story has posed to the sanctioned norms of heterosexual coupling.

     

    In The Starr Report, however, the “truth” toward which the narrative moves represents an unprecedented ideological unmasking of the very subjective and sexual capacities that generated it in the first place. For the truth that The Starr Report establishes beyond the shadow of a doubt is, once again, the president’s penis. On this level, the Report is a pornographic narrative that begins with Monica’s exposure of “the straps of her thong underwear,” moves through Clinton’s historic insertion of “a cigar into Ms. Lewinsky’s vagina,” and concludes with the money shot of the President ejaculating on Lewinsky’s “navy blue dress from the Gap.” These almost awkwardly pornographic episodes are punctuated throughout by interrupted blowjobs, such that Clinton’s ejaculation becomes the climax for which the preceding narrative is only foreplay. The semen stain then becomes the ultimate proof both of the love demanded by the love story and of the crime implicit in the detection process. It is the signature that confers authenticity on the narrative.

     

    This authenticity gives the lie to the conventional truths normally endorsed by such narratives, and in the process overturns one of the constitutive exclusions of American public discourse. For if the classical and mass-cultural versions of the public sphere have always been somewhat entangled, pornography has persisted as their dialectical underbelly; in fact, one could venture a sort of negative definition of this notoriously slippery zone of representation as that which constitutes the dominant public by exclusion. Thus Sade has remained as central to an understanding of the Enlightenment as Rousseau, Addison, or Franklin. In the eighteenth century, sexual passion emerged as antithetical to disinterested reason, and the graphic textual solicitation of sexual desire became the shadowy counterpart to the public appeal to reason.10 This dialectical coupling persisted even as emerging mass-cultural texts and images became understood in libidinal terms. The cyclical moral panics about the sexual depravity of popular narratives and the eventual hegemony of the pseudo-Freudian cliché that “sex sells” in advertising have both occurred within a mass-cultural public sphere that excludes the graphic depiction of sexual acts. Until recently, pornography was a hidden subculture defined by its complete exclusion from mainstream public culture.

     

    This began to change in the fifties and sixties, with the historically overlapping emergence of men’s magazines like Playboy, the sexual revolution of the sixties, and the women’s movement. The success of Playboy and the magazine industry it spawned established “male” sexuality as a viable commercial market and forged a sustaining link between that market and more highbrow intellectual public discussion. In the sixties, popular intellectuals such as Herbert Marcuse, Wilhelm Reich, and Norman O. Brown confirmed a connection between sexual and political liberation for the post-war New Left, whose challenge to traditional sexual morés became a central trope in media coverage of political events in that decade. Finally, the feminist tenet that the “personal is political” confirmed sexuality, gender relations, and pornography as crucial areas of public debate.11

     

    The generic syncretism of The Starr Report indexes the complex and contradictory appeals of the public sphere that have emerged out of this gradual entry of sexually explicit representations and references into public discussion. Despite its patently partisan motives, the Starr investigation nevertheless staged a classic appeal to reason, asking us to adjudicate the relation between the private behavior of the President and the integrity of his public office. The story behind the crisis staged a mass-cultural appeal to affect, asking us to share in the pleasure and pain of a doomed love affair. The sexual images and acts that constitute the “truth” behind both former appeals forced a fascinated public attention toward the spectacle of the pornographic penis heretofore excluded from democratic display.

     

    Disembodied Seduction

     

    The earth to be spanned, connected by network.

     

    –Walt Whitman

     

    This messy intermixture of rational debate, sentimental narrative, and sexually explicit representations also characterizes the new media that many blame for precipitating the Clinton crisis in the first place. Ever since the story first broke in the Drudge Report, the country’s cultural elite has blamed the Internet for thrusting such trivial trash into public attention. Spokespeople for the traditional media outlets complain that the uniquely democratic architecture of relatively unregulated access which characterizes the Internet–at least for now–threatens the distinctions between elite media and tabloid trash. Thus Seth Schiesel, writing in the New York Times, warns that “a result of the essential democracy, or anarchy, of the Internet is that established news organs have no more claim to screen space than basement efforts.” The traditional news media hierarchy of highbrow academic analysis, middlebrow journalistic reportage, and lowbrow sensationalist exposé–a hierarchy reinforced by a stratified public and by separate venues of production and reception–no longer seems sustainable in a virtual geography that configures all information identically.

