Year: 2013

  • The Sense of Space: On the Specificity of Affect in Deleuze and Guattari

    Claire Colebrook

    Department of English Literature
    University of Edinburgh
    Claire.Colebrook@ed.ac.uk

     

    The relation between mathematics and man may thus be conceived in a new way: the question is not that of quantifying or measuring human properties, but rather, on the one hand, that of problematizing human events, and, on the other, that of developing as various human events the conditions of a problem.

     

    –Gilles Deleuze, The Logic of Sense 55.

     
    As early as 1969, in The Logic of Sense, Deleuze was already taking the possibility of structuralism, as a distribution of singularities, beyond the death of man to the specifically human event. Whereas the mathematical had already been targeted by Heidegger in What is a Thing? as that which determined Being in advance as the measuring of beings, Deleuze suggests another realization of mathematical potential. Not only can the human be situated in a field of singularities; one can also extend a singularity as human. That is, one can think or develop a singular potential or event in life to the point where human thought extends itself beyond any already constituted image of “man.” In this paper I want to argue for the ways in which Deleuze’s project extends, and describes, two dimensions: on the one hand, Deleuze describes a space that unfolds from points effected through differentiation and is thus critical of any simple structuralism that would reduce a field to a single (or differentiated) space (Difference 206). On the other hand, Deleuze argues that once spaces have been actualized (say, in a closed system), this then allows for a thought–or extension of human potential–to spatiality in general. Indeed it is sense, a potential of language or the proposition, which opens a surface or plane that is fully neutral (Logic 31). Thus one may move from this or that constituted sense or term within a structure, to sense as such, a surface that is liberated from any denoted being. For Deleuze, then, the human or the potential of the brain is always more than a constituted image within sense; it is also that image that allows us to think the potential of imaging as such (Negotiations 42). I will argue that we need to add a deterritorialized humanity to Deleuze’s criticisms of man. Just as Foucault’s genealogy of man was accompanied by an affirmation of the self as that which can turn back upon itself, problematize itself, and thereby open new ways of thought, so Deleuze will affirm Foucault’s “superman” who no longer turns back upon himself but opens out to forces that will “free life” from “within himself” (Foucault 132).

     

    The possibility that the “man,” whose being seems so self-evident and whose nature provides the object of modern knowledge and the human sciences, will one day be erased as a figure in thought is precisely what Foucault’s genealogy of the human sciences in The Order of Things sets out to entertain. Will we be able to imagine a power or thought that no longer emanates from a grounding life, that no longer signifies a receding sense whose order we can neither fully read nor definitively flee? For Foucault, such a possibility is tied to a re-imagining of space. Rather than a presumed surface across which the terms of our knowledge are inscribed, we might examine the ways in which various desires to know are produced by (and produce) a prior plane, table or “a priori” within which we think. Indeed, as Deleuze notes in his work on Foucault, to think requires moving beyond formations of knowledge and dispersed visibilities to the “non-place” from which “what we see” and “what we say” emerge (Foucault 38). This “outside” is not spatially separated from the world we inhabit; rather, the “outside” is nothing more than the relations of forces through which we live, see, and say (Foucault 84). There is space, the experience of space, only because of a non-spatial “outside” that is nothing more than a play of forces (Foucault 86).

     

    In quite different ways from Foucault, Derrida also imagines an “end of man” but simultaneously recognizes that such an end or “outside” is internal to the space of Western knowledge: man is that being who, while existing spatially within this world, is also always the point from which spatiality is seen to emerge. For Derrida, the idea of the end of man, or the dream of overcoming or existing elsewhere than within the human, is thoroughly internal to a Western metaphysic that has folded itself in such a way as to incorporate any remainder. Western metaphysics is not an opinion or image of man so much as a striving to grasp the genesis of all imagery, and in this sense presupposes an ideal space in which a subject who is never merely human grasps the essence of a finite humanity. As Derrida notes in his early work on Husserl, the very idea of a truth above and beyond any specific culture or epoch–the idea of moving beyond “man” in his finite, located and concrete sense–posits a potential and “architectonic” humanity, a self-constituting and self-disclosing horizon within which and from which any specific world or space can be lived.1 The end of any “end of man” or the overcoming of any teleology, for Derrida, requires thinking the possibility of a differential movement that is neither spatial nor temporal, neither inside nor outside.

     

    It would seem possible to add one more figure to these critical reflections on man: the Deleuze for whom inhuman durations are the future of thought, and who imagines (with Guattari) a thousand plateaus and multiple regimes of signs, the majority of which are beyond the range of human life. In this paper I want to look at the way Deleuze, with Guattari, criticizes the image of man and its concomitant subordination of space to extension; I will also, on the other hand, argue that Deleuze regards the human, but not man, as bearing a potential to imagine space intensively. Here, Deleuze draws on the non-dialectical intuitionism of Bergson. In Creative Evolution, Bergson argues that life bears two tendencies. In order to act or further itself, life spatializes itself. That is, in order to act on the world, we need to grasp it as remaining the same through time, as extended rather than in a continual state of creation and energetic exertion (or intensity). All life moves forward and acts in order to maximize itself but it must also, in a countermovement and in order to save energy, form habits or regularities that remain the same. For Bergson, a problem emerges when the human mind, so determined to master its opposing world, reduces itself to a spatial and extended thing within the world, rather than a creative and temporally dynamic force. So, the idea of “man” as an object of nature may have enabled all sorts of progressive benefits for science and function, but as long as man is a thing within space he will never fully realize his capacity to become. Only when humanity recognizes itself as creative of space will it overcome the image it has formed of itself as “man.” To put it schematically, we might say that while Foucault resists positing a life or unity from which spaces emerge, and while Derrida insists on a radical disparity that the thought of space and time can only reduce, Deleuze retains some of Bergson’s sense of the positive intuition of the inhuman. We can, and should, move beyond constituted space and systems to the thought of spatiality as such; this will not only yield duration–or the times through which various spaces are realized–but will also intensify space.2 Space will differ within itself according to the lives that occupy it. Whereas Bergson sees humanity as fulfilling itself in its capacity to intuit durations or pulsations of life other than its own (Creative Evolution 271), Deleuze and Guattari grant this role to philosophy. While A Thousand Plateaus insists that each plane of life–from linguistics and genetics to art and science–stratifies and gives form to difference (271), What is Philosophy? also insists that thinking about the potentials of art, science and philosophy will take us from constituted images of man and thought to the virtual plane, the abstract machine, or difference itself.

     

    In this paper I therefore wish to move beyond a possible perceived dualism in the work of Deleuze and Guattari by drawing attention to the specific mode of their dualism, a dualism that is on its way to a monism and that therefore overcomes the rigidity of man, not through dispersal, but through the affirmation of thinking. The way to move beyond “man” to thought is twofold: first, to see “man” not as an error or illusion but as a formation that has enabled the mastery and extension of space; second, to see this production of man positively, as one of the ways in which life stratifies itself. And once this is done one might move beyond the particular image of man to the power of imaging as such. That is, one moves beyond this or that affect, this or that event of force or relations, to the thought of relationality, the plane of immanence.

     

    There is a perception we could have in reading Deleuze and Guattari that the molecular is good, while the molar is bad, that affect is liberating and mobilizing while meaning or conceptuality is rigidifying. Such a moralizing reading would be enabled by placing Deleuze and Guattari in the tradition of post-1968 difference thinkers who resist the lure of identity and who, supposedly, grant an essential radicalism to the non-semantic per se. On such an understanding, conceptuality, ideality, and form are ways of retarding and normalizing the flow and force of life, while the random, singular, or unthought release life into its open and infinite potentiality. The relation between time and space would, accordingly, also be historicized and politicized. Philosophy has privileged a uniform space of points, a space that may be measured or striated precisely because any point in space is equivalent to and interchangeable with any other. These points are achieved either by the division or uniform matter, or by the location of bodies across the plane of matter. Time is then regarded as the measure of movement or points within this uniform field. Western metaphysics has always privileged a fixed world of forms, a spatial unity and a pre-given order over the processes and events that produce that order. When we read Deleuze and Guattari’s seeming celebration of smooth over striated space (A Thousand Plateaus 353), of multiple plateaus rather than a line of history (393), of artisans rather than architects (402), and of nomadology rather than sedentary phenomenology (380), this would seem to suggest that we move from a dualism that privileges a founding term–spatial coordinates, measuring time, order–to an affirmation of the singularities from which all dualisms and orders emerge. Like Derridean deconstruction, we would recognize any moral or binary opposition as effected from a differential field not governed by any dominant term. In terms of space this would seem to suggest that space, far from being a field within which points are mapped, is better conceived as a plane of singular affects and events that is, in Western thought, reactively coded as one general territory.

     

    What I want to stress here, however, is that the emphasis in post-Deleuzean theory on affect, singularities and nomadology misses the affirmative understanding of sense, mind and philosophy that sits alongside Deleuze’s critical project. Throughout his work Deleuze is at pains to point out that he is not advocating a “return” to primitivism, and this has been accepted well enough. However, the celebration of the minor term in Deleuze and Guattari’s non-dualist binaries does seem to suggest a preference for the affective, singular, haptic and embodied over sense, conceptuality and ideality. What I would suggest, though, is that there is another problem in the post-1968 affirmation of difference: the problem or positive possibility of the whole, the power of a singular thought to imagine space in general. Certainly, poststructuralism concerned itself with the disruptive question of genesis: how is any field, system of differences, or plane of knowable terms generated, and how does one term explain, and thereby occlude, the genesis of any structure? But there is also an affirmation of the structural possibility of this genesis: how does any field or set of relations produce a point or image of that which exceeds the set? According to Derrida, such a question–the question of the origin–has never been asked in a truly radical manner. For Foucault, history is just the various forms such a question takes: how do we understand or determine what counts as the field of knowledge and its relations? How is the a priori unfolded historically? For Deleuze and Guattari, it is time to approach the problem of genesis and structure differently (A Thousand Plateaus 242): a structure is a set of external relations, the way in which life is viewed or generated from some point. A structure is one side of a stratification; the other side is that which is structured, but this determinable content is not undifferentiated or formless. And so for Deleuze and Guattari we need to move beyond structures on one side and structured on the other to the abstract machine from which both are unfolded. This would mean taking account of the process of differentiation–the dynamic unfolding of difference–that subtends differentiation, or the actual and realized distinctions between terms (Difference and Repetition 206-07). It should be possible to think immanent tendencies, the way in which different expressions of life unfold different spaces, relations, fields, or trajectories, “the immanent power of corporeality in all matter” (A Thousand Plateaus 411).

     

    Genesis and Structure

     

    Structuralism presented itself as a break with the Western epoch of metaphysics that had grounded beings and identities upon some prior plane from which they emerge; differences were no longer differences within space. Rather than accepting that differences were grounded on a prior order and distributed across a field, structuralism described the emergence of any field from the differentiation of points or terms. The idea of difference without positive terms allows us to imagine a differentiating field that produces points only in relation to each other, denying them any intrinsic orientation. Space would, then, be the effect of a synthesis of points, not a container or ground. Space is the effect of relations. This would apply both to space in a metaphorical sense, such as the space or field of a grammar or social structure, and literal space. Geometry is not a pre-given and ideal order of a space that bears its own laws; rather, our space is constituted through the sense we make of it, the mapping of our field of orientation. Structure therefore privileges external relations or movements over points. There is nothing in any point or being itself (no intrinsic relation) that would determine how it behaves or constitutes itself in relation to other points. However, as long as structure is seen in terms of a differentiating system of pure relations it fails to account for the genesis or internal difference of those relations.

     

    While Deleuze also insists on the externality of relations–that nothing fully determines how any potential will be actualized–he refuses to reduce relations to a single structure. Rather, life is a plane of potentialities or tendencies that may be actualized in certain relations but that could also produce other relations, other worlds. We can make this concrete by way of a very crude example. The power to be perceived as located in geometrical space–to be actualized in a system of relations between points–is certainly one way in which a body or matter might be actualized. So, a line that makes up a grid on a plan or diagram is a line by virtue of this realized set of relations. But such a line might also be drawn on a canvas, overlaid with other lines or set aside blocks of color, no longer being a line but becoming other than itself–a shading or border. This means that there is a potential for sense (within, say, linearity) that cannot be exhausted by any single relation. In contrast with the idea that space or the world is constructed from sense–socially or culturally constituted–spatiality opens sense, for any location bears the potential to open up new planes, new orientations. Rather than seeing space as effected from sense, as realized from a system of orientation or intending, Deleuze sees spatiality as an opening of sense, as the potential to create new problems.

     

    Deleuze is critical of the subject of philosophy for whom space is a form imposed on the world, but he is also resistant to reducing space to actually constituted spatial planes. What needs to be thought is not this or that plane, nor this or that realized system of relations, but the potential to produce planes, the “planomenon” and our capacity to think or encounter that potential.

     

    To a certain extent this problem is also captured in Derrida’s problem of thinking that which occurs “before” oppositions between genesis and structure, between active and passive, between time and space, or between the point and the line. Terry Eagleton recently “corrected” what he took to be a widespread misreading of Derrida’s “there is nothing outside the text.” What this really means, Eagleton explained, is not that everything is language or discourse but that nothing can be conceived without relation to something else. But it is just this “without relation” that is the most crucial dimension of Derrida’s thought. A space or a sequence of time relates one point to another, carries over or traces in the absolutely singular an anticipation of that which will remain the same. What needs to be thought are not sets of relations but the tearing of the singular from itself, the way in which any point to be established as a point must already be transgressed, traced, marked or divided from itself by the anticipation of some continuing identity. “Before” there can be a hierarchical relation or difference between terms there must be the establishment of some point of stability, some marking or tracing of that from which relations might then be thought. Relations in their external or structural form–relations among terms, such as a spatial field–depend upon a non-relation. The point, the singular, the unique or the purely present which we imagine as the original substance before differences and relations, must already have departed from itself without relation, retrieval, or re-presentation (Derrida, EH 151). To establish a present, as present, as bearing an identity or mark that can then be thought or related to some other point or present, the present must already “announce” the infinite, go beyond itself, not be itself.

     

    Derrida is at once critical of Western thought’s tendency to regard the singular as inevitably fulfilled or made fully present only in the thought of some representable whole. There is an “architectonic” impulse in metaphysics, regarding as properly present only that which can be re-thought, brought to consciousness and rendered universal and transparent to thought in general (EH 99). What cannot be thought is the non-relational, those tremors, potentials or movements that fail to be actualized. Accordingly, when Derrida affirms textuality, he is not arguing for the construction of a language or system that would “mediate” reality; nor is he arguing for the fact that everything is already bound up in some set of relations. On the contrary, Derrida attends to the singularity of space, the ways in which texts produce specific relations or points from which some plane or field is then effected, such that the ground is effected by the traversal or spacing of the gramme. Inscription is not the inscription of a surface, nor the synthesis of self-sufficient points; it is the production of surface and point from each other, from “différance which is neither punctual (unique, self-present and self-identical) nor continuous (a synthesised and unified whole awaiting division)” [Dissemination 206].

     

    Like Deleuze and Foucault, then, Derrida is critical of a subjectivism that would ground structures or spaces in some outside producing term. Where Derrida differs markedly from Deleuze and Guattari’s “geology” is in his insistence on necessity. Metaphysics, or the inability to think difference itself is necessary; insofar as we think and speak we have always already located ourselves within a structure. One can only think the outside critically. In this regard Derrida shares with Foucault an ability to think of language freeing itself from its closed system alongside a refusal to consider life‘s power to deterritorialize itself (Deleuze, Foucault 131). In structuralism the removal of any ground liberates difference but fails to think or confront the emergence of difference and the distinct ways in which different epochs (Foucault, Order 326) or different texts (as in Derrida’s Dissemination) produce a plane or space upon which difference and structure are thought. In the case of both structuralism and its preceding epochs, what fails to be considered is epochality as such: how a field, plane, surface, or ground of thought is generated. Whereas pre-structuralist thought takes difference to be the mapping and relating of distinct terms–terms that dictate a certain order of relations–structuralism posits an external system from which relations are determined.

     

    This is Foucault’s great argument in The Order of Things. Whereas order had always been seen as dependent on some prior ground, either the divine sense of the cosmos or the specific logic of natural organisms, languages or political economies, modern thought discovers one distinct ground–life–from which all structures and relations flow (Order 317). All genesis and becoming have been referred back to a space, plane, ground, or unity. An equivocity is thereby established such that the differences among beings may be accounted for on the basis of some other being (327). Life unfolds itself by producing various structures, all of which point back to an origin that bears an entirely other sense (278). Languages have a logic not present to speakers, labor is effected by laws and relations outside its intentions, and various organisms are determined by forces, such as evolution, which are radically distinct from the desires of this or that body. “Life” is just that generating ground from which all specific structures emerge. There is now a single metaphorical plane explaining all modes of difference, and this is mapped by a literal space of normalization. For Foucault, the modern study of life precludes the thought of distinct and incommensurable territories. There is one space, the space of life, unfolding itself though the same global logic (318). Working against this assumption of a life from which various structures emerge, and critical of the projects of structuralism and phenomenology, which wish to explain space as effected from the orientation of life and consciousness, Foucault turned to spatial events. If one could think space as an event, as unfolded from specific relations (relations that also produce the terms that relate), then one would look to how distributions of space (in the literal sense) produce a plane or table (in the non-literal sense). Prisons and hospitals allowed for the study of humanity–producing a point of knowledge and a soul to be studied–and thereby constitute a space of man (man as the animal that allows space to be measured, synthesized, mapped or constituted). All bodies as manifestations of this one life are subject to the same laws. One can thereby see all specific political territories and norms as reducible to transcendental and translatable criteria.

     

    Derrida has also, but with quite different approaches and exits, challenged the unity of the transcendental field by insisting that every text, both literally and figuratively, not only generates a set of relations but also requires or generates a point (a supplementary, excessive or exorbitant term) from which such relations are understood to flow. For Derrida, deconstruction is not itself a method so much as an inhabitation and solicitation of all those texts that present their structures, differences, borders or relations, while repressing that which generates structure. There will always be, within any field or space, a closed set of terms and an unthinkable supplementary term that borders or closes the set. If we imagine how this might provoke the practice of spatial arts, such as architecture, then we can follow Mark Wigley by suggesting that any experienced or actual space must repress, forget or disavow that spatializing tracing which marks out the border between inside and outside, which generates the field but cannot be located within the field (191). More concretely one could strive, as Bernard Tschumi has done, to bring this thought of quasi-transcendental difference into practice. Le Parc de la Villette aims to decenter space by producing a distribution of points without hierarchy. According to Tschumi, the various points that create the grid system of the park preclude the thought of a center or realized intention. Without hierarchy or center the various points will then enter into a series of multiple relations, such that the character of the space produced is not determined or organized beforehand. Further, by overlaying other distributions such as a series of surfaces and then a series of lines, no system of distributions is elevated above any other; unity is avoided. The points therefore work against a dominating ratio that would present space as an expression of design–certainly not the expression of a subject. If the points were in some ways pure form or pure difference, this would be a set of relations without positive terms, without overarching form, allowing other systems of relations–including actions and the participation of other designers–to produce new relations. Most significantly, Tschumi insists that the “project aims to unsettle both memory and context,” and is therefore exemplary of a resistance to the idealization of space, the use or experience of space in terms of an ideal sense that would precede its punctual event:

     

    Not a plenitude, but instead "empty" form; les cases sont vide La Villette, then aims at an architecture that means nothing, an architecture of the signifier rather than the signified--one that is pure trace or the play of language ... a dispersed and differentiated reality that marks an end to the utopia of unity (Tschumi viii).

     

    In contrast to this pure distribution and relation of points–“differentiated reality”– Deleuze puts forward the idea of external relations that cannot be confused with the singular powers from which those relations are effected. Relations are not the effect of a process of differentiation or distribution. Rather, the power to differ expresses itself differently in each of its produced relations, with each effected point or term bearing a power to exceed itself, and to establish a new relation that would then create a new space. Put more concretely, we might imagine a certain power to differ–light–producing a spectrum of colors, such that these differences are effects of this intensity of difference; but we then might imagine colors entering into relation with the eye, thereby producing a visibility that can create new terms and new relations. Any space or plane, then, is the unfolding of matter, with relations being effected by specific expressions, which are events of specific powers to relate:

     

    There is an extraordinarily fine topology that relies not on points or objects but rather on haecceities, on sets of relations (winds, undulations of snow or sand, the song of the sand or the creaking of the ice, the tactile qualities of both). It is a tactile space, or rather "haptic," a sonorous much more than a visual space. The variability, the polyvocality of directions, is an essential feature of smooth spaces of the rhizome type, and it alters their cartography. (A Thousand Plateaus 382)

     

    This is what Deleuze draws from Spinoza: if life is desire or striving, and has no static being outside this striving, then encounters or relations need to be referred back to desires or intrinsic powers to differ.3 There are not points or positive terms that are differentiated or distributed in a uniform space; nor is there spatiality or punctualization as such which can only be thought after the event. Rather, each relation is expressive of a power that bears a potential to enter into further relations. A field is not a distribution of points so much as the striving of powers to become, and each power becomes as this or that quality. Qualities depend upon, but do not exhaust, the potentials actualized in each encounter.

     

    Even so, while this yields an affirmation of the affective or material over the formal, the production of space rather than its orienting sense, there is also an affirmation in Deleuze’s work of the thought, philosophy, and sense of affect. Indeed, Deleuze’s historical work with Guattari offers a genealogy of globalism: how certain affects such as the white face, viewing, subjective eyes, and laboring and subjected body constitute the “man” of modernity and single territory of capitalism. There is nothing radical per se about affect, but the thought of affect–the power of philosophy or true thinking to pass beyond affects and images to the thought of differential imaging, the thought of life in its power to differ–is desire, and is always and necessarily radical.4 The power of art not just to present this or that affect, but to bring us to an experience of any affect whatever or “affectuality”–or that there is affect–is ethical: not a judgment upon life so much as an affirmation of life.