     

    Other intellectuals, both popular and academic, celebrate this virtual confusion as heralding a new form of public sphere that promises democratic participation beyond anything the founding fathers could have imagined. Thus Mark Poster argues that the Internet diminishes “prevailing hierarchies of race, class, and especially gender,” and can therefore “serve the function of a Habermasian public sphere” (213). And Jon Katz, one of the emerging gurus of Internet democracy, compares the “digital revolution” to the American revolution, proudly citing U.S. Court of Appeals Judge Stewart Dalzell’s claim that “the Internet ha achieved… the most participatory marketplace of mass speech that this country–and indeed the world–has yet seen” (54).

     

    The Clinton crisis was in a sense manufactured both for and by this new public marketplace, where everything from policy debates to popular culture to pornographic videos are available in the privacy of your home with the simple click of a mouse. Clinton’s unprecedented brand of pornographic celebrity has been at least partly enabled by this new proximity, and some of the most interesting discussions of the scandal’s significance have occurred in the new media.

     

    This intimate relation between the Internet and the Clinton scandal was confirmed when the online magazine Salon broke the story of Henry Hyde’s adulterous affair. Salon is a far cry from the Drudge Report. Founded in 1995, it has since been deemed “Web Site of the Year” for 1996 by Time Magazine and “Best Website” of 1997 by Entertainment Weekly; and it won the Webby Award for “Best Online Magazine” in 1997 and 1998. Salon became a clearinghouse for information and discussion on the Clinton scandal, greatly expanding both its corporate sponsorship and its reader base in the process. It provides an excellent case study in the coordination of Internet publicity and Clintonian salacity.

     

    Salon‘s editors explicitly endorse the Enlightenment ideal of “the search for knowledge through conversation with others.” In his “Brief History of Salons,” executive editor Gary Kamiya reminds us that this ideal has had as much to do with drawing room gossip as it had with abstract rationality. Kamiya sees the Internet as “an instrument of disembodied seduction… in the finest salon tradition.” Thus Salon, which boasts contributions from such popular contemporary luminaries as Susie Bright, Jon Carroll, Christopher Hitchens, Camille Paglia, Katie Roiphe, and Richard Rodriguez, presents itself as a (safe) sexy public sphere, a cross between enlightened rationality and bohemian rhapsody. The extensive discussion of the Clinton scandal that appears on its pages offers a fruitful illustration of some of the possibilities opened up by the breakdown in the traditional protocols of public discussion.

     

    Two of Salon‘s most prominent columnists–Susie Bright and Camille Paglia–were particularly provocative in their deployment of pornographic public personae. When the scandal first broke, Bright, celebrity sex theorist and author of The Sexual State of the Union, light-heartedly identified with Clinton’s problems. In those frenzied weeks, Bright reported “a certain erotic kinship with the president today, a level of connection that transcends my normal role as his neglected constituent and makes me feel, at the very least, like more of a psychic friend.” In fact, at the height of the scandal, Bright exploited the perpetual present of cyberspace by claiming to “know what the president wants right now, and I do mean right this second… Right now, what President Clinton wants is to get laid.” In fact, “our president could use about a dozen blow jobs right now, in rapid succession, from a series of adoring fresh faces who would offer the sweetest solace, the most nurturing, ego-affirming escape hatch ever devised between a pair of lips.” But Bright’s voice doesn’t emanate from these lips. She could never give the president a blowjob because “I’m too much like him. I’m erotically oriented toward my clitoris, and on those uncomfortable occasions when someone asked ME to begin and end a sexual episode by performing a blow job, my selfish thought was always, “What’s in this for me?” (“I Know”).12

     

    Bright leverages her identification with Clinton into a call for more open public discussion of sexual preferences and dispositions. She is overjoyed that Clinton has “driven a stake into the mandate for penis-vagina, missionary position sex,” proving thereby that “you can have the hottest, most crazed sexual affair ever and never even exchange bodily fluids!” The Clinton crisis provided Bright with a platform from which to call for “a sense of democracy and accountability that is bigger than any one man’s dick,” a public culture in which we would all “have the courage to talk about [our] erotic convictions like they counted for something” (“School”). Bright has elsewhere endorsed the Internet as an ideal space for precisely such a “democratic discussion,” in which we could productively and openly ponder the similarities between Bill Clinton’s penis and Susie Bright’s clitoris (Sexual 221).13

     

    Paglia also saw the Clinton crisis in terms of challenges to sex roles and gender identity. In her Salon column, “online advice for the culturally disgruntled,” Paglia characterizes Clinton as “literally omnivorous: He would gobble up all the hamburgers and women in the world, if he could…. He wants to suck everything up, have it all, cram life with every sensation and emotion…. He has the complexity of a great star–like Judy Garland or Joan Crawford. Yes the only analogies to him are female, not male.” Deploying the crude psychoanalysis for which she is notorious, Paglia attributes this omnivorous orality to Clinton’s fatherlessness. In essence, Clinton has “more of a mother problem than a woman problem”; he has “problems separating his own identity from that of women.” Instead of being a patriarchal figure, Clinton becomes a sort of devouring mother whose “[c]rimes are incestuous: He makes the whole world his family and then seduces and pollutes it, person by person” (“Why”).

     

    And, of course, if Clinton is the mother, Hillary must be the father. By a peculiar psychoanalytic inversion, “Bill is the lush, disorderly id, while Hillary is the prim, censorious superego keeping it all in check.” Paglia has been the chief propagandist for the lesbian “ice queen” image of Hillary that has always complemented Clinton’s classically feminine fluid ego boundaries. According to Paglia, “Hillary’s mind is stone cold–an intimidating abstract state that women must learn to occupy” in our modern post-feminist corporate world. But the first lady shields her masculine mind behind an icily female exterior, making her “a drag queen, the magnificent final product of a long process of self transformation from butch to femme” (“First”).14

     

    If Bright identifies with Bill Clinton, Paglia openly admits that she identifies “strongly with [Hillary] and recognize[s] in her present difficulties an echo of my own career disasters.” And Paglia leverages this identification into an indictment of Bill Clinton as a new breed of feminist-friendly philanderer, who has introduced a new post-patriarchal double bind for the American woman: he’s replaced the classically Victorian virgin/whore complex with a new postmodern lesbian/whore complex. Clinton gladly concedes power to careerist “ice queens” like Hillary Rodham, Janet Reno, and Madeleine Albright, while eagerly pursuing blowjobs from trashy young sluts like Monica Lewinsky and Paula Jones. As a model of the new sensitive male, he can have his cake and eat it, too.

     

    The End of Patriarchy?

     

    Bright’s and Paglia’s columns not only confirm the crucial importance of the Internet in propagating and processing the Clinton scandal, they also confirm Jennifer Wicke’s contention that, in the nineties, “the celebrity zone is the public sphere where feminism is negotiated” (757). In fact, celebrity feminism and the Clinton presidency are historically coincident. The gradual eclipse of grassroots movement feminism by high profile celebrities such as Paglia, Bright, Naomi Wolf, Susan Faludi, Susan Powter, and others has paralleled the Clintons’ rise to power. Hillary Clinton herself should be included in the ranks of celebrity feminists whose new prominence indexes the degree to which political struggles over sexuality and gender relations are being negotiated in the mass-cultural public sphere. In fact, the intense scrutiny of Bill and Hillary’s private lives reveals how extensively politics in general is increasingly imbricated in the culture of celebrity.15

     

    The Clintons accommodate their mass-cultural celebrity to their political power through the image of the consummate professional. Both Clintons are perceived as highly intelligent, technocratic, careerist pragmatists. In fact, insofar as the vision of the “professional couple” is a focus-group-driven product of the Clinton administration’s professional media team, it is a product of itself: “professionalism” is both the manufactured image and the working reality of the Clinton White House. Even their personal relationship is increasingly characterized as pragmatic and professional; their marriage seems to be a “working” relationship, in both senses of the term.