     

    Space in General

     

    In this section I want to look back at Derrida’s and Foucault’s original encounters with the peculiarly modern understanding of space to which they both respond in order to make two points, the first critical, the second constructive. Both Derrida and Foucault are concerned with the emergence of a transcendental understanding of space as an historical event, but mobilizations of their work have tended to reinforce the very transcendentalism they problematize. Furthermore, while Deleuze’s work has often been read as amenable to the already undertaken mobilization of Derrida’s and Foucault’s criticisms of transcendental space, Deleuze’s expressionism actually demands and affirms an understanding of space that is entirely at odds with the dissolution of qualitative space that is seen to be postmodern. Deleuze’s concepts of the molecular, affect, haecceity, and multiplicity, far from striving to think a spatiality that lies outside the field it determines, allow the thought of a self-distributing plane, a space that unfolds itself, and that does not require and expel a supplementary absent and spatializing force. Deleuze’s difference is not radically anterior and unthinkable; it is the immanent pulsation of life that expresses itself infinitely and that can be affirmed in the thought of life.

     

    The idea of space as the effect of a radically absent force of spatialization that lies outside the field it spaces–even while this outside can only be thought as outside once terms are spatialized–is itself a peculiar event, affect and multiplicity. Why is it that today we see ourselves as subjected to the signifier, as inhabiting a law or system of relations imposed by an Other who does not exist? There is, if you like, a space of white Oedipal man, a space that has expressed itself in a pure geometry, a geometry oriented by the sense of a space that would be the law for any body whatever, a space that is nothing more than a capacity for axiomatic repetition. In response to this space of man and pure geometry, Deleuze suggests that far from returning to a primitive geometry, and far from adding one more dimension to the plane that might allow us to think space in general, we ought to multiply the dimensions of space in order to maximize its power. From that critical endeavor we can then go on to ask, as Deleuze and Guattari will do, what a plane is such that it can think its own folds and dimensions. Philosophy creates the plane of thought which, in its Deleuzean form, strives to think the emergence of all planes, and this is why A Thousand Plateaus can describe life through planes of science, geometry, geology, literature, politics, metallurgy, history, and linguistics: all the ways in which life folds upon itself in order to imagine and give form to itself, all the different matters of form, all the ways in which matter manners or articulates itself.5

     

    The Space of Man

     

    Edmund Husserl’s “Origin of Geometry” was both a response to the reduction of truth and space to the human sciences and the occasion for two of the most profound meditations on space of the last century: Derrida’s Edmund Husserl’s Origin of Geometry: An Introduction and Foucault’s The Order of Things. Both of these works were, ostensibly, critiques of the very project of a science of man. Both Derrida and Foucault pointed out that any explanation of spatiality and temporality from the finite point of view of the human animal would also be a repression of that dispersion or spatiality that allows man to be. Man can see himself only as the point of view from which space and time emerge if this space and time are, to use Foucault’s terms, a Same which divides itself in order to produce man in its fold (Order 330). In the modern complex of man as an empirical-transcendental being, man’s various fields of activity and knowledge are regarded as epiphenomena of a single life, a ground from which difference unfolds (Order 279). For Foucault, Husserl’s phenomenology, despite its critique of the human sciences, is an expression of this modern logic of man: transcendental consciousness is just that which both differentiates itself in various structures but can also turn back and comprehend itself by recognizing this space of life. For Derrida, Husserl’s phenomenology expresses the tendency of metaphysics per se, a metaphysics that has always privileged the telos of a single and architectonic logic of space (EH 99). Geometry in its pure form, particularly when it recognizes itself as the capacity to produce space as an ideal form, discloses a consciousness that can imagine itself as constituting a general horizon of humanity, a logic that is infinitely repeatable and forever capable of retrieving the sense of its origin.

     

    For Derrida, Husserl’s rigorous thought of the origin of geometry was typical of, and a fulfillment of, Western philosophy as such. On the one hand, one cannot reduce formal truths, such as the truths of geometry, to this or that particular culture, epoch, or individual psyche. What Euclid perceives is not just this space here with its finite properties but a future potentiality of all space for any subject whatever. Formal truth perceives in the here and now what may be repeated, or what marks this present with a possibility that pertains to any point in time or space whatever. Geometry is therefore the movement of sense and history, perceiving in this space what may be actualized and repeated in the future (EH 135). This formalization therefore seems to presuppose or require the idea of humanity in general, a space of man that may always be represented. The truths of geometry are not handed down as meaningless or arbitrary systems; they have sense only if their purposive orientation or lived meaning can be lived again, renewed and repeated with further sense. On the other hand, while insisting that formal truth cannot just be reduced to a human event within history, and that truths of space transcend this or that particular psyche, Husserl also acknowledges that without some inscription or synthesis by some consciousness, such truths would never have been constituted or brought to presence (EH 78). Without the synthesizing process of consciousness that can mark in this here and now a possibility that may be reactivated through time, and that may be sustained by an imagined humanity to come, space and truth would remain as unactivated potential, never brought to life, never capable of truly being (EH 153).6

     

    Derrida makes two critical points with regard to this Husserlian project. The first has to do with Husserl’s claim for consciousness in general. When the geometer perceives the truths of space he experiences the world no longer as this finite and concrete here and now. Although he must inhabit some actual present, he experiences this present as if it were already carried into the future, beyond his own life. This point, this here and now, is anticipated as operating under the same logic for all those others who will follow. The constitution of formal truth and space relies on an Idea of humanity, a community of sense, who will both retain the repetition of geometry in its formal language and be capable of reanimating those original formalizations (EH 80). One does not just repeat the truths of geometry as so much received text; it must always be possible to perceive the truth of their genesis, and to re-live from this present, the sense of the living present of Euclid or their original founder. On the one hand the origin in ancient Greece must be accidental and inessential, for Euclid transcribes a truth that pertains to any space and time whatever. On the other hand, one also has to acknowledge the absolute singularity of that founding space: that the ancient Greek moment was that point in time and space which gave birth to the idea of time and space in general, and therefore the history of the West.

     

    Derrida’s second point moves from the problem of the constitution of truth in general from some particular moment to the essential imbrication of space and humanity with this moment of genesis. It is true that philosophy and Husserl’s argument depend avowedly on time, and a time that can always reanimate the true sense of the past (EH 90). That which cannot be repeated, recognized and represented, that which does not pertain to space or time in general, has less being and presence than the truth whose sense prescribes the dignity and power of consciousness. Truth is only truth with this ideal temporal dimension; to make a claim to formal truth is to produce what could be repeated by any consciousness whatever.

     

    Derrida also draws attention, as Foucault will do, to the profound spatiality of Husserl’s argument. Before Husserl can explicitly establish this ideal temporality of tradition, this community of scientists or geometers who will be and must be capable of reactivating the original experience, he must presuppose a common space of humanity, a single plane of man that is capable of living its concrete and particular present from the point of view of any space whatever:

     

    Geometry, in effect, is the science of what is absolutely objective--i.e., spatiality--in the objects that the Earth, our common place, can indefinitely furnish as our common ground with other men. . . . The transcendental Earth is not an object and can never become one. And the possibility of a geometry strictly complements the impossibility of what could be called a "geo-logy," the objective science of the Earth itself (EH 83).

     

    All consciousness must in potential be transcendental consciousness, a consciousness with the power and will to perceive its world not as this or that particular here but as one ideal community of sense.

     

    The very project of transcendental reactivation and comprehension, the project of returning to the opening of the Idea of the unity of the world in general, rests upon an idea of the western epoch. For it is only in the self-representation of Western science that there is an idea of truth freed from any particular region. Husserl takes all experience of specific beings “back” to the very sense of a “world” or unified horizon, which is there for me, for others, has been there for the past and will be there for the future. Infinity is “announced” in the experience, any experience, of space; but only the reflection on pure geometry and its history brings this passage to infinity to presence. The history of geometry discloses the condition for experience as such; in order to affirm that what I perceive now is true and present I already rely upon the idea of what could be repeated and affirmed by consciousness in general. Husserl’s phenomenology merely brings this implicit metaphysics and unified spirit of humanity to recognition. Even the non-comprehension or untranslatability of other cultures requires the recognition of them as cultures and therefore as within the same “life-world.” Husserl’s inclusion of time, being, and sense within the general horizon of concrete conscious life is, according to Derrida, the ethic of a necessarily transcendental tradition of philosophy. It is only with the notion of life in general, freed from any determined image of man, that there can be a) the ideality of mathematics and geometry and b) the transcendental phenomenology that accounts for how such ideal objects are constituted. For Derrida, though, this transcendental horizon of absolute consciousness as the history of all sense, or the transcendental history, which thinks of a truth in general, must always bear the traces of a determined, empirical, factual, or singular space. For Derrida, it is the assumption of an architectonic space, a space that can be formalized, a space whose sense is already oriented toward man as a logical and self-recognizing being that decides, in advance, the being of space.

     

    Against the idea that Husserl completes the project of the West and that all philosophy takes the form of this ideal comprehension of space within humanity in general, Foucault historicizes and politicizes Husserl’s project (Order 325). For Foucault the profound spatiality of the Husserlian gesture can be delimited, for its experience of man is not only modern but also marks a radical break with a history of thought that could think of differences experienced by (but not reducible to) the human knower, that could think of the surface of knowledge that time traversed, without seeing difference and space as the unfolding of the Same (279). Further, Foucault sees the modern point at which space is explained transcendentally as tied to a peculiar mode of the political. What I want to bring out here are three provocative implications of Foucault’s history of transcendental space.

     

    First is an idea we can borrow from Deleuze and which will allow us to move from Foucault to Deleuze; this is the opposition between univocity and equivocity.

     

    Second is the idea of a specifically political reorientation with the folding of space into time.

     

    Third is the relation between the affective genesis of space, or what Deleuze follows Husserl in calling “vague essences” (A Thousand Plateaus 367), and space’s formal neutralization and temporalization.

     

    Univocity and Equivocity

     

    Both Foucault’s The Order of Things and Deleuze and Guattari’s Anti-Oedipus historicize the emergence of man, pointing out that man is not just one being in the world among others, even if the human knower has always been somehow privileged. Man is defined through what Deleuze will refer to as an equivocal ontology, or what Foucault will describe as an “ontology without metaphysics” (Order 340). That is, there is no longer a world of inherent or intrinsic differences which human knowledge may either come to know and map (as in the classical era) or which can be recognized and reflected in the self’s relation to a cosmos. For Foucault, prior to modernity, space is the surface upon which knowledge and difference are placed, and time allows those dispersed spaces–not to be constituted and synthesized–but to be recognized. In modernity, however, this world of dispersed differences is now torn apart by a point of opacity and radical difference. Being does not bear its own truth or metaphysics; there is a point outside being–life–that is other than the world but which gives the world its truth, order, or differentiation (Order 265). Difference and unfolding are located within man. To go back to Husserl’s argument for transcendental consciousness: we can no longer naively use the truths of geometry as though they simply represented the truth of space. We have to recognize the temporal constitution of these truths by consciousness. Consciousness is just a capacity for spatialization through time that can be recognized as having no proper space, and that must at once be located in a specific culture and epoch, but also differentiated in its potential from any concrete locale. Here, the difference, space, and surface of the world are unfolded from one point within the world–life–a point that can never have its space within the horizon it unfolds:

     

    It is always against a background of the already begun that man is able to reflect on what may serve for him as origin. For man, then, origin is by no means the beginning--a sort of dawn of history from which his ulterior acquisitions would have accumulated. Origin, for man, is much more the way in which man in general, any man, articulates himself upon the already-begun of labour, life and language; it must be sought for in that fold where man in all simplicity applies his labour to a world that has been worked for thousands of years, lives in the freshness of his unique, recent and precarious existence a life that has its roots in the first organic formations, and composes into sentences which have never before been spoken (even though generation after generation has repeated them) words that are older than all memory. ... Far from leading back, or even merely pointing, towards a peak--whether real or virtual--of identity, far from indicating the moment of the Same at which the dispersion of the Other has not yet come into play, the original in man is that which articulates him from the outset upon something other than himself (Order 330-31).

     

    It is in equivocal ontologies, according to Deleuze, that man as a signifying animal is the point from which system, difference, and structure are given. Man everywhere is subjected to the same formal structure of differences, law, exchange, and signification–with the world and real being nothing more than the plane upon which system takes hold. In modernity, one moves from expression to signification: from a world where differences are real and distinct and give birth to signs, to a world where each event has its ground and origin in one organizing system. From real and distinct differences one moves to formal difference, and to an idea of humanity that is nothing more than a formal function. Man is not a being within the world so much as a capacity to signify, exchange, and communicate.

     

    It is not surprising that Deleuze, like Foucault, makes much of the pre-Kantian experience of multiple folds and spaces. In his book on Leibniz and the fold Deleuze draws attention to the ways in which the baroque played upon the intrinsic differences of possible perceptions. Each point in the world is a monad, a perception that unfolds the world from itself without the requirement of a shared and anticipated space that is synthesized into the future. To say that “monads have no windows” is to say that a world is perceived and unfolded without the assumption or presupposition of perception in general. One has not yet troubled oneself or given man the responsibility for the genesis of space from his own time; one has not yet seen each perceiver as the effect or sign of a perception in general. Perception is not the condition, genesis, or origin of the spatial and temporal world; there are spatialities and temporalities of each monad. At one end, God is the full and clear perception of all space; at the other, are the singular perceptions of infinity, each monad’s perceptual grasp of the infinite that transcends it. By contrast, modern “man” stands, not for one perceiver among others, but for a purely formal power to perceive that also bears the imperative to perceive as any subject whatever. The deterritorialization that frees the perception of space from its own locale is reterritorialized onto consciousness in general, the subject for whom space is everywhere subject to the same formal and geometric logic. Man speaks as one who is already subjected to a system that gives him being, and who must in essence already be tied to any other possible speaker:

     

    The classical image of thought, and the striating of mental space it effects, aspires to universality. It in effect operates with two "universals," the Whole as the final ground of being or all-encompassing horizon, and the Subject as the principle that converts being into being-for-us (A Thousand Plateaus 379).

     

    From univocity, where space and perception are spread across a time and surface that transcends the human knower, equivocity establishes a single and formalizable condition of spatiality–the logic of the subject–which is both inescapable and unmasterable. Both Foucault and Deleuze note that this historical shift does not just have political implications but needs to be seen as the very negation of the political. Although they both have a common target–the equivocal ontology whereby consciousness is the substance from which the world’s spaces are constituted–Foucault and Deleuze differ as to the possibility of the re-politicization of space. We will deal with their arguments in turn.

     

    In The Order of Things, Foucault argues that there have always been two ethical modes. The first takes the form of Stoicism or Epicureanism, which is civic and urban and decides how one ought to live according to who and where one is (Order 327-28). This yields a decided and specific morality of political identity, where the civic self is other than the bare or biological life from which he and the polis are distanced. In modernity, which is the second ethical mode, morality is no longer possible and man, far from being defined through a polity that sets itself off from mere life, now turns only to himself. Politics takes as its object life in general, or that which can and must be recognized in any body whatever. What had once been a spatial and explicitly political decision–the division between the civic body of law and the mere life of nature–is now a division within each self, with bare life or our biological and hidden being providing the ground or substance for the operation of power: “any imperative is lodged within thought and its movement toward the apprehension of the unthought” (Order 328). Political decisions, whether they be the liberal concerns for human life and rights, or the horrifying control of the human species at the level of race and ethnicity, now operate upon that which has no specific space or locale. Humanity as such, at the level of life, is the primary political object, which is to say that the political is no longer the polis or the space of decision but that supposed ground that precedes all decision and particularity: “modern thought is advancing towards that region where man’s Other must become the same as himself” (Order 328).

     

    We can read this shift in the relation between space and the political in Foucault’s emblematic epochal vignettes. In Discipline and Punish, he describes the construction of political space through sovereign terror. The public torture of Damiens the regicide establishes the law as a body with the power to act upon life, and it is this potential to intervene in life which establishes the border between the lawful space of the polis and its constituted outside. Such a moment is an historical threshold announcing the possibility and space of modern power. The political body is deterritorialized: the relation among bodies of the polity is governed by a body (or the sovereign) whose intervention in life and death opens the potential for life as such to be the locus of power, or the medium through which relations are distributed. The sovereign body is excepted or placed outside the political territory through this act, which also establishes the polis as other than bodily life by the very violence of acting upon this singular body which has transgressed the polis. In the modern panopticon, by contrast, the body of law no longer divides mere life from the political space of order; each body is exemplary and bears the law within itself. Space is now organized in order to monitor, know, or manage life; where each life exposes something of any life whatever. The criminal is not a transgressing body, so much as a being whose will must be referred back to the domain of life in general–intention, psychology, sociology. Power is reterritorialized on the interiority of human life, that which causes and determines our relations to space and others. In the panopticon (and the human sciences that also locate man within a general life from which relations unfold), it is not only intentionality or the hidden which becomes the basis for the operation of power, but an intentionality that has its law outside any particular body and can provide the receding ground for us all. The prisoner’s body is no longer exceptional, punished as a sign of the possible terror of the law, but exemplary, bearing the same intentional life in which we can all read ourselves. Now, in response to this new relation between space and power, Foucault makes no claim as to the radical or reactionary organizations of space per se. His metaphorical use of space–that different epochs produce different historical a priori, or fields of relations within which we think, act, and speak–does not yield the demand for an organization of literal space that would free us from our commitment to subjectivism, or the notion of one life as the ground for history, language, and politics. One can see spatial events as expressive of the relations of power, and one can write about other political relations–the bodily relations that produce the ancient polity, and that do not presuppose some already constituted humanity. But Foucault explicitly refuses to step outside the historical spaces he describes in order to describe a politics of space as such (“Space” 354).

     

    Deleuze offers a similar account of the genesis of the subject and humanity, but differs from Foucault in two crucial respects. First, Deleuze remains committed to the notion of life: the disciplines of evolutionary science, linguistics, and even a form of psychoanalysis which explain the relations or strata that produce terms or points or relative stability. Thinking life radically, however, involves freeing the movements that produce any single series of relations, or any plateau, from any single term. Thus, neither biology, nor geology, nor linguistics, nor sociology, can account for life as such. Indeed, life is just that which unfolds in all these distinct series. Second, one can see each of these series or plateaus as a problem, as one of many ways in which the striving of life creates, produces, expands, and expresses itself. The problem with modern power in its capitalist form is just the reduction of all these series to the single plane of capital, all these forms of stratification to the space of man. Here, Deleuze is in accord with Foucault’s genealogy but allows for the thought of life, the problem of life, to open up a new space, a virtual space or a space of sense.

     

    Husserl had already argued that the formalizing or idealizing power of geometry allows one to repeat the truths of space to infinity. One establishes a science through an orientation or problem that goes beyond the given to its future and repeatable potential. Sense, for both Husserl and Deleuze, is this radical incorporeal power to release what is essential in an event from its material locale. The constitution of formal geometrical space therefore emerges from a certain sense, striving, or project. For Husserl, this is the sense of one humanity, occupying a single territory and history of truth and knowledge. Whereas Foucault and Derrida are critical of this one conscious life, this presupposed “we” or ground of consciousness, Deleuze affirms the power of thought and philosophy to intuit life as the source of difference, folds, relations, and spaces. Sense, philosophy, intuition, thinking and concepts all name the power to unleash other territories by imagining the given as an expression of a life that exceeds any of its fixed terms, and imagining the potential that can be unfolded from that expressive power.

     

    “Man,” or the modern subject of psychoanalysis or linguistics, closes down thinking if he is seen as the point from which differences and relations unfold. Accordingly, space, seen as the field occupied, measured, and constituted by this man of consciousness, is a field of interiority–a space within which we think, a space reducible to perceptions of this specific organism. Such a space operates from a combination of sense and affect. First, there are the affects of western man, the images that organize a plateau or constitute the social unit: the white face of the viewing subject, the black holes of eyes expressing an interior, a body dominated by speech and identified through their familial position as either mother or father (Anti-Oedipus 96-97). That is, the investing perception of a certain body part–the apprehension of the power of the face as organizing center–unfolds a sense of space, a way of orienting a field crucial to the territory of man.

     

    The faciality function showed us the form under which man constitutes the majority, or rather the standard upon which the majority is based: white, male, adult, "rational," etc., in short, the average European, the subject of enunciation (A Thousand Plateaus 292).

     

    From the specific affect of speaking man as subject and center, Deleuze and Guattari then describe the expansion or extrapolation of this affect to form a sense of space and time in general. The central point enables equivocity, where one privileged term is the organizing ground of the other; man becomes the substance upon which other terms depend and he also enables a single temporal plane:

     

    Following the law of arborescence, it is this central Point that moves across all of space or the entire screen, and at every turn nourishes a certain distinctive opposition, depending on which faciality trait is retained: male-(female), adult-(child), white-(black, yellow, or red); rational-(animal). The central point, or third eye, thus has the property of organizing binary distributions within the dualism machines, and of reproducing itself in the principal term of the opposition; the entire opposition at the same time resonates in the central point. The constitution of a "majority" as redundancy. Man constitutes himself as a gigantic memory, through the position of the central point. (A Thousand Plateaus 292-93)

     

    And all this is achieved at the expense of the line, for movement, desires, and trajectories are subordinated to the terms or points they produce. The effects of relations and desires–points–are taken as original, and in the constitution of an origin, Memory supplants memories:

     

    What constitutes arborescence is the submission of the line to the point. Of course, the child, the woman, the black have memories; but the Memory that collects those memories is still a virile majoritarian agency treating them as "childhood memories," as conjugal, or colonial memories (A Thousand Plateaus 293).

     

    Deleuze’s project is the expansion of sense beyond its localization in man, the expansion of the potential of geometry beyond its purposive or architectonic sense. The transcendental project, the striving to think the sense of space, has yet to be carried out beyond its dependence on man. The space of humanity has been constituted from the perception of an upright man of reason who regards all others as potentially or ideally just like himself. A radical striving toward sense must be transcendental and empirical: transcendental in its refusal of any image of thought or consciouness, and empirical in its observation of the different perceptions opened from different affective encounters. Sense is the potential to imagine other perceptions of the infinite, and the striving to think space positively: not the link between two points, but the power of life in its striving to create trajectories that open series or plateaus.