     

    The Clinton crisis must be understood as a collision between the new middle-class model of the dual-career marriage and the political volatility of the culture of celebrity. The Clintons are the first first couple to explicitly present to the American public a marriage in which both parents work, and in which, to a great degree, the marriage itself is seen as work. Laura Kipnis has eloquently discussed the symbolic role adultery plays in this regime:

     

    In the Marriage Takes Work regime of normative intimacy, when the work shift ends and the domestic shift begins hardly makes much difference; from surplus labor to surplus monogamy is a short, easy commute. Under conditions of surplus monogamy, adultery--a sphere of purposelessness, outside contracts, not colonized by the logic of productivity and the performance principle--becomes something beyond a structural impossibility. It's a counterlogic to the prevailing system. (298)

     

    Certainly Clinton’s ill-advised dalliance with Lewinsky occurred in this “sphere of purposelessness.” Even those who didn’t find it immoral still thought it was irredeemably “stupid.” Nevertheless, as a series of desperate encounters squeezed into a schedule so busy and a space so small, it tragically underscores the scarce opportunities for pleasure in a regime so tightly and obsessively organized around work.

     

    Significantly, Bill Clinton works at home. The White House is both a residence and an office; it is architecturally constructed and symbolically understood to contain both domestic and professional activities under one roof. Thus if Clinton represents the regime of all-consuming careerism that characterizes the culture of the Baby-Boom generation, Monica Lewinsky enters–youthful, underpaid, and single–as a Generation-X dream of leisure, a “structural impossibility” for such a busy man. The Starr Report illustrates this quite clearly. As Clinton repeatedly rebuffs Lewinsky, the contrast between his busyness and her idleness comes to the fore. The more he neglects her with the excuse of “work,” the more she spends her free time drafting letters and gossiping. Lewinsky’s only escape, and both she and Clinton knew this, was to use her leverage with him to get a high-paying professional job. But when the scandal broke she was forced into perpetual idleness–she was unemployed, couldn’t even go out in public, and was relegated to helping her lawyers with their filing–while Clinton increasingly immersed himself in the distraction of “work.” And it was in the end Clinton’s professional work ethic that kept his approval ratings so high: as the polls incessantly reminded us, most Americans thought he was “doing a good job.”

     

    Thus the final symptomatic irony of the Clinton scandal is that the affair that threatened the marriage confirms masculine entitlement to political power, while the marriage that was threatened has become a model of political gender equality. It is increasingly perceived as a “professional” relationship, a marriage without sex. The more the public absorbs of Clinton’s image as a philanderer, the less it can imagine any sexual intimacy with Hillary. The two are in effect assumed to be mutually exclusive. In fact, however, this is the region–the actual bedroom behavior of Bill and Hillary–in which the Clintons really seem to have retained a modicum of privacy. Everyone knows what Bill and Monica did, but the nature of intimate relations between Bill and Hillary Clinton remains open to speculation.

     

    Are they happy? Do they have sex? Do they have an “arrangement” about infidelity? Does Hillary also engage in extramarital affairs? What are her sexual preferences? Bell hooks–quoted, of course, in Salon–has an interesting, if partial, answer:

     

    Nobody understands that women can feel relieved sometimes when their husband is fucking someone else. It's hard to satisfy men with big egos.... In terms of their relationship, they are the most progressive couple we've ever had in the White House. People want to make them pay for that. It would be the most positive thing for our culture if we respected the love between Hillary and her man. We need a love ethic at the seat of power.... Their relationship is based on respect and love. Not necessarily on sex. (Peri and Leibovich)

     

    Love in the marriage and sex outside it, at least for the man: this is certainly one of the more prevalent images we have of the first couple. But Hillary’s sexuality remains a cipher on which the progressiveness of hooks’s model hinges. Certainly a power couple with a philandering husband and a frustrated wife is not terribly new.

     

    What sort of a “family” did Bill Clinton want to retreat into when he made his famous declaration of privacy? His and Hillary’s political careers and personal lives span the rise and fall of the sexual revolution and the women’s movement in America, and the complex opacity of their relationship reveals that the connection between the patriarchal conjugal family and the public sphere has in our age become a contradiction. That contradiction, I believe, has generated a crisis around the articulation of their specific family dynamics and their political power.

     

    In order to evaluate fully the significance of this crisis, the question of the Clintons’ private happiness is, I believe, crucial, if finally unanswerable. Have they introduced an emotionally fulfilling family model that articulates with a political public sphere no longer based in patriarchy, or have they simply updated the psychic and material oppression of the conventional nuclear family for a post-political world? Does the scandal confirm Kipnis’s assertion of “both the impossibility of living by the rules of conventional ideologies of intimacy, and the dangerous impossibility of making happiness any sort of a political demand” (319)? Or does it prove, as hooks claims or hopes, that we actually do have a “love ethic at the seat of power.” Maybe, in some dialectical joke on us, the answer is both.

     

    But who is the “us” on which this joke is being played? And do we, in the end, get it? Kipnis’s article, entitled simply “Adultery,” is the first essay in the Winter 1998 special issue of Critical Inquiry devoted to “Intimacy.” That this special issue–edited by Lauren Berlant and including contributions from many of the most influential academic luminaries of the contemporary critical moment–came out the very month the Clinton crisis broke is almost enough to make one believe in synchronicity. Kipnis recognizes Clinton as our “Libido in Chief” (314), and sees our current obsession with his adulterous behavior as a reminder that “toxic levels of everyday unhappiness or grinding boredom are the functional norm in many lives and marriages” (319). For Kipnis, adultery emerges as a fleeting utopian moment of pleasure in this marriage regime completely dedicated to work. She concludes by urging her audience–whom she addresses as “we avant-gardistes of everyday life, we emergent utopians who experimentally construct different futures out of whatever we can” (327)–to make “an unembarrassed commitment to utopian thinking” (326). Kipnis’s essay functions both as an introduction and as a gauntlet to the essays that follow; she offers adultery as an inchoate zone of utopian practice upon which her colleagues might built a theory.

     

    Kipnis notably represents her audience as workaholic professionals, and it is in this operative assumption that we see the intimate overlap between her audience and the demographic to whom Salon is addressed. The average household income of a Salon reader is $69,500; 85% are college graduates; 59% are categorized as “professionals.”16 Critical Inquiry‘s readers might not make quite as much money, but I think we can presume that both of these publications address what one might call the intellectual vanguard of the American professional-managerial class.

     

    If the Clinton scandal represents a crisis in the social reproduction and public representation of this professional-managerial class, Critical Inquiry and Salon are public spaces in which it is attempting both to exploit and to resolve its latest crisis. And, judging by the success of Salon, we’re doing quite well. In 1997, PC Week wondered whether “a quality publication can make a profit on the web” (Diamond). Pundits and commentators were skeptical as to whether Salon‘s highbrow pretensions could meet the Internet’s corporate bottom lines. Since the Clinton scandal broke, Salon has signed a two-year deal with Barnes and Noble to sell books online, and has recently hooked up with the search engine Go.com, partially owned by the Disney Corporation. Salon now has its hands in some pretty deep pockets; the pornographic public sphere appears to be here to stay.