     

    One might think here, positively, of sacred land. Claims for the sacredness of land by indigenous peoples are not just examples or instances of the various ways in which “we” (humanity) grant space significance. For the key difference is that space here is not “significant”–not seen as a marker, symbol, or image of cultural memory. Whereas western understandings of monument use space to mark an event, and do so in order to call future humanity to recognize and retain its past, sacred land is both infinite–demanding recognition from others–and inherently affective. The infinite it opens is deemed to be real, and not simply a relative cultural construction; but at the same time this infinite cannot be known or appropriated by just any other. Indigenous Australian claims to the sacredness of land locate memory or spirit in the land itself, which is not a signifier of the past, so much as the affirmation of the ways in which bodies and land are created through their affective connections. A people is a people because of this land, and this land bears its affect, resonance, and spirit because of the dreaming of this people. At the same time, in accord with the positive reality of sense, the dreaming, spirit, or genius of space transcends present individuals and opens up into the future, requiring further creation and demonstration. There is not a time or a space, which is perceived here in one sense, there in another. There are distinct modes of sense, different ways in which perceptions imagine, intuit, and constitute an infinite.

     

    Conclusion

     

    Deleuze’s project is both critical and affirmative. Like Foucault and Derrida he is critical of the assumed center of a constituting consciousness or single body from which relations emerge. But Deleuze also wants to argue that the transcendental project–the striving to think space or life in general–needs to be carried beyond its human territory.

     

    The subject as universal humanity who operates on the single spatial and temporal plane of capitalism represents a distinct passage from affect to formal function. The white man of reason has no race, no body, no beliefs; he is nothing more than a power to relate to and recognize others. Capitalism is cynical and axiomatic; no body, image, or desire governs its domain. Man is the communicating, rationalizing, and laboring potential in us all. There is an abstraction from all tribalism and affective relations: territories are no longer constituted through investment in certain bodies or images. But this is possible only because one affective body–the image of oedipal man who is nothing more than a power to abstract from his body and speak–now allows the axiom of one global humanity. The gender neutral subject of modernity is produced as other than his bodily desire and is the white, western man of reason.

     

    The body of signifying, capitalist man is the body of reason, speech, communication, and submission to a law that one recognizes as one’s own, and therefore also of all others. One’s true being is that of “any subject whatever,” an affective investment in a body whose desires are now pure functions, who can recognize in all others the same human life, the same potential to liberate oneself from mere life and become fully human. Man is that body or point of life liberated from life, a desire not for this or that image or affect, but a desire to be other than affect. On the one hand, then, this subject of formal geometry and the space of humanity is reactive: a desire that wills itself not to will and in so doing submits itself to the negation of desire. One constitutes oneself as a point in humanity across one universal space and time. In so doing, however, desire is deprived of its own power, reterritorialized, or subordinated to one of its affects. The power to intuit or sense perceptions beyond one’s own purview is halted by the inclusion of all other perceivers as already within one’s own space and time. Deleuze’s own project is neither the inhabitation of a specific text or event of space–determining the points from which a space is drawn or delimited–nor the assertion of an absolute deterritorialization. Rather, from the thought of the constitution of this or that space from this or that desire, or from the thought of the potential of sense, one can think space as such in its infinite divergence: a thousand plateaus.

     

    We need to be wary of simply situating Deleuze, as a philosopher of singularity and affect, against universalizing or deterritorializing potentials. Indeed, at least half the power of his thought lies in his emphasis on intuition, on the capacity of perception to open the singular to its infinite force. We need to acknowledge Deleuze’s opposition to the globalizing subjectivism of capitalism, while at the same time recognizing his affirmation of the potential that has been domesticated by capitalism. Doing so will allow us to approach the politics of space through the dimension of both sense and affect.

     

    Notes

     

    1. See Edmund Husserl’s Origin of Geometry 153; hereafter, this text will be referred to parenthetically as EH.

     

    2. On the distinction between intensive and extensive spaces, see DeLanda. An intensive space is not made up of points that are all accorded the same value; rather, as one traverses an intensive space the space itself differs by, for example, speeding up in terms of its curvature, or (as in a weather map) altering in its pressures or potentials to change.

     

    3. Accordingly, there is a quantitative distinction among beings that allows for intrinsic difference. All these numerically different instances of white are still of whiteness, a power to differ that is essential and can be seen as really distinct only because it expresses itself over and over again. Space as extension allows for “extrinsic individuation” or the difference of this from that; but space as intensive is just the power of essential differences to express themselves, to repeat themselves in all their difference and thereby establish one expressive plane:

     

    Only a quantitative distinction of beings is consistent with the qualitative identity of the absolute. And this quantitative distinction is no mere appearance, but an internal difference, a difference of intensity. So that each finite being must be said to express the absolute, ... according, that is, to the degree of its power. Individuation is, in Spinoza, neither qualitative nor extrinsic, but quantitative and intrinsic, intensive. (Deleuze, Expressionism 197).

     

    4. In Anti-Oedipus, Deleuze and Guattari argue that desire is always revolutionary. Desire is not the desire for this or that lost object, or this or that supposedly natural need. Desire is the power for life to act, where action, movement and striving are not determined in advance by any proper end or intrinsic relation (377).

     

    5. This is why it is a mistake, I believe, to correct Deleuze and Guattari’s philosophy on the grounds that they have mis-read biology. According to Mark Hansen, Deleuze and Guattari privilege flows of becoming and creation and ignore the significant self-organization of organisms and the order of organisms as a power of nature. But Deleuze and Guattari’s philosophy is not based on biology and does not then use biology to explain other strata, such as art, language, or history. Rather, biological organization is one of the ways in which the differing and expressing power of life is manifested, and it is in other strata–such as philosophy–that the power to extend beyond organization can perhaps tell us something about powers actualized to a lesser degree in biological orders. I would therefore argue that no discipline or strata can explain or provide the model for any other. In What is Philosophy?, however, Deleuze and Guattari stress that certain strata–the human brain and its power to undertake philosophy, art, and science–not only actualize virtual powers in life, but allow life’s virtual power to be thought.

     

    6. It is precisely this space–one freed from an architectonic of full actualization and universality–that Derrida affirms in a number of contemporary projects. In Edmund Husserl’s Origin of Geometry, Derrida contrasts Husserl’s univocity with James Joyce’s equivocity. Joyce’s writing does not assume a ground of translatable sense that precedes or legitimates different languages, although the project of Finnegans Wake seems to comprehend this equivocity, bringing it within the space of the book (103).

     

    Works Cited

     

    • Bergson, Henri. Matter and Memory. Trans. Nancy Margaret Paul and W. Scott Palmer. London: Swan Sonnenschein, 1911.
    • —. Creative Evolution. Trans. Arthur Mitchell. New York: Dover, 1988.
    • DeLanda, Manuel. Intensive Science and Virtual Philosophy. London: Continuum, 2002.
    • Deleuze, Gilles. Expressionism in Philosophy: Spinoza. Trans. Martin Joughin. New York: Zone, 1992.
    • —. Difference and Repetition. Trans. Paul Patton. New York: Columbia UP, 1994.
    • —. Foucault. Trans. Seán Hand. London: Athlone, 1988.
    • —. The Fold: Leibniz and the Baroque. Trans. Tom Conley. London: Athlone, 1993.
    • —. The Logic of Sense. Trans. Mark Lester with Charles Stivale. Ed. Constantin V. Boundas. New York: Columbia UP, 1990.
    • —. Negotiations: 1972-1990. Trans. Martin Joughin. New York: Columbia UP, 1995.
    • Deleuze, Gilles and Félix Guattari. Anti-Oedipus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia. Trans. Robert Hurley, Mark Seem, and Helen R. Lane. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1983.
    • —. A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia. Trans. Brian Massumi. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1987.
    • —. What Is Philosophy? Trans. Hugh Tomlinson and Graham Burchell. New York: Columbia UP, 1996.
    • Derrida, Jacques. Dissemination. Trans. Barbara Johnson. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1981.
    • —. Of Grammatology. Trans. Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 1974.
    • —. Margins of Philosophy. Trans. Alan Bass. Sussex: Harvester, 1982.
    • —. Edmund Husserl’s Origin of Geometry: An Introduction. Trans. John P. Leavey, Jr. Lincoln: U of Nebraska P, 1989.
    • Foucault, Michel. The Order of Things. London: Tavistock, 1970.
    • — . “Space, Knowledge and Power.” Power: Essential Works of Foucault 1954-1984. Trans. Robert Hurley et. al. Ed. James D Faubion. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 2000: 349-64.
    • Hansen, Mark. “Becoming as Creative Involution?: Contextualizing Deleuze and Guattari’s Biophilosophy.” Postmodern Culture 11.1: 2001.
    • Heidegger, Martin. What is a Thing? Trans. W.B. Barton, Jr. and Vera Deutsch. Lanham: UP of America, 1967.
    • Tschumi, Bernard. Cinégramme Folie: Le Parc de la Villette. Princeton: Princeton Architectural, 1987.
    • Wigley, Mark. The Architecture of Deconstruction. Cambridge: MIT P, 1993.

     

  • The Différance of the World: Homage to Jacques Derrida

    Arkady Plotnitsky

    Theory and Cultural Studies Program
    Department of English
    Purdue University
    aplotnit@sla.purdue.edu

     

    With the death of Jacques Derrida, the world has lost one of its greatest philosophers, as well as one of the most controversial and misunderstood. But then, controversy and misunderstanding are part and parcel of philosophical greatness. Plato is still controversial and misunderstood, and is still our contemporary. So are René Descartes, Immanuel Kant, and Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, to name, by way of an Einsteinian metaphor, arguably the heaviest philosophical masses that define and shape, curve, the space of modern philosophy. Derrida is no exception, especially because his work in turn transforms the fabric of this space by its own mass and by its engagement with these figures. Modern physics no longer thinks of space as ever empty but instead as a kind of fabric or, to use the Latin word, textum of energy, or (once we think of the quantum fabric of this never empty space) that of energy and chance. So one might as well use this rather Derridean idea–of a textumof energy and chance–as a metaphor for the field of philosophy. The fortunes of Derrida’s philosophy, or “his chances,” lie partly in the controversy surrounding his work (“My Chances” 1).

     

    Derrida’s greatness, like that of Plato, Descartes, Kant, and Hegel, lies in the originality and power of his ideas, his lucidity and precision in expressing them, and in the rigor of his analysis–qualities his detractors often unjustly deny him. These are the qualities that primarily define his chances, in the play “of chance and necessity in calculations without end,” as Derrida said in 1967 in assessing the chances of différance, his most famous term, “neither a word nor a concept,” with which he was taking considerable philosophical risks at the time (Margins of Philosophy 7; emphasis added). Derrida has been appreciated for these qualities by a great many of his readers, his admirers and his fair-minded critics alike. It would only be faithful to the spirit and the letter of Derrida’s work and deconstruction to question, incessantly question his argument. But to be faithful to the spirit of true intellectual inquiry, one must do so in a fair-minded way in order, with and against Derrida, to move our thought forward.

     

    Derrida’s works are complex because they explore the ultimate complexity (intellectual, ethical, cultural, and political) of our world. One might even argue that a refusal to engage seriously with his thought and writing is often a refusal to confront this ultimate complexity, perhaps in particular insofar as this complexity is also that of the world that has moved from modernity to postmodernity and is defined by this transition. I would argue that, although extraordinary in many other respects, Derrida’s thought reflects, and reflects on, this movement wherever it occurs in our culture. “What has seemed necessary and urgent to me, in the historical situation which is our own,” Derrida said in 1971, in describing his earlier work, “is a general determination of the conditions for the emergence and the limits of philosophy, of metaphysics, of everything that carries it on and that it carries on” (Positions 51; emphasis added). Derrida’s concerns and domains of investigation change and extend to literature, ethics, politics, and elsewhere, although Derrida continued the philosophical project just described as well, a project that already involves many of these concerns and domains. The sense of what is “necessary and urgent . . . in the historical situation which is our own” was, however, to define the nature of all of his work for decades to come, decades we now see as the era of postmodernity.

     

    I am aware that it is difficult to assign an origin to or to demarcate either modernity or postmodernity, or their passing into each other, and indeed it is impossible to do so unconditionally, once and for all. I am also aware that Derrida expressly dissociated himself from some postmodernisms, even though he commented on the postmodern world itself on many occasions, for example, in The Other Heading: Reflections on Today’s Europe and in Specters of Marx: The State of the Debt, the Work of Mourning and the New International. Many of his proponents and some self-appointed defenders went quite far in trying to dissociate Derrida from all (all!) postmodernism and, and more generally, to bring Derrida back into the fold of traditionalist thinking. I would argue, however, that while, as does most other revolutionary work, Derrida’s work respects and upholds many traditions and what is best in them, this work itself is essentially revolutionary and not traditionalist. As such, his work, say, from the 1960s on, also marks and is marked by the culture of postmodernity, or the postmodernity of culture, and may, accordingly, be seen as postmodernist, although, of course, not contained by this rubric. (I use “postmodernity” to denote the culture of roughly this period, and “postmodernist” to denote certain modes of thought, such as Derrida’s, that are both the products of this culture and, often, reflections on it.) Indeed, many of his critics associate his thinking with postmodernism and its “dangers.” By contrast, I argue not only that Derrida’s thought is postmodernist but also, and even primarily, that both the culture of postmodernity and, at its best, postmodernist thought are Derridean, in part by virtue of being shaped by Derrida’s work.

     

    Deconstruction and Writing

     

    Derrida is most famous as the (one can safely say “the”) founder of deconstruction, a term that has by now been disseminated well beyond the ways it is used by Derrida or by his fellow-thinkers and followers. This is an achievement in itself on Derrida’s part, even apart from the fact that this dissemination is best understood in terms of Derrida’s own conception of dissemination or différance-dissemination, which I explain later. Would one, were it not for Derrida, find “deconstruction” already in spell-check word-processing programs or in half a million Google listings? Would one have heard Henry Kissinger speak of a “deconstructive” approach to understanding controversial political situations as “taking a clock apart to see how it is ticking,” or Zbigniew Brzezinski speak of “deconstructing” our received ideas regarding Europe?

     

    These uses of the term are not so much misunderstandings as simplifications, although it would be difficult to imagine that either Kissinger or Brzezinski has read Derrida’s The Other Heading or Specters of Marx, where such political situations are given their due deconstructive complexities. To use Kissinger’s metaphor, Derrida’s work deals with clocks that have special secrets, and sometimes clocks within clocks. The metaphor is also peculiarly apt given that temporality is always at stake in Derrida’s deconstruction, from his earliest work on Edmund Husserl on. Like Einstein’s argument in relativity theory (a deconstruction of Newtonism?), Derrida’s deconstruction tells us that time itself (or space, or their relationship) does not exist, physically or phenomenally, independently of observation and of our instruments of observation, so as to be then represented by means of these instruments, such as clocks and rulers, or even by our theories. Instead, time and space, in any way we can observe or conceive of them, are effects of instruments–technologies–of observation and, again, of our theories, and even represent or embody our experimental and theoretical practices. This process may be best understood in terms of what Derrida calls writing, in part by extending, via Martin Heidegger, the idea of technology, tekhne. For the moment, Derrida also sees these deconstructive and, as such, again technological in the broad sense, written, processes of taking those clocks apart, and of putting them together, as themselves requiring deconstruction. In principle such deconstructive work never ends, as it builds new technologies, new forms of writing. But neither does, in principle, almost any real theoretical work or its production of new forms of writing. Will we ever be finished with understanding nature in physics, life in biology, mind in philosophy, literature in criticism, or with understanding how we understand them? Not altogether inconceivable, but not very likely!

     

    That is not to say that deconstruction does not achieve positive results or make new discoveries. For Derrida, deconstruction is both a critical and a positive or, as he liked to call it, an affirmative practice. It does have what Friedrich Nietzsche, arguably the greatest precursor of deconstruction, saw as a tragic sense of life, or, as Derrida calls it, life-death, “living on,” and “living on border lines,” the border lines of life and death. The complexity of Derrida’s deconstruction reflects, and reflects on, the complexity of the life-death processes of our bodies, minds, and cultures, and their technologies of writing.

     

    The concept of writing is one of Derrida’s most original contributions, arising from his understanding of the role of language in these processes, but, as must be clear already, it expands well beyond these limits. Indeed this expansion is necessary, given Derrida’s analysis of the workings of language as writing, which requires that we reconceive the nature of language itself and of the relationships among thought, language, and culture, but also enables us to do so. (I italicize writing when I use it in Derrida’s sense.) One should more rigorously speak of “neither a word nor a concept” here, but I shall (Derrida sometimes does as well) use the phrase “the concept of writing” for the sake of convenience, presupposing this qualification, which I shall further explain, via différance, later. It would be difficult to do Derrida’s analysis of writing justice here (it took Derrida himself hundreds of pages to develop his analysis), and almost nothing in Derrida can be “summarized without being mistreated,” as he once said about Hegel (Writing and Difference 254). It may however be worth commenting on Derrida’s writing in more detail here, both as one of the earliest and still most graphic examples of deconstruction, and as a crucial concept in its own right. For at stake here is not only a deconstruction, let alone merely the overturning of previous regimes and hierarchies, such as speech above writing, in their conventional sense. As Derrida writes, “it is not a question of resorting to the same concept of writing and of simply inverting the dissymmetry that now has become problematical. It is a question, rather, of producing a new concept of writing,” of “the irruptive emergence of a new ‘concept,’ a concept that can no longer be, and never could be, included in the previous regime” (Positions 26, 42). This type of deconstructive machinery and the workings of writing never left Derrida’s work. It is not that his subsequent work could be translated into this early project: he moved on to new and sometimes quite different work. There are, however, often implicit but essential workings of both deconstruction (in this initial sense) and writing throughout his work.

     

    Derrida’s concept of writing emerges through a deconstruction of the conventional and, as Derrida shows, unrigorous concept of writing. The latter defines writing as a representation of speech, while speech itself is, concomitantly, seen in (and as ensuring) the greatest possible proximity to thought, a form of what Derrida famously called the “metaphysics of presence,” and a manifestation of its avatars, such as logocentrism, phonocentrism, or phallogocentrism. A certain “science” (operative in a deconstructed field, as opposed to strictly positive or positivistic science) of writing was proposed by Derrida under the name of “grammatology” in Of Grammatology. Eventually or even immediately, the practice became disseminated (again, in Derrida’s sense) in more heterogeneous fields. This new “science” of writing was juxtaposed to Saussurean linguistics, specifically as the science of speech conceived in metaphysical opposition to and privileged over writing. By the same token, writing is also seen as auxiliary and, in principle (even if not in practice), dispensable, a claim that Derrida’s deconstruction shows to be impossible to sustain rigorously. Derrida shows more generally that this opposition and hierarchy (of thought placed over speech, and speech over writing) characterizes most philosophy, from Plato to Hegel and beyond, as the metaphysics of presence. Accordingly, even though ostensibly designed in opposition to philosophy, and specifically to phenomenology, linguistics is shown to be complicit with philosophy as the metaphysics of presence. This deconstruction extends to other human or social sciences, such as anthropology (specifically that of Claude Lévi-Strauss), which are often, especially as part of the structuralist paradigm, modeled on linguistics. If, however, this conventional, philosophical concept of writing is shown to be uncritical, the same–and this is crucial–is also true of the conventional concept of speech or of thought. Derrida’s analysis of writing reconceptualizes all three as part of the same deconstructive-constructive process, strategically borrowing the name “writing,” “the old name,” from the subordinate member of the metaphysical opposition of speech and writing for his new concept (Margins 329).

     

    The argument just described offers a paradigmatic example of deconstruction. Its technique or tekhne applies to “all the pairs of opposites on which philosophy is constructed and on which our discourse lives” (Margins 17). Derrida’s deconstruction does not dispense with or merely reverse such opposites (they are usually hierarchical), but explains their necessity in their specificity within a given field, and resituates and re-delimits them in a new deconstructed conceptual field it creates (Margins 17). One must produce new concepts “that can no longer be, and never could be, included in the previous regime,” possibly by using a reversal as a phase of such an analysis and by, strategically, borrowing a name, such as that of writing, from a subordinate member of a given hierarchy. In other words, a given (old) configuration continues to function, both in re-delimited old regimes and in new regimes, rather than being simply abandoned, although some portions of it must be given up.

     

    In what I find to be his best single description, Derrida specifies the “nuclear traits of all writing,” writing that is at work “always and everywhere throughout language,” to borrow from Derrida on Heidegger (Margins 27):

     

    the break with the horizon of communication as the communication of consciousnesses and presences, and as the linguistic or semantic transport of meaning; (2) the subtraction of all writing from the semantic horizon or the hermeneutic horizon which, at least as a horizon of meaning, lets itself be punctured by writing; (3) the necessity of, in a way, separating the concept of polysemia [as a controlled or controllable plurality of meaning] from the concept I have elsewhere named dissemination [an uncontrollable plurality of meaning], which is also the concept of writing; (4) the disqualification or the limit of the concept of the "real" or "linguistic" context, whose theoretical determination or empirical saturation are, strictly speaking, rendered impossible or insufficient by writing. (Margins 316; emphasis on "writing" added)

     

    To the extent that one could use a single definition here, one might say that writing in Derrida’s sense disrupts and prevents the ultimate (but only ultimate) possibility of controlling the play of difference and multiplicity in any meaning production or communication. As this passage indicates, in the process of the deconstruction of conventional or narrow writing and the production of a new, Derridean, concept of writing, a network of new concepts is produced, a network that, by definition, cannot be closed: différance, dissemination, trace, supplement, etc. Indeed, this production and this interminable generation, “eruptive emergence,” of new concepts is necessary and unavoidable.