     

    In the pages of Salon and Critical Inquiry, then, we witness a class fragment formulating a new discourse of self-presentation in the public sphere, and searching for new models of domesticity and intimacy in a corporate order that places enormous stress (in both senses of the word) on the conventional couple form. And yet, one can’t help but feel that this corporate order in fact thrives on this very crisis and that capitalism–far from relying on an established patriarchy–continuously reproduces its middle classes through offering us the utopian vertigo of its disintegration. The President’s penis, in the end, could be a harbinger of a future American society in which capitalism no longer depends on patriarchy.

     

    Notes

     

    1. This schizophrenic split is most effectively registered by polls that asked respondents to speculate on the public itself. Thus in a February 1998 poll taken by CBS news, only 7% of respondents said they were fascinated by Clinton’s sex life; but 25% thought other people were fascinated, and 49% said other people were at least mildly curious (Berke).

     

    Such responses confirm that public subjectivity is not directly reducible to the individual sensibilities of those solicited by it; rather, the public subject emerges from the manner in which we are solicited. Michael Warner has effectively theorized this relation: “no matter what particularities of culture, race, and gender, or class we bring to bear on public discourse, the moment of apprehending something as public is one in which we imagine, if imperfectly, indifference to those particularities, to ourselves. We adopt the attitude of the public subject marking to ourselves its nonidentity with ourselves” (377). It is this public subject that found itself split between prudery and prurience by the Clinton scandal.

     

    2. Presidential scholar Richard Neustadt confirms that “the same conditions that promote [the President’s] leadership in form preclude a guarantee of his leadership in fact” (8). Neustadt differentiates between formal powers, which he associates with the constitutional position of the president as simply a clerk or office boy for the legislature, and power tout court, which he sees as a question of “personal influence.” For a recent discussion of the contradictory nature of the presidency, see Cronin and Genovese (1-29).

     

    3. For an excellent discussion of how American patriarchy relies on the mystified equation between the penis and the phallus, see Silverman (15-52). For the source of the distinction in Lacan, see Feminine Sexuality, in particular Juliet Mitchell and Jacqueline Rose’s introductions, and the essays “The Meaning of the Phallus” (74-86) and “The Phallic Phase and the Subjective Import of the Castration Complex” (99-123). Lauren Berlant confirms that “male embodiment itself threatens to collapse the public authority of patriarchy” (Anatomy 121).

     

    4. Berlant herself unequivocally proclaims that her “first axiom is that there is no public sphere in the contemporary United States, no context of communication and debate that makes ordinary citizens feel that they have a common public culture” (Queen 3). See also Jeffrey Rosen’s discussions of the Clinton scandal for The New Republic, “The End of Privacy” and “I Pry.” Both foundational studies of the rise of the “public” in the eighteenth century–The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere and The Fall of Public Man–correlate its decline with the mass-cultural focus on private personalities. See Habermas (141-59, 181-211), and Sennett (150-95).

     

    5. My understanding of the term “pornographic public sphere” emerged out of discussions with Helen Thompson concerning the political significance of the Clinton/Lewinsky scandal and The Starr Report. Helen’s thinking about pornography and the public has deeply influenced my own in this section.

     

    6. Few would characterize the public discussion of the Clinton/Lewinksy scandal as rational, but I would argue that our very understanding of “rationality” must be revised if we are to apply it intelligibly to the contemporary mass public. It is worth reminding ourselves, in this regard, of Walter Benjamin’s characterization of the modern public as “a collectivity in a state of distraction” (239). According to Benjamin, “the public is an examiner, but an absent-minded one” (241). Benjamin’s approach saves us from easy dismissals of the participatory mechanisms of mass mediated spectacles. Thus we can understand public discussion of the Clinton scandal as a mass-cultural version of “distracted” rational-critical debate.

     

    7. Feminist scholarship on Habermas has focused on precisely this problem. In addition to Berlant, see Fraser, Ryan, Young, Landes, and Hansen, all of whom critique Habermas toward the end of adapting the emancipatory extensions of his theory for a feminist critical program.