     

    The conceptual field thus emerging acquires tremendous theoretical potential and allows one to attach the reconfigurative operator (of Derrida’s) writing to other conventional denominations and to transform them accordingly. There could be writing-thinking, writing-speech, writing-writing, writing-philosophy, writing-literature, writing-criticism, writing-reading, writing-painting, and even writing-dancing, as in Stéphane Mallarmé’s Mimique, where indeed, according to Derrida, all these forms of writing interact (Dissemination 223). Writing-mathematics and writing-science become possible as well, and Derrida’s analysis relates the question of writing to the question of mathematical formalism via Descartes and Leibniz in a remarkable section of Of Grammatology, “Algebra: Arcanum and Transparence” (75-81). Derrida shows that there is writing in Derrida’s sense in mathematical algebra, and, reciprocally, a certain “algebra” in writing in the conventional sense: that algebra becomes part of the practice of writing in Derrida’s sense and is actively deployed by it.

     

    Deconstruction, then, is a work of rethinking a given concept or phenomenon, such as writing (in its conventional sense), which may appear familiar and simple, but is in fact constituted through complex intellectual, linguistic, psychological, or cultural processes. It is a discovery and exploration of the deeper layers of such processes, and a creation of new concepts, such as writing (in Derrida’s sense), which enables such discoveries and explorations.

     

    Beyond their analytical value, these discoveries, explorations, and creations of concepts have broad ethical, cultural, and political implications. Derrida examines these implications throughout his work, and his philosophical thought is inseparable from his remarkable contributions to many crucial cultural and political debates of our time. His ethical and political subjects–such as democracy, hospitality, friendship, responsibility, forgiveness, and capital punishment–and encounters–especially with Marx, Benjamin, and Levinas–powerfully manifest this inseparability in his philosophical work of the last decade. It would be difficult to overestimate Derrida’s significance for feminist and gender theory, where Derrida has such distinguished followers as Luce Irigaray, Hélène Cixous, and Judith Butler; postcolonial theory, where the work of such Derrideans as Gayatri Spivak played a major role; and Marxist and post-Marxist thought, where his ideas influence such authors as Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, and Fredric Jameson, among others. On a more practical-political side (if one can separate sides here), Derrida made decisive interventions on such issues as apartheid in South Africa, on the Middle East, the new (post-Soviet) Europe, and the Iraq War (both Iraq Wars). His role on the French intellectual and political scene was of course essential, as Jacques Chirac (hardly a deconstructionist) admiringly acknowledged in his announcement of Derrida’s death as the death of a thinker who, “through his work . . . sought to find the free movement which lies in the root of all thinking.” Derrida’s work has shaped our world for a long time and it will continue to do so for a long time to come. I also argue that it has done and will continue to do so not in small part because it reflected on and shaped this world as the world of postmodernity, as these specifically cultural and political contributions would indicate as well. But then, again, they remain inseparable from Derrida’s philosophical thought and writing.

     

    Absolute Knowledge and Unnamable Différance

     

    There are, to use his term, many “junctures” of Derrida’s work to support an argument that Derrida is a thinker of the culture of postmodernity and (the inversion is appropriate) of the postmodernity of our culture–the différance of the postmodern–beginning with the juncture of “Structure, Sign, and Play in the Discourse of the Human Sciences” (Writing and Difference). That essay arguably initiated (and still defines) poststructuralist and, via poststructuralism, postmodernist thought, and many of the debates and controversies that surround them. Ironically, the essay was initially given in English in 1966 at a conference at Johns Hopkins University and published in The Structuralist Controversy: The Languages of Criticism and the Sciences of Man (eds. Richard Macksey and Eugenio Donato, Johns Hopkins UP, 1969). It is ironic because with this essay Derrida almost single-handedly ended the controversy, or not so much the controversy as structuralism itself, and moved the Western-philosophical landscape on to poststructuralism and postmodernism. The essay has remained uncircumventable ever since, to use Derrida’s word [incontournable], applied by him to “Heidegger’s meditation” but, by now, no less applicable to his own thought (Margins 22).

     

    One might, correlatively, consider “the juncture–rather than the summation” of différance, the juncture, Derrida also says, “of what has been most decisively inscribed in the thought of what is conveniently called our ‘epoch’” (“Differance,” Speech and Phenomena 130, a statement which does not appear in the text published in Margins of Philosophy). This “epoch” is also the postmodern “epoch” (using this term as a convenient abbreviation, as Derrida does by way of allusion to Husserl’s phenomenological reduction) and the postmodernist type of inscription: a juncture rather than a summation. Différance itself may be the most postmodernist of Derrida’s concepts, especially if coupled with dissemination, as it must be. Derrida most immediately mentions Friedrich Nietzsche, Ferdinand de Saussure, Sigmund Freud, Emmanuel Levinas, and Martin Heidegger, but Hegel, Husserl, Georges Bataille, and, more implicitly Jacques Lacan and Gilles Deleuze are part of this juncture as well. These, along with Derrida himself, are all figures, or, as Derrida would say, names of problems that define the movement of our thought from modernism to postmodernism and beyond (Of Grammatology 99).

     

    It may well be, however, that what reflects this movement more than anything in Derrida’s writing and, with Derrida, in general is a transformation of Hegelian Absolute Knowledge, the philosophical idea that is a paradigm of modernity and/asthe Enlightenment, into the irreducibly decentered and disseminating multiplicity, différance, of the postmodern. This différance replaces the claim for Absolute Knowledge, its very possibility, with a different economy, a marketplace or, as Derrida says, an auction of knowledge and claims upon it (Post Card 521).

     

    “Decentering” is one of Derrida’s earliest terms, made famous and controversial by “Structure, Sign, and Play.” It is worth noting at the outset that Derridean decentering is not defined by the absence of all centrality (a common misconception). Instead it is defined by multicentering, a potential emergence of many centers and claims upon one or another centrality in the absence of a single, absolute center that would define its alternatives as unconditionally marginal. To cite the uncircumventable “Structure, Sign, and Play”:

     

    Turned toward the lost or impossible presence of the absent origin, this structuralist thematic of broken immediacy is therefore the saddened, negative, nostalgic, guilty, Rousseauistic side of the thinking of play whose other side would be the Nietzschean affirmation, that is the joyous affirmation of the play of the world and of the innocence of becoming, the affirmation of a world of signs without fault, without truth, and without origin which is offered to an active interpretation. This interpretation then determines the noncenter otherwise than as loss of the center. And it plays without security. For there is a sure play: that which is limited to the substitution of given and existing, present, pieces. In absolute chance, affirmation also surrenders itself to genetic indetermination, to the seminal adventure of the trace. (Writing and Difference 292)

     

    Dissemination appears later, by way, in addition to Hegel, of Plato (pharmakon), Stéphane Mallarmé (hymen and undecidability), Lacan, Philippe Sollers, and several others. Dissemination is inherent in the movement of différance, and Derrida sometimes refers to it as “seminal différance” (Positions 45). Both are part of Derrida’s ensemble of interrelated but different neither-words-nor-concepts–différance, dissemination, trace, supplement, writing, etc., as this list, itself subject to the regime of différance and dissemination, has no termination, taxonomical closure, or center that could determinately organize it, for example, around any of its terms, such as différance. For, under these conditions, there cannot be “the unique word, . . . the finally proper name” (Margins 27). According to Derrida, in commenting on the relationships between différance and Heideggerian “difference,” which is governed by Heidegger’s concept of “Being,”

     

    "older" than Being itself, such a différance has no name in our language. But we "already know" that if it is unnameable, it is not provisionally so, not because our language has not yet found or received this name, or because we would have to seek it in another language, outside the finite system of our own. It is rather because there is no name for it at all, not even the name of essence or of Being, not even that of "différance," which is not a name, which is not a pure nominal unity, and unceasingly dislocates itself in a chain of differing and deferring substitutions. "There is no name for it": a proposition to be read in its platitude. This unnameable is not an ineffable Being which no name could approach: God, for example. This unnameable is the play which makes possible nominal effects, the relatively unitary and atomic structures that are called names, the chains of substitutions of names in which, for example, the nominal effect différance is itself enmeshed, carried off, reinscribed, just as a false entry or a false exit is still part of the game, a function of the system. (Margins 26-27)

     

    By the same token, “the efficacy of the thematic of différance may very well, indeed must, one day be superseded, lending itself if not to its own replacement, at least to enmeshing itself in a chain that in truth it never will have governed” (7). This is indeed what has happened, has always already happened, even in the very moment of this inscription, in Derrida’s own work, which is, again, the work of a rigorous proliferation, the dissemination of names. “Whereby,” he adds, “once again, it [différance] is not theological” (7; also Margins 6). This difference from all theology, positive or negative, is crucial for Derrida’s inscription of différance and, I would argue, for all of Derrida’s thought, earlier or later, some appearances in his later works and certain claims concerning them notwithstanding. It defines his work as materialist, even though and because it also juxtaposes this deconstructive materialism to all metaphysical materialism (all idealism of matter, one might say), from Positions to Specters of Marx (Positions 64).

     

    In closing “Différance,” Derrida extends and elaborates the Nietzschean themes of “Structure, Sign, and Play”:

     

    There will be no unique name, even if it were the name of Being. And we must think this without nostalgia, that is, outside of the myth of a purely maternal or paternal language, a lost native country of thought. On the contrary, we must affirmthis, in the sense in which Nietzsche puts affirmation into play, in a certain laughter and a certain step of the dance.From the vantage of this laughter and this dance, from the vantage of this affirmation foreign to all dialectics, the other side of nostalgia, what I will call Heideggerian hope, comes into question [a hope for finding a single word, the unique word, in order to name the essential nature of Being]. . . .

     

    Such is the question: the alliance of speech and Being in the unique word, in the finally proper name. And such is the question inscribed in the simulated affirmation of différance. It bears (on) each member of this sentence: "Being / speaks / always and everywhere / throughout / language." (Margins 27)

     

    Between Heidegger and Derrida, or Hegel (dialectic) and Derrida, and with Nietzsche and Derrida, Samuel Beckett’s The Unnamable may come close to this “simulated affirmation of différance.” It may be one of Derrida’s literary models, although he never expressly considers it (Acts of Literature 61-62).

     

    These Derridean themes figure significantly in many discussions and definitions of postmodernity and postmodernism, from Lyotard on. An important conceptual and epistemological determination of the postmodern is the concept of the uncontainable and multicentered multiplicity, which correlates to various forms of loss of knowledge, posited against the centered pyramid required or desired by the Enlightenment paradigm (Hegelian Absolute Knowledge), to echo Derrida’s themes of the pit and the pyramid of Hegel in “The Pit and the Pyramid: Introduction to Hegelian Semiology” and “Différance” (Margins 4, 69-108).

     

    Under these conditions of the irretrievable loss of “the unique word, the finally proper name,” différance refers to an in principle interminable play of differences, similarities, and interrelations in any meaning production. As part of this play, and as a modification of the French word “différer” (to differ), différance connotes a dynamics of difference and deferral or delay (in presentation). It is crucial, however, that Derrida conceives of différance and of the unconceivable of différance much more broadly:

     

    What is written as différance, then, will be the playing movement that "produces"--by means of something that is not simply an activity--these differences, these effects of difference. This does not mean that the différance that produces differences is somehow before them, in a simple and unmodified--in-different--present. Différance is the non-full, non-simple, structured and differentiating origin of differences. Thus, the name "origin" no longer suits it. . . . we will designate as différance the movement according to which language, or any code, any system of referral in general, is constituted "historically" as a weave of differences. "Is constituted," "is produced," "is created," "movement," "historically," etc., necessarily being understood beyond the metaphysical language in which they are retained, along with all their implications. (Margins 11-12)

     

    Accordingly, in working with its satellites and avatars, différance is productive of and responsible for manifest effects, “effect[s] without cause[s]” of difference, or identity, similarity, relationality, and so forth, or, as we have seen, effects of différance, effects that make us infer différance as their efficacy (Margins 12, 26-27). Différance itself, however, remains irreducibly inaccessible–unknowable, unrepresentable, inconceivable, unthinkable, and so forth (Margins 20-21). At the same time and by the same token, it is also never the same, is always disseminated. That is, while each time unknowable, unrepresentable, inconceivable, or unthinkable, it is each time different and reciprocal with its effects.

     

    Dissemination denotes that part of this play which entails an ultimately uncontrollable multiplicity, inherent, it follows, already in the workings of différance as each time different, disseminating itself, both in itself (i.e., under its own name) and into its proximates and avatars. As such, dissemination is juxtaposed to a controllable plurality of the Hegelian dialectical Aufhebung (Hegel’s favorite term, which has in German a triple meaning of negation, conservation, and supercession, and is accordingly untranslatable), and is analogous to conceptions of plurality or polysemia in philosophy, psychoanalysis, linguistics, and elsewhere. But then it also follows that différance already displaces Hegel in this way and that it entails dissemination, “seminal différance” (Margins 13-14; Positions 43-45). As Derrida says, “the operator of generality named dissemination inserted itself into the open chain of différance, ‘supplement,’ ‘pharmakon,’ ‘hymen,’ etc.”; it carries many features of différance and is defined in virtually the same terms, but with an emphasis on a multiplicity of effects or, again, multicentering (Positions 44-45). Both différance and dissemination, and their companion operators in the Derridean deconstructive field, enact a deconstruction of Hegel’s dialectic and of the Hegelian economy of Absolute Knowledge.

     

    Accordingly,

     

    if there were a definition of différance, it would be precisely the limit, the interruption, the destruction of the Hegelian relève [Aufhebung, thus read] wherever it operates. What is at stake here is enormous. I emphasize the Hegelian Aufhebung, such as it is interpreted by a certain Hegelian discourse, for it goes without saying that the double [triple] meaning of Aufhebung could be written otherwise. Whence the proximity of différance to all the operations conducted against Hegel's dialectical speculation. (Positions 40-41; translation modified)

     

     

    The difference (and sometimes différance) between Hegel and Hegelianism inscribed here requires a long discussion, and the stakes are indeed enormous. Might one read Hegel’s Absolute Knowledge along the lines of différance? Perhaps. This would be Derrida’s answer as well: Hegel is “the last philosopher of the book and the first thinker of writing” (Of Grammatology 26). For “the destruction of the Hegelian relève” notwithstanding, and indeed in order to enact it, “différance thus written, although maintaining relations of profound affinity with Hegelian discourse (such as it must be read), is also, up to a certain point, unable to break with that discourse (which has no kind of meaning or chance); but it [différance] can operate a kind of infinitesimal and radical displacement of it [Hegelian discourse]” (Margins 14; also Positions 43-44). By the time of Glas, this “displacement” reaches close to a thousand pages, and the delineation itself is never finished. The interminability of this encounter confirms Derrida’s statement in Positions: “it is still a question of elucidating the relationship to Hegel–a difficult labor, which for the most part remains before us, and which in a certain way is interminable, at least if one wishes to execute it rigorously and minutely” (43-44).

     

    The same type of “profound affinity and yet infinitesimal and radical displacement” defines nearly all of Derrida’s relationships to the major figures he engages. It is a long list, in itself reflecting the relationships–in turn a profound affinity and yet infinitesimal and radical displacement–between modernity and postmodernity, and the complexity of Derrida’s work and the magnitude of his achievement. An incomplete list includes, in roughly chronological order, Plato, Aristotle, Descartes, Rousseau, Kant, Hegel, Marx, Heidegger, Freud, Saussure, Husserl, Heidegger, Levinas, Bataille, Blanchot, and Lacan. If Nietzsche is conspicuous by his absence, it is because in this case it is difficult to speak of displacement, as Derrida’s assessment of and his encounters with Nietzsche indicate (Of Grammatology 19; Spurs: Nietzsche’s Style [throughout]). Literature is yet another story, yet another long list of proper names.

     

    The enormity of the Hegelian stakes appears to be ever undiminished in Derrida. Derrida returns to Glas in closing The Post Card: From Socrates to Freud and Beyond. He specifically addresses Freud and Lacan, and the economy, the political economy of psychoanalysis, a life-long engagement on Derrida’s part. Exposing the philosophical significance of psychoanalytic economy is one of Derrida’s major achievements. The implications of Derrida’s point at the end of The Post Card, however, are broader still. He writes:

     

    The question then becomes--and it is not only political, although it is also political, it is the question of general deconstruction . . . the question then becomes:Who will pay whom . . .?

     

    Or, if you prefer, the thing already having been broached, who has it paid to whom?

     

    The bidding has been opened–for some time.

     

    Let us say that what I write or what makes me write (for example, since there are not only the texts, this time I mean the publications) would represent in this respect only one offer.

     

    An offer on the scene in which the attempts to occupy the place of the Sa (that is, of the Savoir absolu stenographed in Glas) are multiplying, that is, simultaneously all the places, those of the seller, the buyer, and the auctioneer. (Post Card 520-51)

     

    It is worth noting, yet again, the multicentering of claims upon the center which accompany the structural decentering of the economy of knowledge at stake, which is also in part a political economy. We are and have been for quite a while on this scene. Always? Perhaps, at least to some degree, but never as much as now, in the postmodern intellectual, cultural, or political world. Derrida’s offer is (as he will say later, teleopoetically) that of a philosophical argument concerning or an inscription of the very condition, “the postmodern condition,” under which this offer is made. This argument is itself defined by a “profound affinity and yet infinitesimal and radical displacement” of Hegel’s Absolute Knowledge, in part via Freud and Lacan. It is crucial, however, that, in this view, Derrida can only make an offer, one offer among others, traditional and radical, modern and postmodern, and so forth, and various versions of absolute knowledge are still offered at this auction, if there is only one auction underway here.

     

    The question is whether any such offer can still dominate this marketplace and this auction. We recall, with Deleuze, that philosophy itself was born in such an agora, the marketplace of democracy (the first democracy?), at which Socrates offered, and Plato bought, his version of absolute knowledge. It is a version against which every argument and claim, philosophical, ethical, or political, and of course all literature, would have to be measured. The Socrates/Plato “deal” is of course crucially at stake in The Post Card (the post card sent from “from Socrates to Freud and Beyond”), but Hegel, Heidegger, Freud, and Lacan are all part of our own economy of knowledge. Derrida inscribes this bargain–Socrates speaks, Plato writes, or vice versa–in any of the relations between these figures, and others such as Kant, Descartes, and Rousseau can be added to the list. This Derridean condition transforms knowledge, in part as “the postmodern condition,” along the lines of Lyotard’s argument in The Postmodern Condition: A Report on Knowledge at about the same time (1979).

     

    Joyce, Derrida tells us, has already inscribed this new space of the claim(s) to occupy the space of absolute knowledge in “an immense postcard” of his own, Ulysses, which Derrida is always rewriting, including in The Post Card, all his life (Acts of Literature 260-262). One is, however, equally tempted to use Derrida’s passage as a reading of an auction, like the one in which Oedipa Maas awaits in the final scene of Thomas Pynchon’s The Crying of Lot 49, an icon of literary postmodernism. Still, writing in Derrida’s sense underwrites everything here, including literature, which modern and postmodern democracy authorizes–such is the literary contract we signed as a society, reflected in any given actual literary contract–to say everything and anything and collect our payments, as readers, for doing so (Acts of Literature, 37-49; On the Name 27-31). But then, again:

     

    Who will pay whom . . . ?
    Or, if you prefer, the thing already having been broached, who has it paid to whom?

    Chaosmic Différance and Funeral Rites

     

    We have been bidding on this offer, on all these offers, for quite a while, but the auction is far from over. “What is at stake here is enormous,” between philosophy and literature, each of which is already split into literature and philosophy from within. The columns–Plato’s Philebus, philosophy, on the left, Mallarmé’s Mimique, literature, on the right–of the opening pages of “The Double Session” anticipate Glas: “INTER Platonem and Mallarmatum,” (in) between Plato and Mallarmé, (in) between Hegel and Mallarmé, or indeed between Hegel and Plato (Dissemination 181). Each, as the name of a problem, is already between philosophy and literature, as is of course Derrida.

     

    Politics is inevitably inserted, entered into all these “in-betweens,” and many a specter of Marx hovers over the book. As an authorization (legal, political, and ethical) to say everything and anything, literature is fundamentally linked both to capitalism and to democracy, and to their relations, to begin with (On the Name 27-30). “The time is out of joint” (Derrida’s theme, via Hamlet, in Specters of Marx) already in early 1969, when Derrida delivered the original version of “The Double Session,” in the aftermath of 1968, one of the most out-of-joint years of the second half of the century, and a defining year of postmodernity. “The Paris spring,” “the Prague August” of the Soviet invasion (Prague, where he was arrested once, came to play a significant role in Derrida’s life), the Vietnam War, the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr. and Robert Kennedy, were among its events (also in the sense of something unique, singular that Derrida gave this word later). The opening of “The End of Man,” given as a lecture in October 1968 in New York, is a powerful instance of Derrida’s response to these events (Margins 111-14). Hegel remains central to the essay as well, which, however, is hardly in conflict, quite the contrary, with its political urgency, then or now. Hegel’s Phenomenology, Derrida says, with Bataille, is “the slave(‘s) language, that is, the worker(‘s) language . . . [it] can be read from left to right or from right to left, as a reactionary movement or as a revolutionary movement, or both at once” (Writing and Difference 276).

     

    We can read the columns of Glas this way too, each often split in turn into further columns–between philosophy and literature, literature and politics, literature and revolution, between Hegel and Genet, between Kant and Hegel, in Rembrandt’s chiaroscuros (Glas 1b), between Derrida and all these names. (Derrida returns to Rembrandt in Memoirs of the Blind.) In general, Glas is to shape so much, perhaps (for the reasons set forward here) nearly everything, in later Derrida, but of course it does not define this later work altogether. On the left–or is it, at least politically, on the right, or between left and right?–we are between Kant and Hegel, on ethics, morality, and politics. We see both figures through ethics, morality, and politics (in part via Levinas): “the two sides face each other” (Glas 11a). On the right–or is it, politically, on the left, with literature and the acts of literature?–the column splits into two. On the left of the split, the left of the right, one finds:

     

    Colossal habitat: the masterpiece.
    He bands erect in his seing, but also occupies it like a sarcophagus. (Glas 11b)

     

    “Colossal habitat” is also the Universe itself, God’s masterpiece, envisioned by Kant’s analysis of the colossal, placed between, in between, the beautiful and the sublime (thus also between understanding and reason), a vision of the Universe as a colossal and perhaps innumerable assembly of galaxies. It is still Galileo’s and then Newton’s “book of nature written in the language of mathematics,” a point not missed in Of Grammatology (16; translation modified, emphasis added). Derrida fittingly closes his “Parergon” with this vision, where he also alludes to Glas and anticipates The Post Card (Truth in Painting 145-47).

     

    Now, although the point would require a long excursion into modern mathematics, science, and cosmology, and it could only be, to use Derrida’s language, telegraphed, tele-graphed here, I would argue that Derrida is also a philosopher of the Universe as we see it now, in the following sense. What his philosophy reflects and philosophically reflects on (however implicitly) is the transition from Copernicus to Kepler’s Harmonia Mundi to Galileo’s book of nature to Kant’s galactic colossal, and finally to post-Einsteinian relativistic cosmology. This cosmology still uses the language of mathematics, but it makes this language writing. The Universe itself, the visible and the invisible in it, looks more and more like a kind of différance, both on the largest and on the smallest (quantum) scales, especially when one combines, as modern physics must, nature’s smallest and largest scales. Thus both modern physics and Derrida bring us to the différance of the Universe–the chaosmic différance, a play of energy and chance–a différance that also makes speaking of the Universe rigorously impossible. In other words, Derrida can also be seen as a thinker of our material habitats (without claiming or even attempting to be one), as he is a philosopher of our cultural habitats. It would be tempting to link this différance of nature primarily to Kant, and the différance of politics and culture, as described above, to Hegel. But this never-one différance is just as much the différance in-between Kant and Hegel as it is in-between nature and culture, from “Structure, Sign, and Play” on, to which Derrida and we continue to return, eternally return, as Nietzsche (the main figure of the essay) would have it.

     

    On the right of the right column of Genet at this juncture of Glas is Genet’s conception of the ultimate major (“capitale,” but also decapitated) colossal masterpiece literature authorized by a contract, and by the contract we have signed with “the strange institution called literature” (Acts of Literature 33):

     

    Glory again, with which the syllabary is initiated, in the future perfect, in the publishing contract, signed with the institution (family and city), that is, with the funeral rite, the burial organization. Tearing up the contract, the literary operation reverts to no more than confirming it undefatigably, in the margin, with a siglum. "There is a book entitled I'll Have a Fine Funeral. We are acting with a view to a fine funeral, to formal obsequies. They will be the masterpiece, in the strict sense of the word, the major [capitale] work, quite rightly the crowning glory of our life. I must die in an apotheosis, and it doesn't matter whether I know glory before or after my death as long as I know that I'll have it, and I shall have it if I sign a contract with a firm of undertakers that will attend to fulfilling my destiny, to rounding it off." At the moment of the "theatrical stunt [coup]," in Funeral Rites, when they "slid" the coffin onto the catafalque--"the conjuring away of the coffin"--before its reduction, as with the coffin of "Saint-Osmose" (a fictive letter about the Golden Legend--published in Italian) into a box of matches, "Jean's death was duplicating itself in another death." (Glas 11b)

     

    Genet and Derrida may have been thinking (for glas means knell, to begin with), of Joyce’s Finnegans Wake, the funeral rite of literary modernism and yet another colossal postcard, replacing the book of absolute knowledge with writing in Derrida’s sense, just as Glas and The Post Card, perhaps all of Derrida’s books are, the “book[s] that will not have been book[s],” colossal postcards sent to Socrates and Freud and so many other writers between and beyond them, and to all of us.

     

    “There are more things in heaven and earth, Horatio, /Than are dreamt of in your philosophy,” in heaven and earth, in spirit and matter, in light and darkness, in space and time. “And therefore as a stranger give it welcome,” we may say with Hamlet (Hamlet, Act II. ii, 165-68). It is a welcome to Derrida’s philosophy, a philosophy, like Shakespeare’s literature, of the strangeness and complexity of life. Shakespeare appears in Derrida rarely enough, now and then, here and there, but often decisively, as in “My Chances,” where Derrida cites these very lines on the way to “How malicious is my fortune” from King Lear. “The sense of remorse or misfortune . . . the regret I [Derrida] feel in not having attempted with you, as I initially projected, an analysis of King Lear. . . . I would have followed” (“My Chances” 29). Never enough time! It is only a few lines below that Hamlet is to say, with the voice of the Ghost intervening from below, that “the time is out of joint” (ii, 189). These are of course the lines through which Derrida is to address, a few centuries later in the epoch of capitalism, our own time in Specters of Marx. The theme follows him politically through the end of his life, in his writings and in his interventions into the often tragic events that were to shape and reshape the world during the last decade. “To set it right” (“O cursed spite/That ever I was born to set it right” [ii, 189-90]): that is yet another story in which such notions as “right” and “setting” need to be rethought. Many specters, ghosts of Derrida will likely be the permanent guests of this rethinking, in which we must “go together” with our guests and ghosts alike. “Go together” are the words that Hamlet says to his companions, friends, waiting for him to go ahead of them, as befits courtly etiquette. With these words Shakespeare closes the scene (ii, 191).

     

    Derrida is no longer with us, but, in the différance of our chaosmic world, deconstruction will continue under many a name and in many a field, “if we live, and go on thinking,” as John Keats once said. Keats also used the occasion to invoke the “grand march of intellect” (Rollins, ed., Letters 1: 281-82). It would be difficult to find a better description of either Derrida’s own work or what it can help us to achieve–if we go on thinking together.

     

    Works Cited

    • Derrida, Jacques. Acts of Literature. Ed. Derek Attridge. New York: Routledge, 1997.
    • —. Adieu to Emmanuel Levinas. Trans. Pascale-Anne Brault and Michael Naas. Stanford: Stanford UP, 1999.
    • —. Dissemination. Trans. Barbara Johnson. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1981.
    • —. Glas. Trans. John P. Leavey, Jr. and Richard Rand. Lincoln: U of Nebraska P, 1986.
    • —. “Living on: Border Lines.” Trans. James Hulbert. Ed. Harold Bloom et al. Deconstruction and Criticism. New York: Continuum, 1979.
    • —. Margins of Philosophy. Trans. Alan Bass. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1982.
    • —. Memoirs of the Blind: The Self-Portrait and Other Ruins. Trans. Pascale-Anne Brault and Michael Naas. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1993.
    • —. “My Chances/Mes Chances: A Rendezvous with Some Epicurean Stereophonies.” Eds. Joseph H. Smith and William Kerrigan. Taking Chances: Derrida, Psychoanalysis and Literature. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 1984.
    • —. Of Grammatology. Trans. Gayatri C. Spivak. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 1974.
    • —. On the Name. Ed. Thomas Dutoit. Stanford: Stanford UP, 1995.
    • —. The Other Heading: Reflections on Today’s Europe. Trans. Pascale-Anne Brault and Michael Naas. Bloomington: Indiana UP, 1991.
    • —. Positions. Trans. Alan Bass. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1981.
    • —. The Post Card: From Socrates to Freud and Beyond. Trans. Alan Bass. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1987.
    • —. Specters of Marx: The State of the Debt, the Work of Mourning and the New International. Trans. Peggy Kamuf. New York: Routledge, 1994.
    • —. Speech and Phenomena, and Other Essays on Husserl’s Theory of Signs. Trans. David B. Allison. Evanston: Northwestern UP, 1973.
    • —. Spurs: Nietzsche’s Style. Trans. Barbara Harlow. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1979.
    • —. The Truth in Painting. Trans. Geoff Bennington and Ian McLeod. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1987.
    • —. Writing and Difference. Trans. Alan Bass. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1978.

     

  • Some Day My Mom Will Come

    Heather Love

    Department of English
    University of Pennsylvania
    loveh@english.upenn.edu

     

    Review of: Esther Sánchez-Pardo, Cultures of the Death Drive: Melanie Klein and Modernist Melancholia.Durham: Duke UP, 2003.

     

    Back in 1979, Robert Hass wrote, “all the new thinking is about loss. In this it resembles all the old thinking.” He seemed to be referring to the lack of adequation between language and reality: “because there is in this world no one thing to which the bramble of blackberry corresponds, a word is elegy to the thing it signifies” (4). Things aren’t that different in 2005: the fading of the object world can still break your heart. But the most recent thinking about loss doesn’t tend to be about language or representation. Rather, loss is increasingly played in the register of the world-historical, as critics have drawn on psychoanalytic models to consider the intersection between individual and collective trauma. Witness, memorialization, haunting, and the melancholy of just about everything: such work has taken up the question of “the politics of mourning.” What might constitute an ethical relation to the past? How can we draw on the losses of the past in order to imagine new futures?

     

    I like the new thinking about loss very much, but sometimes I get to thinking about the old thinking about loss, about stories older and darker than Hass’s blackberry. For instance: Uranus and Gaia have twelve children; Uranus hates them, so he buries them inside their mother’s body, deep in the earth; Gaia gives her son Cronus a big knife and he castrates his father, frees his siblings, and rules over them. Cronus then has several children with his sister, all of whom he eats at birth to keep them from betraying him in turn. This works pretty well until his son tricks him into vomiting up his brothers and sisters, and they send their devouring father down into the underworld. Now that’s loss!

     

    Now that the foundations of the world have been laid, it is hard to match these antics. One place to look, however, is in the annals of psychoanalysis, where such cycles of revenge, retribution, and flesh-eating are played out on the much smaller stage of the individual psyche. Melanie Klein (1882-1960) was particularly attuned to such dynamics. In her pioneering work in child analysis and the field of object relations, she described the mix of paranoia and jealousy, rage and anxiety, brewing inside even the smallest of human minds. Several decades later her work continues to shock with its uncompromising view of the psychic life of babies.

     

    Klein made a number of important theoretical innovations with which critics and analysts are still coming to terms. While analysts before her had “analyzed” children by talking to their parents, Klein developed a technique to work with very young children directly, in an approach that combined play and talk. Her work is at the origin of the field of object-relations psychoanalysis, which sees development as implicated from the very start in the relation to others and which has appealed to many as an alternative to the Freudian tradition. Originally a disciple of Freud, Klein moved to England and drifted away from orthodoxy, finally distancing herself publicly in a series of debates in the 1940s (the Controversial Discussions) with, among others, Anna Freud. She challenged many central tenets of Freud’s notion of development: she situated the Oedipal crisis much earlier in time, challenged the notion of penis envy, and cast childhood experience in terms of “positions” rather than in terms of a developmental sequence of phases. In an especially dissident move, Klein developed a model of infantile experience that focused almost exclusively on the figure of the mother. Feminists have been drawn to this version of psychic development that focuses on the relation between the baby and the mother instead of on castration, the phallus, and the father.

     

    Some have tried to imagine Klein’s account of early childhood as a kindler, gentler alternative to Freud’s, but it is not easy to do. For Klein, the relation between the mother and the child offers no refuge from violence. The infant does receive some satisfaction from the mother’s care, and it is out of such experiences that the internal image of the Good Mother is formed. But at just about the same time, the image of the Bad Mother is born out of experiences of frustration and disappointment. In this earliest phase of development, which Klein called the “paranoid-schizoid position,” the baby keeps these two images as far apart as possible, in order to keep the Bad from spoiling the Good; one of the key developmental tasks (and this can take a lifetime) is to integrate these two images and to survive the realization that these two opposed experiences have the same source.

     

    The very bloodiest battles of object relations are fought between mother and child. The objects that make up the internal world are just what you might expect would be important to a little baby: breasts, mouths, feces, penises. While once in a while it is possible to get a good object and to keep it safely inside, mostly these objects are in pieces, and they are angry. Klein writes,

     

    The little girl has a sadistic desire, originating in the early stages of the Oedipus conflict, to rob the mother’s body of its contents, namely, the father’s penis, faeces, children, and to destroy the mother herself. This desire gives rise to anxiety lest the mother should in her turn rob the little girl of the contents of her body (especially of children) and lest her body should be destroyed or mutilated. In my view, this anxiety, which I have found in the analyses of girls and women to be the deepest anxiety of all, represents the little girl’s earliest danger situation. (92)

     

    The early life of the child looks in that case more like Seed of Chucky than like a scene of oceanic bliss. This is perhaps what Jacques Lacan had in mind when he referred to Melanie Klein as an “inspired gut butcher” (qtd. in Kristeva 230).

     

    Klein’s version of infant life, however, is made up of equal parts rending violence and restorative sadness. These infantile situations recur throughout life. While they are the cause of continuing anxiety and aggression, they also give rise to other feelings, also central to Klein’s project: longing, concern, and the desire for reparation. The crucial developmental turn for the child is from the “paranoid-schizoid position” (characterized by splitting and unbridled aggression) to the “depressive position,” where the child actually feels concern for the objects under attack. Listen as Klein describes the “infantile depressive position,” a state which she understands as “melancholia in statu nascendi“:

     

    The baby experiences depressive feelings which reach a climax just before, during, and after weaning. . . . The object which is being mourned is the mother’s breast and all that the breast and the milk have come to stand in for in the infant’s mind: namely, love, goodness, and security. All these are felt by the baby to be lost, and lost as a result of his own uncontrollable greedy and destructive phantasies and impulses against his mother’s breasts. Further distress about impending loss (this time of both parents) arises out of the Oedipus situation, which sets in so early and in such close connection with breast frustrations that in its beginnings it is dominated by oral impulses and fears. The circle of loved objects who are attacked in phantasy and whose loss is therefore feared widens according to the child’s ambivalent relations to his brothers and sisters. The aggression against phantasied brothers and sisters, who are attacked inside the mother’s body, also gives rise to feelings of guilt and loss. The sorrow and concern about the feared loss of the “good” objects, that is to say, the depressive position, is, in my experience, the deepest source of painful conflicts in the Oedipus situation, as well as in the child’s relations to people in general. (147-48)

     

    The widening circle of violence here recalls the clashes of the Titans–but the guilt and concern are new. While Klein in no way underestimates the pure cussedness of this greedy little baby, she sees a potential for repair in the feelings of loss that accompany the urge to destroy. Klein offers an appealing conjunction: on the one hand, she recognizes just how bad things can be; at the same time, she points toward a desire (albeit a desire couched in depression) that they should be better.

     

    Such a conjunction is at the heart of Esther Sánchez-Pardo’s attraction to Klein’s work in her recent book, Cultures of the Death Drive: Melanie Klein and Modernist Melancholia. The title of the book is drawn from Freud’s characterization of melancholia. In his famous distinction between mourning and melancholia, Freud describes melancholia as a form of pathological mourning in which loss is disavowed and the lost object is internalized and becomes subject to recrimination. He writes, “what is now holding sway in the superego is, as it were, a pure culture of the death instinct, and in fact it often succeeds in driving the ego into death, if the latter does not fend off its tyrant in time ” (54-55). Sánchez-Pardo draws not only on Freud’s account of melancholia but also on work by Sándor Ferenczi, Karl Abraham, Sándor Radó, Nicholas Abraham, and Maria Torok, and others, at the same time standing by her claim that “Melanie Klein is the theorist of melancholia par excellence” (4).

     

    Like many contemporary critics, Sánchez-Pardo attempts to bridge the gap between psychoanalytic accounts of individual subjectivity and historicist accounts of the social world. She puts forward a very particular definition of the “culture of the death drive,” one that draws as much on the social conditions of the early twentieth century as it does on a transhistorical notion of a death instinct:

     

    It is my contention that melancholia is generated by what I call “cultures of the death drive,” a variety of forces that produce melancholia, a malaise affecting the “privileged” victims of a new urban, industrialized, and capitalist world order: women, lesbians, gay men, blacks, Jews, ethnic minorities, and in general those who suffered the consequences of deterritorialization and diaspora after the wars. (194)

     

    Sánchez-Pardo understands melancholia as something socially produced. While its relation to childhood “positions” cannot be set aside, it is the result of particular historical forms of exclusion. As a result, she argues, it attaches to particular kinds of people.

     

    Cultural, social, historical, political, and psychosexual factors bear on the production of individuals who are prone to melancholia. One of the conclusions of this study is that women, feminine masochists, lesbians, and gay men are more prone to melancholia. To engage in psychoanalytic and textual inquiry into the reasons why these heterogeneous groups are privileged victims of modernist melancholia is one of my aims. (195)

     

    Sánchez-Pardo is hardly the first person to suggest that women, feminine masochists, lesbians, and gay men are “more prone to melancholia.” Like so many central psychoanalytic concepts, melancholia has been taken up to offer yet another perspective on what is wrong–really deeply wrong–with homosexuals, women, racially marked subjects, and people not from Western Europe. This is not at all what Sánchez-Pardo means, however. Sánchez-Pardo comes to diagnose society, not the individual. She sees melancholia not as a matter of arrested development or any other personal “fault”; rather, it is a result of the social exclusion of modernity’s others. This social violence is a matter of concern and care for Sánchez-Pardo: like the depressive infant, she has reparation on her mind.

     

    Such a task is laudable–even, you might say, a matter of pressing personal concern. And Sánchez-Pardo works very hard. Cultures of the Death Drive is a massive text, almost more like two books than one. The first section is a close analysis of Klein, with special emphasis on her cultural context and on the importance of gender and sexuality in her work. The second focuses on melancholia in modernism, and considers several literary and visual texts through a Kleinian psychoanalytic lens. The book will be of interest to people with varying levels of familiarity with Klein; while Meira Likierman’s recent book on Klein might be clearer and Julia Kristeva’s weirder, Sánchez-Pardo’s specific emphasis on melancholia, the social, and modernist aesthetics is valuable.

     

    Part II of the book begins with a chapter (really more like a second introduction) in which Sánchez-Pardo surveys major modernist scholarship of the last few decades and announces her intention to analyze the “cultural, literary, and artistic production of women, lesbians, gay men, and racialized and stigmatized Others” (205). She goes on to devote chapters to the work of Virginia Woolf, Lytton Strachey, Djuna Barnes, and Countee Cullen. Though these authors do fill out the list of “stigmatized Others” that she mentions, the exclusive focus on their work is hard to explain. There are so many figures whom she might have considered under this rubric: Charles Baudelaire and Marcel Proust, for instance, or Marguerite Yourcenar, Jean Toomer, or Jean Rhys. It might also make sense to move beyond the traditional limits of modernism to more recent writers such as Marguerite Duras, Tsitsi Dangarembga, or W. G. Sebald. What about Elfriede Jelinek? She seems to be living in a pure culture of the death drive.

     

    The problem is not so much that these are not good choices for talking about modernism and melancholia–they are. The problem is rather that, despite repeated acts of definition, the contours of this project never emerge with real clarity. So much interesting theoretical and cultural work has been done on the intersection of representation, melancholia, and the social in recent years that it has become increasingly difficult to stake out fresh terrain. However, some of the most relevant recent work in the field does not appear in this study. Critics such as Anne Anlin Cheng, David L. Eng, and Ranjana Khanna have engaged deeply with questions of racialization and melancholia; it would also be interesting to take up the writings of Frantz Fanon and Octave Mannoni, whose writing was foundational for these critics. Given that sexuality is so central to her project, it is odd that Sánchez-Pardo does not engage more fully with the work of queer critics who focus on the politics of mourning and negativity (Douglas Crimp, Leo Bersani, or Tim Dean, for instance).

     

    The position of psychoanalysis in the contemporary intellectual climate is insecure enough that books that depend on a psychoanalytic framework often include an implicit or explicit apology for this approach. On the one side, psychoanalysis has been attacked by the skeptics, those who have argued that Freud was a bad scientist (see, for instance, Frederick Crewes’s edited collection Unauthorized Freud); on the other, it has been attacked by social theorists who object to its privatizing and ahistorical focus on the individual psyche.

     

    Although a lot of recent work in queer, postcolonial, and critical race studies draws on psychoanalysis, it remains a hard sell for modernity’s “privileged victims.” Psychoanalysis is at the heart of the modern project of normalization that gives birth to these Others. And the rest, you might say, is history–the project of naming and identifying in this period is inseparable from stigmatization and violence. Sánchez-Pardo works hard to keep Klein clear of these charges. In particular, she presents a version of Kleinian theory that emphasizes the flexibility of gender and sexual positions, arguing that “Klein did not fall into the traps of the furor curandi and the pathologization of homosexuality by which most of her contemporaries were driven” (115).

     

    There is some truth in this claim, and there are certainly ways in which Klein’s take on gender and sexuality offers an appealing alternative to Freud’s take on gender and sexuality. (There are, of course, ways in which Freud’s take on gender and sexuality offer an appealing alternative to Freud’s take on gender and sexuality as well, but that is another story.) But there is also a sense in which one simply cannot avoid “falling into the trap” of pathologizing homosexuality because homosexuality is like that–it comes pre-pathologized. Even Sánchez-Pardo’s significantly groovy take on sexual development falls into that trap, if it is one.

     

    It is almost impossible to track the way to homosexuality. Simply put, there is no single way, not even psychoanalytically speaking, and certainly not in Klein’s narrative of the Oedipus conflict. Klein posits only one prerequisite for the attainment of the normal (i.e., the most common) heterosexual position, the supremacy of the good mother-imago, which helps the boy to overcome his sadism and works against all his various anxieties. (114-15)

     

    The slip between normal defined as “the most common” and normal defined as right–between the descriptive and the normative–is a confusion that is endemic to modernity. But it is particularly exacerbated in psychoanalysis, which retains its legacy as a curative science.

     

    Still, if psychoanalysis is a cure, it is a poisoned cure, one that incorporates the gut-wrenching (and sometimes even gut-butchering) realities of psychic and social life. And when it comes to talking about loss and its repercussions, nobody does it better. At the end of the book, Sánchez-Pardo writes, “throughout this volume, I have been pervasively and systematically addressing loss, something that has come to interest many of us during this period, when loss, trauma, and aggression seem to be of great concern” (391). Sánchez-Pardo is undoubtedly right about this focus, and it’s hard to imagine the situation changing anytime soon.