     

    8. See, for example, Watt, Showalter, and Armstrong.

     

    9. On the political significance of the mass-market romance, see Radway.

     

    10. On the prehistory of pornography and its modern invention during the Enlightenment, see Hunt.

     

    11. On the history and theory of modern pornography, see Williams and Kendrick. On the political significance of pornography for the postwar generations and the women’s movement, see Lederer and Ross (171-209).

     

    12. Bright found The Starr Report itself “ANTI-erotic,” mostly because she saw it as part of a sustained pattern of right-wing co-optation of left-wing sex talk (“Hijacked”). Nevertheless, there is little doubt that the crisis itself provided an unprecedented forum for Bright’s views on the public discussion of sexuality.

     

    13. Mark Poster affirms that the Internet “produces a new relation to one’s body as it communicates, a cyborg in cyberspace who is different from all the embodied genders of earlier modes of information” (212-13). On how the concept of the cyborg challenges conventional gender identity, see Haraway (149-83).

     

    14. This gender-bendy image of the Clintons is at the center of Joe Klein’s thinly veiled portrayal of Jack and Susan Stanton in both his originally anonymous runaway bestseller Primary Colors, and in the subsequent film. Midway through the book, in a scene significantly left out of the film, a former classmate of Stanton remembers: “He was needy the way a woman is, he needed the physical proximity.” Susan Stanton, on the other hand, is compared to a toothpaste commercial, with an “invisible protective shield [that] didn’t just stop at the mouth” (370-71).

     

    It is far from incidental that this former classmate is an African-American woman who had been Stanton’s girlfriend in college. In fact, Primary Colors, the story of a white southern governor’s pursuit of the democratic presidential nomination as narrated through the eyes of his black campaign manager, crucially relates the post-women’s movement gender politics of the Clinton presidency to its post-civil rights approach to race issues, and these also, interestingly, turn on the boundary between the President’s public and private behavior. The novel symbolically opens in Harlem and its narrator is the yuppie grandson of a slain civil rights leader clearly modeled on Martin Luther King, Jr. However, though Henry Burton, the central voice and moral center of the narrative, sees himself as black, his mother is white and, in the end, it is the “private” issue of interracial sex and marriage which makes the title Primary Colors into a double entendre. The central crisis of the narrative turns on the possibility that Jack Stanton impregnated the African-American teenage daughter of the local proprietor of his favorite barbecue joint. Susan Stanton’s discovery of the rumor drives her, “the world’s most fortified bunker,” into Burton’s bed (340). And the revelation toward the end of the novel that Stanton did at least have sex with the girl precipitates Burton’s final loss of innocence.

     

    It is worth comparing this near obsession with interracial sex in Primary Colors to the issues raised by the Lewinsky scandal. For it is a matter of public knowledge that Clinton exclusively preferred oral sex with Lewinsky, that he propositioned oral sex to Paula Jones, and that he believes that oral sex doesn’t count as “sexual relations.” If we accept the obvious equation between Stanton and Clinton, however, we see that the case is different when the young woman is black. If Clinton gets blowjobs from young white girls, he apparently prefers to inseminate young black girls. In other words, sex would appear to be the answer Primary Colors offers to America’s persistent race problem. If the title refers to skin color as well as party colors, then the only partially hidden message is confirmed: you only get the “full picture” if you mix the primary colors. Not surprisingly, Warren Beatty–certainly a contemporary of the Clintons–offers a similar solution in his recent satire Bulworth, in which the rapping white senator proposes that we all have sex until we become the same color. It is as if the only way to solve the intransigent “race problem” were to eliminate race, and the only way to eliminate race is to have interracial sex.

     

    15. For a discussion of the increasing interpenetration of political power and the culture of celebrity, see Marshall (203-51).

     

    16. Demographic information about Salon‘s readership can be found on the “Salon Fact Sheet” (http://www.salonmagazine.com/press/fact/).

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