     

    Furthermore, this book asks what loss is good for: “What political and social forms of freedom, we ask, can be derived from Klein’s theorization of the relationship between melancholia and the depressive position? And to what extent, then, can we return for models of freedom to a modernist aesthetic that dwells on and draws its force from the memorializing of social ‘loss’?” (388). While Sánchez-Pardo does not answer such questions, she takes an important first step by insisting on loss. In a world in which disavowal and aggression hold sway–in which paranoid-schizoid tendencies seem to be winning out over depressive ones–sorrow, longing, and concern are themselves crucial to the work of reparation.

    Works Cited

     

    • Freud, Sigmund. The Ego and the Id. Trans. Joan Riviere. New York: Norton, 1960.
    • Hass, Robert. “Meditation at Lagunitas.” Praise. Hopewell, NJ: Ecco, 1990.
    • Klein, Melanie. The Selected Melanie Klein. Ed. Juliet Mitchell. New York: Free, 1986.
    • Kristeva, Julia. Melanie Klein. Trans. Ross Gubermann. New York: Columbia UP, 2001.

     

  • Whose Conspiracy Theory?

    Andrew Strombeck

    Department of English
    University of California, Davis
    amstrombeck@ucdavis.edu

     

    Review of: Peter Knight, Conspiracy Culture: From Kennedy to the X-Files.New York: Routledge, 2000.

     

    In the post-9/11 world, cultural paranoia and its number-one star, conspiracy theory, have reemerged with a vigor unseen since their heyday in the fifties. The Bush Administration’s anti-terrorism rhetoric could be characterized as a form of conspiracy theory, epitomized by Bush’s use of “Axis of Evil” to conflate the undeniably different Iraq, Iran, and North Korea. On the left, a relentless stream of conspiracy-minded notions (some, of course, with a basis in truth) have been associated with the Administration, from a secret plan to cancel the 2004 elections to the idea of an “October Surprise” featuring the reappearance of an always-already captured Osama Bin Laden to the now infamous “Bush bulge.” Such an atmosphere heightens the need for a critical evaluation of conspiracy theory like Peter Knight’s Conspiracy Culture: From Kennedy to the X-Files. (A note on terminology: in this essay, “conspiracy theory” and “conspiracy culture” refer to thinking about actual conspiracies; “conspiracy theory criticism” refers to second-level thinking about conspiracy theory.) Knight, a lecturer in American Studies at the University of Manchester, makes a compelling case for the emergence of a widespread “conspiracy culture” in the post-Kennedy era, using evidence from literature, popular culture, and conspiracy subcultures. This conspiracy culture is indeed pervasive. Its components include an American government increasingly obsessed with secrecy, a popular politics of suspicion developed in response to this secrecy, and a host of cultural productions that simultaneously parody and spread these conspiracies. Knight argues that conspiracy theory indexes a larger alienation characteristic of late capitalist life, that conspiracy theory “express[es] a not entirely unfounded suspicion that the normal order of things itself amounts to a conspiracy,” a claim validated by the tone of post-9/11 politics. Yet while Knight is astute in reading recent conspiracy culture as more pervasive than assumed by earlier critics like Richard Hofstadter, Knight seems too ready to sever the connection between conspiracy theories associated particularly with “right-wing white men” and a wider conspiracy culture. Even while recognizing that conspiracy theory is differently experienced by different subjects, Knight resists asking why conspiracy theory has by and large remained the property of white men.

     

    This book is part of a recent cabal of conspiracy theory criticism, which includes Mark Fenster’s Conspiracy Theories: Secrecy and Power in American Life, Timothy Melley’s Empire of Conspiracy: The Culture of Paranoia in Postwar America, Patrick O’Donnell’s Latent Destinies: Cultural Paranoia and Contemporary U.S. Narrative and Jodi Dean’s Aliens in America: Conspiracy Cultures from Outerspace to Cyberspace. Knight himself is something of a conspiracy-theory industry, having in the past four years edited both a collection of essays (Conspiracy Nation: The Politics of Paranoia in Postwar America) and a multi-volume conspiracy encyclopedia (Conspiracy Theories in American History). The publication of this conspiracy criticism has been propelled, perhaps, by the reemergence of conspiracy culture in the 1990s, represented on the one hand by the sustained popularity of The X-Files, which highlighted the playful aspects of conspiracy subculture, and on the other by Timothy McVeigh’s 1995 bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City, which unveiled to the public an active and conspiracy-minded militia subculture. Like Knight’s work, all of this criticism seeks to debunk the idea, generally associated with Richard Hofstadter’s “The Paranoid Style in American Politics” (1963), that conspiracy theory is the exclusive domain of an extremist right. Part of the project at work here is the establishment of conspiracy theory as a legitimate object of study, a move that, while less than perfectly necessary after two decades of cultural criticism, works against a dominant ideology that posits conspiracy theory as extremist fringe defined as pathological against a “healthy politics” associated with a pluralist middle. Knight begins by carefully differentiating his sense of a wide conspiracy culture from the narrow vision of conspiracy theory offered by its debunkers, who would include–in addition to Hofstadter–professor of Middle Eastern studies Daniel Pipes and feminist literary critic Elaine Showalter. These critics, instead of trying to understand the cultural causes of conspiracy theory, hold it up to a “gold standard of rationality” and maintain that it represents instances of personal pathology–paranoia–projected onto an outside world (11). Cultural studies, of course, has its own pitfalls, and Knight warns against these in describing what he sees as Fenster’s “bending over backwards to find the glimmerings of utopian political desires buried in the products of conspiracy theory” (20). Instead, Knight sets out to determine just what it is that makes conspiracy theorists tick.

     

    Knight differentiates this newer conspiracy culture from Hofstadter’s extremist vision in several ways: Knight argues that in the postwar era, the U.S. government has become more secretive, a shift best represented by the classifying of thousands of Kennedy assassination documents. During the postwar era, the U.S. intelligence community has ballooned (the CIA was founded in 1947), and revelations of this community’s wrongdoings have tumbled out in a steady stream (the Church hearings in the seventies, the Iran-Contra hearings in the eighties, etc.). This results in what Knight, following Michael Rogin, describes as a “spectacle” of secrecy in American politics (29). In response to this increased governmental intrigue (or at least the perception of such), Americans have embraced conspiracy as an explanation. This sense of conspiracy is based not on the idea of a unilateral conspiracy accomplished by a single secretive group, but on the idea that large institutions–corporations and governments–control everyday life. Contemporary conspiracy culture also differs from its extremist form in its intensity of belief; in conspiracy culture, conspiracy is “less an item of inflexible faith than an often uncoordinated expression of doubt and distrust” (44). Finally, our conspiracy culture differs from its predecessors in its playfulness. Knight cites a variety of sources, most prominently The X-Files but also conspiracy-themed publications like Disinformation.com and The Steamshovel Press, that treat conspiracy with a mixture of irony and sincerity.

     

    Knight sees conspiracy culture as, to an extent, coterminous with postmodern culture; his reading of the simultaneous emergence of both comes across most clearly in his (mandatory for conspiracy criticism) chapter on the Kennedy assassination. Echoing pronouncements by Baudrillard and Fredric Jameson, Knight calls the assassination a “primal scene of postmodernism” because it heralds a sense of “unmanageable reality” (116). The assassination produces an endless proliferation of conspiracy narratives, none of which provides any closure (115). While new evidence continually surfaces–the 1992 Assassination Records Review Board identifies an astonishing 4.5 million documents and items related to the assassination–this evidence offers little access to any “deep” meaning about the assassination. Knight gives a good sense of the desire circulating around the assassination, a desire he shows at work both in thousands of amateur assassination researchers and in postmodern writers (DeLillo, Ellroy, Mailer) who take up the assassination.

     

    In his next two chapters on feminist and African-American uses of conspiracy theory, Knight demonstrates how conspiracy theory shares yet another facet with postmodernism, its rejection of universalist “metanarratives” in favor of local stories about particular subjects. These chapters offer fresh ways to consider the uses of conspiracy theory for disempowered subjects while demonstrating the critical limits that are hardwired into conspiracy narratives. Knight argues that for some feminist and African-American writers, conspiracy theories become a way to narrate the real historical forces that are in fact aligned against them: patriarchy and racism. Since both patriarchy and racism operate in a variety of spheres–domestic, economic, political, social–conspiracy theory provides a way to imagine these forces as totalities. Moreover, conspiracy theory provides the leverage necessary to pry open a dominant ideology that posits both patriarchy and racism as already-solved problems. Even so, conspiracy theory presents certain formal limits that stunt its tactical usefulness. Using Betty Friedan, The Stepford Wives, radical feminist manifestos, Mary Daly’s Gyn/Ecology, and Naomi Wolf’s The Beauty Myth, Knight shows that the language of conspiracy pervades some feminist texts in the form of male supremacist cabals, the “brainwashing” of women, etc. Conspiracy theories, Knight argues, provide a way to name a “faceless problem” (135). The difficulty, Knight points out, is that conspiracy theory not only figures but also creates hierarchies; both Friedan and Wolf, in order to write, have to locate the conspiracy as acting on women other than themselves. Knight, drawing on Patricia Turner’s I Heard It Through the Grapevine, finds similar uses of conspiracy theory at work in African-American communities; the essential point here is that “unconscious thoughts and behavior of whites amount to a conspiracy to keep African Americans oppressed . . . life in the ghetto is the same as if there had been a deliberate conspiracy” (146). For African Americans and other minorities, conspiracy theory functions differently than it does for whites; because of the historical forces aligned against them, Knight argues, conspiracy “comes naturally” to minorities. While this idea has its potential pitfalls, particularly the implicit suggestion that African-American conspiracy theory is an inevitable kind of pathology, it does point to an important concept: that conspiracy theory is experienced differently by different subjects. Knight’s analysis implicitly revisits the quandary of postmodern agency: how to articulate “the death of the subject” at the very moment when nonwhite, non-male subjects have been granted agency. With its obsession with invisible cabals and institutional intrigue, conspiracy culture rehearses anxiety over the death of the subject. But Knight’s reading of African-American and feminist conspiracy theory reveals subjects that are very much intact, with conspiracy theory serving to reinforce identities rather than threaten them.

     

    Knight concludes that contemporary conspiracy culture at its best offers a vertiginous sense that “everything is connected.” This idea, which echoes Fredric Jameson’s argument in the first half of The Geopolitical Aesthetic, is that conspiracy narratives both reflect and distort the lived conditions of late capitalist globalization. It is an idea both compelling and reductive. On the one hand, it readily explains the prevalence of conspiracy theories under late capitalism, but on the other, it reinforces the notion that there is a singular subject (implicitly white and male) who experiences late capitalism through a universal lens. While Knight seems thus accurately to diagnose the impossibility of late capitalist political knowledge, so establishing the exigency of conspiracy theory, he implicitly celebrates a postmodern third person, without attending, as he does elsewhere in the book, to the uneven ways in which conspiracy theories are deployed across different political subjects and the ways in which they may function differently, to take just one of his examples, for African Americans.

     

    If most earlier conspiracy theories worked to demonize some Americans (African Americans, Native Americans, immigrants) for the benefit of others (white males), is a postmodern irony enough to allow contemporary conspiratorial explanations to evade this demonization? A more nuanced account of contemporary conspiracy theory might foreground the disciplinary mechanisms latent within conspiracy discourse, asking, for example, whether some forms of conspiracy theory favor some subjects over others; this is an analysis Knight points toward but does not complete in his chapters on African-American and feminist conspiracy theories. Such an account might go further toward explaining why, though it has at times been useful to other subjects, conspiracy theory remains, in its production and consumption and in its highest literary forms (DeLillo and Pynchon), largely the province of white men. This qualification seems especially important when the major critics of conspiracy theory–with some exceptions, notably Patricia Turner and Jodi Dean–are themselves white men. The field threatens to become a refuge for white masculinity within cultural criticism instead of an opportunity for a self-conscious consideration of the limitations white masculinity places on discourse.

     

    This particular lapse points to other blind spots. The largest of these–one that exists with other works of conspiracy criticism–lies with Knight’s too-rigid differentiation between earlier conspiracies–he refers to these as conspiracies of the Us-vs.-Them variety–and contemporary conspiracy culture. In part, this separation mischaracterizes early conspiracy theories. As David Bennet demonstrates in The Party of Fear: From Nativist Movements to the New Right in American History, conspiratorial explanations have long been important within American history; president Andrew Jackson, for example, gained political capital by crusading both against the “many-headed hydra” of the National Bank and, in a subtler fashion, against the “pernicious” influence of immigrant-linked Catholicism. Thus, to locate pre-Kennedy conspiracy theory as solely the domain of “extremists” is misleading and belies the deep genealogical connection between “extremist” conspiracy theory and contemporary conspiracy culture.

     

    Conspiracy Culture gives readers a sense of conspiracy theory as a complex cultural phenomenon, one capable both of binding together popular fears, extremist beliefs, and politics proper and of “keep[ing] aloft several different explanatory possibilities at the same time, refusing to let any one element of the paranormal, the paranoid, and the conspiratorial claim the final ground of stability” (191). Conspiracy theory self-consciously engages with a host of theoretical issues, including disciplinary power, feminism, anti-racism, and political theory, in the process emerging as critical theory’s alternate universe, a universe in which all the issues are the same and all the conclusions different. This “parallelism” is thus the source of conspiracy theory’s potential and its shortcomings; it is also an important warning for the cultural critic, who only at his or her peril fails to look hard into conspiracy theory’s cracked mirror.

     

    If the conspiracy culture Knight describes is a multiplicity along the lines that Deleuze and Guattari describe in Anti-Oedipus, it is not a multiplicity without limits; in conspiracy theory, anti-Oedipus needs its Oedipus. With conspiracy theory reemerging as a powerful political force in America, questions like these become crucial in understanding and engaging in politics. Conspiracy theories may be energizing, but for whom? Knight does good work toward analyzing the ideological function of conspiracy theory, demonstrating how conspiracy theory’s forms are both used and interpreted differently by different gender and minority subcultures. His overall analysis is accurate, with this qualification: the feeling that “everything is connected” remains a state of affairs enjoyed most thoroughly by the white men best positioned to take advantage of it.

     

    Work Cited

     

    • Bennett, David H. The Party of Fear: From Nativist Movements to the New Right in American History. Chapel Hill: U North Carolina P, 1988.

     

  • Whither the Actually Existing Internet?

    Chris McGahan

    English Department
    Yeshiva University
    clm7458@nyu.edu

     

    Review of: McKenzie Wark, A Hacker Manifesto. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 2004; and Vincent Mosco, The Digital Sublime: Myth, Power, and Cyberspace.Cambridge: MIT P, 2004.

     

    Anyone with an interest in political and cultural developments in and around cyberspace would welcome new books by McKenzie Wark and Vincent Mosco. Coming from different angles–Wark from critical theory (with a clearly evident debt to the idiosyncratic work of Paul Virilio) and Mosco from the political economy of media–both writers have already made important contributions to a still-emergent body of literature on new media and the Internet. Though one can point to exemplary Internet scholarship like Slater and Miller’s The Internet: An Ethnographic Approach, too few critical texts address the Internet as the technocultural phenomenon it has become. In 1999, such a problem would have been regrettable, yet understandable, given the relative novelty of the Internet as a medium for political advocacy, mass and micro cultures, and webs of commerce; today, it is nothing short of lamentable.

     

    Mosco and Wark thus deserve credit for having done a great deal, in texts like the former’s “Webs of Myth and Power: Connectivity and the New Computer Technopolis” (2000) and the latter’s Virtual Geography: Living with Global Media Events (1994), to throw light on the practical and theoretical dimensions of the network society. In the article noted above and in other recent texts, Mosco has assiduously tracked how the realities of the global division of labor and capital’s movement to radically reconfigure media markets give the lie to utopian claims about the democratization effects supposedly inherent to the ever-wider spread of information technologies. Wark’s pioneering discussion of global media events in Virtual Geography established an early theoretical framework useful for later examinations of some of the key cultural factors bearing on the dissemination of information on the Internet.

     

    In Wark’s A Hacker Manifesto and Mosco’s The Digital Sublime: Myth, Power and Cyberspace, the authors attempt to surpass the reach of their previous work. On the one hand, Wark postulates that hackers, understood in a broad sense to include intellectual laborers who use information technologies in their work, constitute a new “class” equipped with a revolutionary capacity to do battle with capital via the “vector,” Wark’s term for the global circulation of information; on the other hand, Mosco provides a broad examination of the discursive bases upon which popular and academic understandings of cyberspace have tended to be uncritically associated with dubious concepts like “the end of history” and “the disappearance of geography.” Wark thus delivers up an argument that is in some measure rooted in political economy, while Mosco departs from the terrain of political economy proper to investigate the ideological underpinnings of cybercultural myth-making. In both cases, these ambitious projects provide valuable insights into Internet culture and politics. Before getting to a discussion of these, however, I want to indicate a general problem with the methodology employed by both projects. In the spirit of Wark’s manifesto, I will call this problem “the filtering out of actually existing cyberspace.”

     

    An unfortunate feature of these books is the degree to which they speak about hackers (however broadly categorized) or the mythical “digital sublime” while paying little attention to what actually happens when hackers become involved in or are subjected to Internet social networks, institutional protocols, and cultural genres. One can search almost entirely in vain in these texts for specific instances of cybercultural practice. Now, it is possible to identify certain understandable reasons of method for this omission. In Wark’s case, the form of the manifesto does not permit detailed discussion, and Mosco self-avowedly seeks to analyze the “myths” framing academic and popular understandings of the Internet rather than talk about what netizens are actually getting up to online. That said, this review will show that the cogency of Mosco’s and Wark’s arguments is weakened by the absence of sustained consideration of actually existing cyberspace.

     

    Since its release earlier this year, A Hacker Manifesto has attracted a lot of attention, including a review by Terry Eagleton in the 25 October 2004 issue of The Nation. Beyond the author’s stature–Wark is now professor of media and cultural studies at the New School University–a likely reason for the book’s having drawn such interest is its loose focus on hacking; after all, two decades after its emergence as a hot topic in popular culture, the cultural work of hackers is still surrounded by more mystique than understanding. Because, however, Wark has framed his project so as to address a much wider set of issues, his book is unlikely to clear up many common misperceptions regarding the practical or ideological orientation of hacking or hackers. Another reason for the book’s notoriety is that its analysis extends a thesis put forward recently and notably in Hardt and Negri’s widely read Empire: that the global body of technologically literate culture and service industry workers (for Hardt and Negri, “social workers”) has the potential to become, via their privileged role in the production, circulation, and maintenance of the information required for the function of capital on a global scale (“immaterial labor”), a revolutionary, anti-capitalist force of unprecedented potency. This conceptualization of Internet-era intellectual labor as a new basis for revolutionary agency is indeed the heart of Wark’s book.

     

    Wark lays out various proposals concerning his understanding of hacking as a form of class struggle in brief and rather oracular chapters with titles like “Revolt,” “Subject,” and “World.” The thrust of his argument is that cultural workers are becoming constituted as a class via the emergence of an objective conflict between their need for a free flow of information with which to do their work and the full-scale commodification of information following the establishment of the so-called new economy and a corresponding regime of restrictive intellectual property law. The form of politics proper to this new class, Wark maintains, consists of demands not for the redistribution of wealth or collective ownership of the means of production but rather for universal access to information as a means for conceiving and realizing new desires and new forms of life. Rather than working to reform or overthrow the state, he writes, this form of politics is radical to the extent that it “seeks to permeate existing states with a new state of existence . . . spread[ing] the seeds of an alternative practice of everyday life” (256). Wark calls this “expressive politics.”

     

    In terms of what he has to say about hackers as agents of class struggle, Wark is at his most persuasive when he suggests that one of the key struggles lying ahead for the productive classes of the underdeveloped world and their hacker allies is to combat not only the exploitation characteristic of neo-colonialism but also the ever-wider control exercised by finance capital and its institutional agents over the organization of nearly every feature of political and social life. The latter struggle, he makes clear, will require both the establishment of networks of resistance and a fundamental refashioning of modernity’s objects. Hackers can support both aims, Wark contends, through their knowledge and their collective inclination to wrest information from its “bondage” to the commodity form.

     

    This looks like sound, provocative analysis. But the point would have been more convincing had Wark acknowledged that there is already a massive activist network organized to do (at least in part) what he is describing: the anti-globalization movement (or as Naomi Klein refers to it, the “movement of many movements”). Because he evidently views anti-globalization activists as having come together in defense of local or national interests rather than in tune with the kind of free-ranging anarchist politics he favors, Wark objects to the anti-globalization movement and has no interest in exploring any of its immediate or long-term promises for social transformation. In fact, Wark goes much further than to take issue with some of the aims or strategies of the anti-globalization movement; indeed, he disparages the movement so roundly for its “representational” (in other words, primarily redistributive) politics that he appears to find no value in it whatsoever. Can it really be the case that Wark sees no potential for theorizing or developing a future left politics in the anti-globalization movement? In any event, one gets little specific sense from Wark’s text of how hackers’ technical knowledge and creative energies have been or could be mobilized in support of such a movement or any of its aims, though there is abundant evidence on the Internet that protests against the World Trade Organization (WTO) or the General Agreement on Trades and Tariffs (GATT) have been abetted by such efforts. Here is one of those instances where it would have been helpful for Wark to refer to actually existing cyberspace in his research.

     

    Ultimately, Wark most runs into trouble in his tendency to forego dialectical thinking in his account of the hackers’ historical role in relation to global capital. Looking back to another manifesto that twenty years ago proved key to creating an ethos of technologically engaged opposition to the prerogatives of capital, we can recognize that in her text on cyborg politics Donna Haraway was concerned to avoid segregating the kind of postmodern subjectivity she chose to identify with the term “cyborg” from what Wark would now call “the military entertainment complex”: “From one perspective, a cyborg world is about the final imposition of a grid of control on the planet” while from another “a cyborg world might be about lived social and bodily realities in which people are not afraid of their joint kinship with animals and machines, not afraid of permanently partial identities and contradictory standpoints” (154). Indeed, what was most compelling and most radical in Haraway’s way of conceiving the cyborg was that she recognized that any politically progressive course that might be forged on the basis of or in conjunction with cyborg identity and agency would have to be taken in full cognizance of the historical and ongoing imbrication of information technology with the maintenance of what Deleuze called “societies of control.” The creation of the Internet by the U.S. Defense Department is perhaps the example par excellence of how this has worked in practice, though obviously the Internet has morphed into something tremendously different from what Arpanet, the prototype for a global, packet-switching information network established in the late 1960s, was designed to be.

     

    In his reading of hackers’ general political orientation, Wark does allow for the danger that they will confuse their interests with those of the vectoralist class, the owners of the means of information production. But to do only that is to do too little. A realistic account of the historical conjuncture would include the full (and not just passing) recognition, à la Haraway, that the work of hackers is in some measure responsible for what Wark now tasks them with dismantling: the widely pervasive social surveillance and military domination enabled by information technology. One should not rhapsodize over hackers’ capacity for creating the “new” without fully taking this problem into account.

     

    Though Mosco’s The Digital Sublime: Myth, Power, and Cyberspace moves forward from a different starting point, the two studies do seem at moments to converge (as when, for instance, Mosco speaks of hackers as trickster figures who work to reveal a “mythic utopia locked up by our stagnating tendencies to freeze revolutionary technologies in the ice of outdated social patterns” [48]). Otherwise, he focuses on narratives connected to postmodernism and the “technological sublime,” a notion he borrows from the historian David Nye to help him account both for the general tendency to glorify new technologies and for the various ways in which cyberspace has been subjected to hyperbole.

     

    Mosco’s readings of texts by people like Fukuyama, Negroponte, and Ohmae are illuminating. Mosco effectively shows how Fukuyama’s “end of history/ideology” thesis is applied in a boilerplate fashion to his explanation of the significance of the Internet, with the “digital divide” being swept aside as an ultimately immaterial impediment to the otherwise “frictionless” operation of free markets in the post-Cold War era. Negroponte is deservedly taken to task for his brand of digital boosterism, which, as Mosco explains, consists of pretending to treat info-tech innovation as something that is in little need of hype, while at the same time making overstated, technologically determinist claims for the absolute–and absolutely wonderful–transformation of life that is sure to arrive as a result of such innovation. Finally, Ohmae’s contention that we are in the process of achieving a “borderless world” is revealed as, at worst, manifestly distorted and, at best, true in only a very limited sense.

     

    Mosco does not, however, offer any counterexamples from actually existing cyberspace, examples that might have worked well to refute these writers’ untenable claims. In his response to Ohmae, for instance, Mosco might have mentioned the “virtual Confederacy” that Internet scholar Tara McPherson has addressed as a case of the importance of place to cybercultures. McPherson’s work on the expression of Southern white identity in the U.S. via the Internet suggests that rather than in every case bringing about “the end of geography,” participation in cybercultures can instead encourage participants to re-consolidate their affective and political attachments to geographic regions.

     

    The last quarter of Mosco’s book returns to political economy to examine the history of the World Trade Center site. The chapter posits the story of the WTC’s construction and destruction as both symbolic (or in his terms “mythical”) and decidedly material in its effects: symbolic in that the construction represented a foundational moment in the transition toward a service economy in the U.S. and the destruction a similarly loaded denouement to the dot-com era, and material in that both the erection and the collapse of the towers occasioned a largely undemocratic restructuring of the space of downtown Manhattan. Mosco turns to this historical narrative to demonstrate the pertinence of political economy–applied in this case to a critical investigation of infrastructure development in one especially significant “informational city”–to the study of cyberspace, while keeping in view the fact that the Internet is liable properly and comprehensively to be understood as a postmodern phenomenon of special significance only if one is also able to take account of the key symbolic economies accruing within and around it. Indeed, Mosco does bring certain features of actually existing cyberspace into his discussion at this point to demonstrate that the anti-democratic decision-making regarding the WTC can find a profitable analogy in the similarly iniquitous administration of the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN), an entity with no real accountability for its administrative role in Internet governance, and that the boondoggle of the new economy is in a certain sense akin to what was widely regarded as a monumental failure of architecture and urban planning.

     

    As suggestive as these notions are, I was somewhat disappointed to see that Mosco has very little to say, after bringing it up in a digression about branding as a feature of contemporary marketing, about the anti-globalization movement. It is clear that he quite accurately sees the movement as something like an “anti-(free) World Trade Center” and that he recognizes the importance of the Internet to the organization and conduct of the various elements in this movement. But he doesn’t take the opportunity to examine how anti-globalization activists have struggled to counter the very same myths about the Internet and globalization that he takes apart in the first part of his book. As with Wark’s take on hacker politics, Mosco’s book regrettably leaves aside consideration of the crucial cybercultural work taking shape within anti-globalization networks. Against this tendency, I would like to suggest that when dealing with the propagation of myths about the Internet, we should make certain not to forget one of the most important to have so far emerged: that “another world is possible.”

     

    Works Cited

     

    • Eagleton, Terry. “Office Politics.” The Nation. 25 October 2004: 40-42.
    • Haraway, Donna. “A Cyborg Manifesto: Science, Technology, and Socialist-Feminism in the Late Twentieth Century.” Simians, Cyborgs, and Women: The Reinvention of Nature. New York: Routledge, 1991. 149-81.
    • Hardt, Michael, and Antonio Negri. Empire. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 2000.
    • McPherson, Tara. “‘I’ll Take My Stand in Dixie-Net’: White Guys, the South and Cyberspace.” Race in Cyberspace. Eds. Beth Kolko, Lisa Nakamura and Gilbert Rodman. New York: Routledge, 2000. 117-32.
    • Mosco, Vincent. “Webs of Myth and Power: Connectivity and the New Computer Technopolis.” The World Wide Web and Contemporary Cultural Theory. Eds. Andrew Herman and Thomas Swiss. New York: Routledge, 2000. 37-60.
    • Slater, Don, and Daniel Miller. The Internet: An Ethnographic Approach. Oxford: Berg, 2000.
    • Wark, McKenzie. Virtual Geography: Living with Global Media Events. Bloomington: Indiana UP, 1994.

     

  • From the Proletariat to the Multitude: Multitude and Political Subjectivity

    Jason Read

    Philosophy Department
    Colby College
    jread@colby.edu

     

    Review of: Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Multitude: War and Democracy in the Age of Empire.New York: Penguin, 2004.
    Where Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri’s first book, Empire, defined an object of critique–the book’s title is also their name for the global order they seek to analyze–their follow-up, Multitude, attempts the more difficult project of identifying and describing the revolutionary subject. The difference between the two books is not rigid: the “multitude” makes its appearance in Empire, and Multitude continues to examine “Empire” and the new global powers in the age of “the war on terror.” Even so, while the first book addresses the hot topics of globalization and neo-liberalism and thus fits easily into ongoing conversations and debates, the second addresses a problem that is rarely posed: the problem of revolutionary subjectivity, of the powers and possibilities capable of changing the existing global order. This problem does not lend itself to the same debates and discussions. This difference could perhaps be used to explain the ways in which the two books have been received: while the first was a crossover hit, making it into the pages of The New York Times and Time, the second has not had nearly the same success. The handful of major publications that have addressed Multitude have dismissed it as a kind of sophomore slump. The New York Times even went so far as to enlist Frances Fukuyama, perhaps the individual most predisposed to disagree with Multitude, to declare that Hardt and Negri’s fifteen minutes of fame are officially over.

     

    Multitude is organized as a response to two questions: what remains of Empire (the concept) in the wake of the United States’ unilateral war against terror and in Iraq? And what subjective forces, desires, and identities are capable of combating Empire (the political formation)? The first of these questions is somewhat extrinsic to the organization of the text, reflecting transformations in the world that have taken place since the publication of the first volume; the second, however, is intrinsic to the text’s organization. The problem of revolutionary subjectivity is first announced in Empire as a kind of lacunae, as that which is difficult or even impossible to name or imagine in the present. While Marx could see continuity and even teleology underlying the revolutions of the nineteenth century, the various protests of the twentieth century–Tiananmen, Los Angeles, Chiapas, Seoul–appear to be discontinuous, without an identifiable subject or struggle to help us connect the dots (Empire 54). Marx compared the sporadic revolutions that marked the nineteenth century to the burrowing of a mole, whose discontinuous emergence from the dark earth is evidence of a hidden continuity and a concealed identity, the continuity of class struggle and the common identity of the proletariat. What is lacking in the present is any sense of that common substance or common vocabulary to connect the various struggles; they are left to stand out in their singularity, contingency, and heterogeneity.

     

    Hardt and Negri’s assertion that struggles have become incommunicable, that they cannot be seen as discrete expressions of a common process, subject, or identity, traverses a decades-old debate about the relationship between economic conditions and political struggles. What unifies different political struggles separated by place and time, for Marx, is the recognition of a common economic enemy, capitalism, and a common economic language, that of exploitation. The heterogeneity of political protests was counteracted and supported by the universality of economic conditions. The notion that the economy is a universal and necessary condition underlying and supporting the apparent contingency of political desires and subjectivities has come under assault from multiple directions in past decades, in the work of Hannah Arendt, Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, and Jacques Rancière, among others. Common to these diverse views is the idea that Marx’s strategy of finding the common economic essence underlying the various appearances of politics amounts to a negation of the political in all its contingency, heterogeneity, and specificity. Politics, roughly to characterize these diverse views, is not the expression of some underlying economic essence or identity, but the staging, articulation, or constitution of identities. For Rancière, the most recent advocate of a reconsideration of the political, the salient relation is not between the economy and politics, but between the “police,” which divides society into its corresponding classes and groups, and “politics,” which challenges these divisions by giving voice to a group that does not fit within the existing classifications (Disagreement 30). To deny the difference between economic conditions and political constructions is to deny the very existence of the political, which is founded on the rigorously egalitarian fact of speech. Equality is not a goal to be realized through politics, but an ungraspable presupposition of politics, a presupposition that manifests itself whenever the “people”–“as the part of those that have no part”–speak (“Peuple ou Multitudes?” 95). Much of Rancière’s work can be understood as an exploration of the link that Aristotle posited between mankind as a “speaking” and “political” animal (Disagreement 1). Thus, for Rancière, the break between economic conditions and political identities is not a problem to be rectified, but a condition for the liberation of political philosophy, for the return of politics to thought and thought to politics. As Rancière argues, politics will no longer be subordinated to sociological “meta-politics,” which assigns a place to all subjects and more or less “polices” these identities, interpreting all speech according to the grid of class locations (vii). Thus politics is restored to its dignity when it becomes a site for the constitution of political subjectivity and not simply the site for the articulation of demands that are already constituted within the factories and workshops of the economy.

     

    Hardt and Negri’s writing traverses the same ground, the apparent separation of the economic from the political, but it does not come to the same conclusions. What Hardt and Negri share with such philosophers as Rancière is the question of how to conceive of or even imagine a political subject adequate to the task of acting in and transforming the current global situation. As Hardt and Negri’s analysis suggests, this problem comes to light in the wake of the “proletariat” which can no longer be assumed to be tunneling underground, waiting for the right conditions to emerge in all of its revolutionary splendor. However, while for some of these other thinkers the loss of the “proletariat” as a figure which traverses the gap between the particularity of social conditions and the universality of political goals signals a complete break in the project of linking social conditions to the constitution of political subjectivities, for Hardt and Negri it is an opportunity to reconsider this connection in light of the transformations of social conditions, of labor, and of production. The “multitude” emerges for Hardt and Negri as a new figure of political subjectivity defined not in opposition to economic conditions but through them: “Multitude,” write Hardt and Negri, “is a class concept” (103).

     

    If it is correct to say that the concept of the multitude is rooted in an economic analysis, it is even more accurate to say that it is rooted in an understanding of a fundamental transformation of the economy. As a political concept, the multitude depends on the other central concept of Hardt and Negri’s analysis, “immaterial labor.” As Hardt and Negri make clear, it was this connection, as it was initially developed in Empire, that opened the door to much criticism, specifically that their analysis pointed to a new elite: the text-messaging “bloggers,” hackers, and service workers who will lead the next revolution. For some critics of Empire, the concept of “immaterial labor” is situated at the impossible meeting point where nineteenth-century Marxist analysis of a vanguard class of workers intersects with the twentieth-century idea of a new information economy: an unholy alliance of V. I. Lenin and Robert Reich. What these critics, such as Timothy Brennan, saw in the idea of “immaterial labor” is the combination of a failed political strategy, locating a privileged class or sector of the economy that controlled the levers of production, and misguided empirical analysis, the idea of a radically new economy based on information that changed all of the rules (103). Multitude responds to this criticism by reframing the concept. “Immaterial labor” as a concept developed through the empirical, philosophical, and sociological studies of Maurizio Lazzarato, Paolo Virno, and Antonio Negri refers to the hegemony of intellectual or affective elements, information, communication, and desire in the production and circulation of commodities. Hardt and Negri clarify in Multitude that this “hegemony” is analogous to and even derived from Marx’s argument in Capital regarding the hegemony of industrial production, in which a small sector of the economy determines the form and the rate of production. Compared to agricultural or industrial production, immaterial labor remains a small sector of the economy in quantitative terms; at the same time, however, it intersects with all sectors of production. Commodities produced in pre-industrial technological conditions such as sweatshops are researched, developed, and marketed according to the techniques, habits, and images of affective and immaterial labor; similarly, the agricultural meets the immaterial as the genetic material from seeds is developed, copyrighted, etc. Immaterial labor is thus hegemonic in qualitative rather than quantitative terms (109). For Hardt and Negri the essential point is not simply that there are hegemonic relations between the different sectors of the economy–they are not, after all, looking for new areas of investment–but that the new transformation of labor entails a fundamental transformation of society and subjectivity.

     

    Forms of production become truly “hegemonic” when they constitute not only relations of control over other forms, but also general cultural sensibilities (115). The multitude as a political concept is perhaps best defined from the historical vantage point when immaterial labor constitutes a general transformation of society. While all forms of production create the world in their own image (in an age of industrial production the world is seen as a machine), what immaterial labor–or biopolitical production–produces are not only things but also the languages, habits, concepts, and desires of social existence. While material production creates the means of social life, the objects and spaces through which it is lived, immaterial production creates social life itself (149). This is what Hardt and Negri refer to as the “becoming common” of labor–labor produces the common, the shared content and context of life, while at the same time becoming common. A similar, but distinct point, regarding the connection of the multitude to the new forms of labor, is made by Paolo Virno, who argues that the generalization of habits, desires, and concepts destroys the “special places” of society, thought, and language, with their particular vocabularies, and replaces them with “common places” (36). For Virno this transformation entails both a breakdown of the division between public and private as a diffuse “non-public public sphere” replaces both and a transformation of the relation between the one and the many: in an age of exchanged and commodified culture, it becomes abundantly clear that the individual exists only as process of individuation within social processes.

     

    It is worth pointing out that the concept of the multitude traces its genealogy not only to a particular site of intellectual production, namely Italy, but also to a particular manner of producing and circulating concepts, in which the same concepts, “multitude,” “immaterial labor,” and “biopolitics,” are produced and developed by multiple authors without clear lines of ownership and inheritance. A thorough consideration of the concept of “multitude” would encompass not only the work of Negri, Hardt, and Virno but also the work of many others, a legacy which stretches from Spinoza and the revival of Spinoza criticism to work on the economy, politics, and ontology. There is thus some overlap of form and content in the development of the concept of the multitude, as that concept is produced and debated through exactly the technologies and subjectivities of immaterial labor that that concept is meant to make clear. To speak anecdotally, those I have met who are most passionate about the idea, who log the most hours in the various listservs where these concepts are discussed, are not academics, but the very immaterial laborers Hardt and Negri work to describe.

     

    In the works of Virno, Hardt, and Negri, the multitude as a new form of political subjectivity is based in part on an anthropology of the new structures of society and labor. The multitude is founded on an idea of a “common” substance that is expressed in multiple instances and is produced, or at least partly brought about by the transformations of labor and society: “In philosophical terms we can say that these are so many singular modes of bringing to life a common laboring substance: each mode has a singular essence and yet they all participate in a common substance” (125).

     

    Hardt and Negri are not content to limit the concept of the multitude to the workplace, however diffuse or disseminated across society the workplace may be. The multitude, if it is not simply to reproduce the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist tradition of locating the vanguard in different sectors of the economy, must be imagined as immanent to virtually all of society; that is to say, if the multitude is, as Hardt and Negri argue, a “class concept,” it is a concept that thoroughly reworks that which is understood by class. Hardt and Negri had already argued for an extended understanding of the concept of the proletariat in Empire:

     

    The fact that under the category of proletariat we understand all those exploited by and subject to capitalist domination should not indicate that the proletariat is a homogeneous or undifferentiated unit. It is indeed cut through in various directions by differences and stratifications. Some labor is waged, some is not; some labor is restricted to within the factory walls, some is dispersed across the unbounded social terrain; some labor is limited to eight hours a day and forty hours a week, some expands to fill the entire time of life; some labor is accorded a minimal value, some is exalted to the pinnacle of the capitalist economy. . . . Our point here is that all of these diverse forms of labor are in some way subject to capitalist discipline and capitalist relations of production. This fact of being within capital and sustaining capital is what defines the proletariat as a class. (Empire 53)

     

    It could be argued, however, that the concept of the proletariat has a built-in rigidity that makes it difficult for it to become a figure for a new subjectivity. In Multitude, Hardt and Negri develop the concept of the multitude through a discussion of two figures that have always been situated at the borders of any traditional concept of the proletariat: the peasantry and the poor. As Hardt and Negri remind us, Marx’s denunciation of the peasantry as failed contender for revolutionary subjectivity was based upon the physical isolation and dispersion of the (specifically French) peasantry: “In Marx’s view, political subjectivity requires of a class not only self-representation but first and most fundamentally internal communication” (123). As this separation breaks down, the peasant becomes both part of the international production and dissemination of a commodified food supply and subject to the various conditions of “immaterial labor”: the patenting of genetic codes, the modification of crops, etc. The peasant no longer stands outside the working class. A similar point could be made with respect to what is called “the industrial reserve army,” “the unemployed,” or “the poor.” With workers of all sorts precariously poised on the brink of unemployment or underemployment, and with many of those excluded from work proper producing the cultural forms and languages essential to capital, the division between who is inside or outside of capital falls apart. Production has become “biopolitical,” directly producing the conditions and fabric of existence itself, from the very nature of food to the habits and styles of existence. Thus, Hardt and Negri suggest it is perhaps no longer useful to argue in terms of identity and difference, or inside and outside; better to speak instead of singularity and communality: “We are a multiplicity of singular forms of life and at the same time share a common global existence. The anthropology of the multitude is an anthropology of singularity and commonality” (127).

     

    It is possible to chart some of the limitations of the concept on the terrain of its intellectual production. Many critics (especially in major periodicals that have recently moved Hardt and Negri from the “hot” to the “not” column) have seen this concept of the multitude as a utopian fantasy, out of touch with the real divisions of the world. While such claims of “utopianism” are as easy to make as they are empty, there is something to the charge that Hardt and Negri’s idea of the multitude fails to describe the divisions of the present. Not the old divisions of working class, proletariat, poor, and household production–Hardt and Negri have made it clear that these divisions fail to capture both the commonality and singularity of contemporary production–but divisions within the anthropological condition of the multitude. Which is not to say that Hardt and Negri entirely neglect a consideration of the hierarchies, ideologies, and strategies that submerge the commonality and singularity of the multitude in a tide of conflicts and identities. As Hardt and Negri stress, the multitude is to some extent virtual; it is a series of material possibilities more than an empirically existing class. The question is not “What is the Multitude?” but “What can the Multitude become?” (105). Moreover, they demonstrate how empire constitutes new hierarchies, divisions, and exclusions, what Hardt and Negri call hierarchies of inclusion, which no longer divide between nations or zones but run above and beyond such boundaries; these are hierarchies that create internal “third worlds” within the major global metropolises (166). What Hardt and Negri do not consider, or do not consider enough, is how the very forms of labor and commonality that constitute the multitude, also constitute divisions within the multitude. The internal exclusion that Hardt and Negri write of means that all populations are included within the same market, which constitutes the basic conditions of existence, without at the same time being useful to it–that is, exploitable by it. Massive populations, whole continents, are deemed superfluous and are left to die. As Étienne Balibar has argued, “at the moment at which humankind becomes economically and, to some extent, culturally ‘united,’ it is violently divided ‘biopolitically’” (130). What Hardt and Negri do not consider is thus the extent to which the very conditions that define the multitude, the formations of labor, communication, and social relations, may be themselves complicated by the socioeconomic divisions of the world. Moreover, these conditions, the “commons” of language and desire, may in turn deepen the divisions of the world, to the point where the divisions are anthropological as much as they are economic or cultural. The anthropological condition of the multitude continuously threatens to divide the world into a multitude and something like a sub-multitude whose simultaneous exclusion from the common languages, desires, and labors of immaterial labor and inclusion in the market as a condition of survival might constitute an exclusion from the very conditions of political subjectivity altogether. This paradoxical situation could be described as an inclusion in Empire but an exclusion from the multitude.

     

    These final remarks are not meant as a dismissal of the concept. The multitude as a concept is a powerful figure of analysis, imagination, and desire; however, it must become a condition for understanding not only the possibilities of the future, but also the dangers of the present.

     

    Works Cited

     

    • Balibar, Étienne. “Violence, Ideality, and Cruelty.” Politics and the Other Scene. Trans. James Swenson. New York: Verso, 2002. 129-146.
    • Brennan, Timothy. “The Italian Ideology.” Debating Empire. Ed. Gopal Balakrishnan. New York: Verso, 2003. 337-367.
    • Hardt, Michael, and Antonio Negri. Empire. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 2000.
    • Rancière, Jacques. Disagreement: Politics and Philosophy. Trans. Julie Rose. Minneapolis: U Minnesota P, 1999.
    • —. “Peuple ou multitudes? Question d’Éric Alliez à Jacques Rancière.” Multitudes. 9 June 2002. 95-101.
    • Virno, Paolo. A Grammar of the Multitude: For an Analysis of Contemporary Forms of Life., Trans. Isabella Bertoletti et al. New York: Semiotexte, 2004.

     

  • Maximal Minimalism

    Charles Altieri

    Department of English
    University of California, Berkeley
    altieri@uclink4.berkeley.edu

    and

    Rei Terada
    Departments of English and Comparative Literature
    University of California, Irvine
    terada@uci.edu

     

    Review of: Robert Smithson. Museum of Contemporary Art, Los Angeles. 12 Sep.-13 Dec. 2005.

     

    We saw this show together. We saw it differently. We enjoyed those differences and wanted to convey that pleasure. Below we mention Smithson’s Four-Sided Vortex, which gives the viewer the ability to see one’s companions in a mirror instead of oneself, for a moment. Here are some glimpses of our experience.

     


     

    Boy Genius

     

    MOCA’s approach to the problem of exhibiting Robert Smithson de-emphasizes writings, plans, and reproductions of large-scale works (although these are represented, selectively) in favor of Smithson’s paintings and drawings, a few films, and several elegant and quietly assertive sculptures. Through this relatively intimate Smithson–a living room and backyard kind of Smithson–the viewer remembers and catches glimpses of the colossal earthworks. The effect is to imply a continuity between the kind of interest we have as children in the rocks and old lumber that collect at the side of one’s house and the architect’s ambition to reshape the landscape, or between junior high school notebook fantasies and Smithson’s brainy, eclectic sketches for projects (for example, his Proposal for a Monument in Antarctica [1966]). In the showily juvenile male fantasies of the barely post-adolescent Smithson, airplane parts and erect nipples are motifs of competing interest; the famous Smithson too was never more than a very young man, his language full of ostentatious allusion, deadpan humor, and other tropes of precocity. The question is not so much how Smithson’s smart-aleck rhetoric becomes something more as how he manages to convey the nascent challenge in adolescent intellectualism when it starts asking questions of the physical world.

     


     

    Beginnings

     

    Robert Smithson seems an enticing anomaly. In an age where the reigning interest is political, Smithson still gets treated as he would want to see himself–that is, through the lens of powers attributed to genius or, as he puts it, as above all a “generative artist” (88), creating context more than responding to specific cultural forces. Thus MOCA’s show brings into focus Smithson’s capacity to reinvent himself in order to make art objects so visibly and entertainingly the realization of a thinking that could have no other satisfying outlet. Make no mistake: Smithson was so deeply engaged in the cultural life of his time that he could become perhaps his age’s most powerful critic of the then-dominant formalist modernism. But he could manage that role because his fealties lay not with the human or social orders so much as with an imaginative site produced by the mind’s dialogue with geologic time and crystallographic space. Comparisons to Leonardo are not uncommon, and not unjustified in relation to Smithson’s constant inventive activity, as well as in relation to how that activity seems to warrant a position apart from the culture wars.Born in 1938, Smithson worked at first (after high school and the army) primarily in drawing and in painting. His brushwork and palette in works like Eye of Blood (1960), From the Valley of the Suicides (1962), and various renderings of the passion of Christ make me think of Philip Guston on speed. There is everywhere the intense painterly activity unwilling to settle for representation, but like Guston, Smithson insists on providing an image as the provocative source of that activity. But this Guston-on-speed also manifests a Blakean spirit of linear excess, here adapted to what would become the cross between the psychedelic and the comic book sensibilities common in the art of the mid-seventies. In one respect Smithson’s painting is the work of the classic repressed nerd (fifteen years before the emergence of that figure for genius), albeit one talented nerd. I love the tension between human and organic forms in the painting and drawings responding to Dante’s valley of the suicides: clearly suicide is no solution, since the soul’s discomfort only carries over into other forms of alienated material existence. The Christ paintings are remarkable for their evocation of a manifestly staged pathos that elicits what can only be called “vulnerability on a divine scale.” Even Christ, or especially Christ, finds it impossible to inhabit an expressive body and must resign himself to metonymies like hands and feet. When the entire body emerges in Jesus Mocked (1961), it seems so aware of its impotence relative to what it might want to signify that it is ready for the tomb.

     


     

    Thought as Non-Site

     

    Like Warhol, whose early works include little portraits of people covered in gold leaf, miniature versions of his paralyzed icons of fame, Smithson explores anxiety about and attraction to reification as the other side of familiarity with inanimate nature. By this logic he moves from comic-like representations of cultural stereotypes to paintings based on Dante and Blake–allegories of imprisoned persons whose fantasies of escape into mind produce only a more rigid version of the body, or “emanations” that seek to represent something that is neither body nor mind, but wind up seeming less than both. Meanwhile, on the separate track of the sketches for sculptures and architecture, Smithson’s persona unfurls, like an emanation itself, in the handwritten annotations that populate these pages. The notes seem to immerse the sketches in a mental non-space of arcana and asides. Like the voiceover Smithson uses in a film or two, these jottings have a thin, haphazard relation to the shapes on the page, but present the artist’s thinking self as an ironic, disembodied interlocutor.

     


     

    The Unrepresentable and the Presentable

     

    I think of Cézanne as the presiding model of visual genius here. Cézanne had similar beginnings. He did not know Blake or prefigure the alienations of psychedelic culture, but his early work shares with Smithson’s the sense that the only good image is an image so distorted by the painter’s energies that these energies have to seem utterly overdetermined in relation to what they are trying to represent. The representable is haunted by the unrepresentable, with the painter’s affective identity established by the effort to locate the sense of difference between the two as an effect of the ego.Then both artists eventually sublate the energies that undo representation into the will to form enabling the precision of gestures toward representation. (I am counting the Nonsites as bizarre representations by representative materials.) Both realize that identifying the individual subject only with the production of excess with energies possible for the eye is less a result than a cause of alienation. Ultimately the work of genius is not to express the self’s anxieties but to find sites where anxiety seems trivial in comparison to the mind’s capacities for intricate impersonal appreciation of where it can find itself situated. One does not have to look very hard at Smithson’s Eye of Blood to see how it could be transformed into a stone spiral jetty in a red sea, in a world where the return of energy to the subject is a sign of insufficient awareness of the contemporary person’s limited place in the world.

     


     

    Blind Spots and Rabbit Holes

     

    At least two kinds of Smithson’s mirror works are represented at MOCA: wall-mounted or floor-standing arrangements of brightly painted metal with reflecting panes, and heaps of rocks and minerals bisected by glass. The first group are funhouse-like pieces with pop/op touches. Smithson frames blind spots as though once you knew where one was, you could handily store things in it. Thus the sculptures model and parody psychic interiors. Untitled painted metal and glass polyhedrons (1964-65), like large split and mounted beveled stones, make the floor hover over one’s head and parts of the room at middle height disappear. A reconstruction of Smithson’s Enantiomorphic Chambers–a series of metal and glass frames resembling a row of partly opened residential windows–evokes infinite regress when you try to look through all the frames from one end. The floor-standing sculptures look more unassuming and are more deceptive. Four-Sided Vortex (1965), a mirror-lined steel rectangle about three feet high, is a kind of negative wishing well: looking in, you can stand in such a way as not to see yourself, only the person beside you. A similar untitled piece from 1965 looks like the kind of green plastic wastebasket you might come across in a city park, but drops the eye into a kaleidoscopic netherworld.

     


     

    Minimalism Maximized

     

    Smithson put himself on a path to this capacious perspective by turning from painting to collage, then to wall structures that drew their inspiration from crystallography, then to a geological perspective that could contextualize why the crystalline might prove so fertile a source of fascination. To grapple with the content promised by these different angles of vision, Smithson turned from expressivist traditions to the minimalism that had recently become fashionable. But he could accept neither the cult of all-at-once apprehension that attracted Donald Judd and Frank Stella nor the pure play on conditions of response that characterized work like Robert Morris’s circles. Technically his work in floor sculpture would be characterized not by minimalist seriality but by progression in various dimensions (22). And, more important, that work would not settle as either a distinctive, immediately graspable object or an event manifesting some aspect of the phenomenology of seeing. Rather, object and event would enter dizzying interactions allowing both object properties and event properties to dangle intricate metaphoric possibilities leading beyond the material object but not beyond theater (in the sense of the term popularized by Michael Fried). In Smithson’s later work, all the event properties that include the viewer’s perspective return us to aspects of his materials while opening them up to the play of mind. Even his simplest structures, like Pointless Vanishing Point (1967) and Leaning Strata (1968), make manifest forces that enter perception while focusing one’s attention on astonishingly elegant objects that one has to let unfold and linger before the mind’s eye.My general claims about Smithson’s relation to minimalism will be difficult to demonstrate in this limited space. I hope it suffices to say that a good part of the breakthrough stems from his appreciating the capacities of mirrors to provide both distinctive substance and irreducible metaphors of reflection and mobility. By making the mirrors part of floor sculptures, Smithson can extend the sense of enantiomorphic structure into complex interactive fields. As one walks around the sculptural object, the mirrors simultaneously stabilize the assemblies of rock by making them dynamically occupy space and destablize those assemblies by playing on what is substance, what shadow, and what illusion. For example, in Chalk Mirror Displacement (1969) (see Figure 1), eight long but low rectangular mirrors radiate out from a center, dividing the work into an open octagon. Because the space is filled with crumbled mineral chalk of various sizes, one is tempted to think of this piece as a large pill box for minerals. But the minerals will not rest in their container. We are constantly stopped as we move around because the glass seems both transparent and reflecting. So the pile of chalk seems both continuous and discontinuous: at times the chalk appears as fluid as water, even as we see the edges and shadows that mark discrete objects. Yet these discrete objects also enter into various mirroring relations, so what is substantial merges with what is reflected. And the chalk comes to seem endlessly alive, proliferating textural qualities and rewarding the sense that as one moves one is productively bound to sheer contingency. How one sees and how one thinks depends here entirely on where one stands.

     

    Figure 1: Chalk Mirror Displacement (1969)
    Estate of Robert Smithson
    Courtesy of James Cohan Gallery, New York
    © Estate of Robert Smithson/Licensed by VAGA, New York

     


    Lyric Sheets

     

    Smithson’s mirror-divided piles of rocks and minerals are the really lyrical pieces in the exhibition. The mirrors lie on the floor with the minerals on top of them (as in his Nonsite from 1969), line a corner so as to seem to round out an actually interrupted cone (as in Mirror with Crushed Shells [Sanibel Island] [1969]–see Figure 2), or bisect minerals sloped into symmetrical heaps so that as the viewer looks at any segment of the pile, the reflection of the segment seems to join it to the whole, even though our actual view of the whole is occluded by the slicing glass. In each case the reflections act as supplements so nearly perfect that we continually overlook what’s missing and what’s been quietly replaced. This is “aesthetic ideology” so smooth that you can barely feel its sublimated violence. The piles of stones themselves imply human contact, since they’re beautified by sorting. Loose aggregations rather than objects, they are not integral enough in the first place to be broken by the more explicitly human interruptions of the dividing glass sheets. As a result there is something simultaneously sacrificial and nonviolent about these pieces. The glass planks that section them are as simple and surgical as the monolith in Kubrick’s 2001, yet painless, as though phantom limbs really restored amputations and any cut were also a repair.

     

    Figure 2: Mirror with Crushed Shells [Sanibel Island] (1969)
    Estate of Robert Smithson
    Courtesy James Cohan Gallery, New York
    © Estate of Robert Smithson/Licensed by VAGA, New York

     


     

    Nonsites and the Play of Difference

     

    In Rocks and Mirror Square II (1969/1971) (see Figure 3), Smithson turns the dividing panes of mirror into a rectangular container and rocks take the place of the chalk, now located both within the mirror and outside as a border. Here relations between what is inside and what is outside seem as unstable as the dizzying interactions between substance and reflection and between determinateness of structure and the flow of constant visual eventfulness. Because we are invited to move around, we cannot help thinking that the psyche is caught within this same play of inner and outer, self-reflection and escape from self into elegant sheer materiality. At the same time, the rocks convey an aura of immense power to resist inwardness because they retain their obdurateness even as they seduce us with texture and intricate play among edges and shadows. Ultimately it seems impossible not to feel at once deeply grounded in geological time and as inconstant as passing reflections. And both worlds of flux and permanence seem to mock our merely human interests. One might say that Smithson’s genius was most evident in his realizing in practical terms how almost a century of abstraction in art might produce this turn from the anthropomorphic in life.

     

    Figure 3: Rocks and Mirror Square II (1969/1971)
    Image used by permission of the National Gallery of Australia
    Art © Estate of Robert Smithson/Licensed by VAGA, New York, NY

     

    I am going to have to pass over Smithson’s many intriguing sketches and diagrams, the remarkably inventive photo sequences that place mirror surfaces in various landscapes, and Smithson’s fascination with what might be called marginal architectural forms that begins with his work on the Dallas Airport. But I have to at least mention my favorite Nonsite, Mono Lake Nonsite [1968] (see Figure 4). This combination of wall and floor objects offers an apparent wall map of the lake with most of its surface covered by a plain white painted rectangle. Then the floor piece provides one rectangle nested within another, the larger one matching in size the white painted area. The rectangles present the stuff that the map refers to but which cannot be represented by the map–the outer rectangle containing rocks and the inner one sand. Likewise, I must remark on two films, the justly famous thirty-two-minute film of the building of Spiral Jettyand a film of Smithson describing a suite of architectural photographs he made at the Hotel Palenque in which his speaking tone proves as intricate as the relation between inside and outside in his work with mirrors.

     

    Figure 4: Mono Lake Nonsite (1968)
    Robert Smithson
    Image used by permission of the Museum of Contemporary Art, San Diego

     


    Minimalist Architecture

     

    The domestic cousins of Smithson’s negative places–unrealized plans, blind spots, margins, minds–are airports, outbuildings and hotels, the between- and afterthoughts of supposed destinations. The exhibition gives us Smithson’s recorded comments over a slideshow of photos he took at the Hotel Palenque, a dilapidated Yucatan inn of no more vernacular fascination than any neighborhood dive, where you might imagine someone like William Burroughs staging a literary decline. In a laconic vein somewhere between Cage and Godard, Smithson praises or pretends to praise to an amused university audience the idiosyncrasy that accumulates there or anywhere. A set of double doors painted green, turtles in the turtle pond, “interesting” rubble–minimalism’s respect for the indestructibility of curiosity, or irony about that respect?

     


     

    Memorials

     

    The otherwise admirable catalogue does not pay much attention to questions of tone, or, for that matter, to the expressive detail of his work. It is too busy trying to figure out what Smithson might be thinking–perhaps one of the pitfalls of being taken as a genius. The most useful of the essays for me were Eugenie Tsai’s summary of Smithson’s career, a wide-ranging interview focused on his dislike of Duchamp, and particular treatments of his relation to Christianity, of his idea of the enantiomorph, of his work in the Yucatan with mirrors, and of his legacy in the form of “post-studio art.”

     


     

    Futures

     

    In the brief film Swamp (1969), Smithson urges his collaborator, Nancy Holt, to walk with her movie camera into a marsh thick with rushes and reeds higher than her head. Smithson directs her to go left or right or turn around and walk further, seemingly randomly, in this landscape without reference points. Anxious almost immediately, Holt keeps saying, “I can’t see anything!” Smithson tells her it’s OK, she should just keep walking, straight ahead as much as possible. It’s a surprisingly tense encounter, the little contest between her body and the rushes that give way easily underfoot, but never give onto anything else. She never becomes less anxious and never learns anything about where she is. In the middle of a discussion about how much film is left (Smithson thinks there should be more), the film runs out. We might read Swamp as a mini-emblem of the antiheroism of Smithson’s contacts with the nonhuman, contacts that record resistance to the latent inanimacy of the living body without making too much or too little out of it.

     


     

    Robert Smithson closed at the Museum of Contemporary Art, Los Angeles on December 13. The show travels to The Dallas Museum of Art and the Whitney Museum of American Art. The catalogue for this exhibit is Robert Smithson, ed. Eugenie Tsai (Berkeley and Los Angeles: U of California P, 2004).

     

  • Enduring Proximity: The Figure of the Neighbor in Suburban America

    Dana Cuff

    Department of Architecture and Urban Design
    University of California, Los Angeles
    dcuff@ucla.edu

     

    “For it is a simple matter to love one’s neighbor when he is distant, but it is a different matter in proximity.”

    –Jacques-Alain Miller (79-80)

     

    Figure 1: Spite Fence
    Eadweard Muybridge, San Francisco (1878)[1]
    Image used by permission of Kingston Museum and Heritage Service.

    Introduction

     

    The figure of the neighbor in contemporary culture is both spatial and social: neighbors begin as strangers necessarily inhabiting proximate space. When that closeness is intense in duration, distance, and circumstance, it gives rise to potent, if not perverse, reactions. An estate owner’s three-story fence that imprisons and intimidates his neighbor (see Figure 1) is surely spiteful, but neighbors can be far crueler, as we know from the history of the battle to integrate U.S. neighborhood schools since the mid-twentieth century, or even the genocide waged against proximate others in Germany or Rwanda. Intensified by proximity, the presence of difference–inescapable otherness–may press cultural norms past tolerable boundaries.

     

    Of course, neighbors are not usually spiteful. The notion of neighborliness often connotes the benign, minor kindnesses bestowed among co-residents that punctuate a steady state of general disregard. But when irritations arise, they can mushroom into disputes that do not seem warranted on the surface. Neighbors wage battles with and against neighbors to defend unpretentious terrains that would appear insignificant. So perhaps neighborliness should be construed as a set of concerted practices by individuals in a relationship somewhere between friendship and enmity. The rhetoric of the neighbor condones interaction without intimacy or intensity; we especially resist vehement interchange for fear of antagonizing those among whom we must live. It is this repressed desire for something more or less than neighborliness that erupts in bizarre local disputes, often directed just outside the neighborhood.

     

    The main reason neighbor relations are charged is sheer proximity. Unlike other social relations, including friendship, enmity, love, and even familial relation, space is inherent to neighborship. Unlike the “neighbor” at the office or the one seated beside us at a concert, residential neighbors live their daily lives near one another over extended periods of time. This remains true even in an era of increasing household mobility. Further, residential neighbors are in a significant and often causal relation. Their actions impinge upon one another, and at some levels, are mutually dependent: neighbors affect each other’s property values and make their street a safer or more dangerous place. We may like, dislike, or hate our neighbors, but we are locked in relation with them to some degree.

     

    In this essay I scrutinize the figure of the neighbor through the architecture and planning of the American residential landscape. Neighbor architecture–that is, the forms of neighborhoods and all that goes into shaping them–has received little consideration in the study of architecture, as has the construct of the neighbor itself. Psychic and cultural negotiations concerning the latter are made visible to some extent in critical discussions of literal negotiations over neighborhoods; when neighbors debate a proposed affordable housing complex, for example, their arguments about traffic, parking, and density are understood to reflect fears of difference. But there has been little critical reflection on established physical forms for neighborhood, in contrast to architectural styles for individual buildings or urban planning strategies for larger regions. The open-endedness of possible neighbor architectures, I suggest, produces a new way of looking at residential architecture itself.

     

    Just as neighbor relations are unlike other intersubjective relationships, neighborhoods are unique physical environments. Unlike districts, towns, or regions, neighborhoods embody a social relation linked to specific land use. A neighborhood is comprised of people living in close proximity in significant relationships, yet they are usually there by default. Further, the figure of the neighbor involves not only the space between strangers, but the relation of the house as a non-human object to its human occupants and the relationship between interiority and exteriority modeled therein. Bachelard writes in The Poetics of Space that “it is not enough to consider the house as an ‘object’ on which we can make our judgments and daydreams react. . . . the phenomenologist makes the effort needed to seize upon the germ of the essential, sure, immediate well-being it encloses” (3-4). Bachelard’s idealized imagery places the experience and memory of the self inside the house, from cellar to attic. The interiority of the individual and the house in turn both reside within an exterior public presentation. The house is figured not as an inanimate solid object, like a rock, but like the well-worn boots in Van Gogh’s painting, read so eloquently by Jameson. The house is a receptacle for humanness and a record of its existence. But the same can be said for the neighborhood as a whole, which has its own interiority. The figure of the neighbor reverberates in my reading of myself and of my neighbor in his house and in our neighborhood.

     

    What happens in the neighborhood when the villager’s workboots give way to Warhol’s “Diamond Dust” stilettos; when the generational family home yields to mass-produced Levittown? The “flatness or depthlessness” and “new kind of superficiality” that Jameson attributes to postmodernism is indeed present in an endless string of similar commodified houses. The postwar suburb homogenizes a group of strangers through exterior repetition and erodes presumptions of interiority. Yet the repetitive plans of mass-produced houses also attempt to provide some reassurance as to the identity of the inhabitants. Behind the front door, inside the picture window, is a place known to each neighbor as her own. In the mass-produced house we can imagine both our own uniqueness and our neighbor’s familiarity. Decorating the same basic shell furnishes each household with a limited degree of individuality. But in the mass-produced house, the neighbor’s interiority is not fully explored; it remains both real to and somewhat distant from us. The postwar suburb corresponds to the territory between workboots and high heels, between the fully situated biographical individual and the interchangeable, depthless stranger. The mass-produced box house reproduces an arm’s length familiarity among neighbors.

     

    The Neighbor as Political Figure

     

    “Propinquity–neighborliness–is the ground and problem of democracy.”

     

    –Michael Sorkin (4)

     

    The figure of the neighbor as I am defining it here is an up-close construction of human otherness. Thus neighbor relations are proto-political, growing from imposed, inescapable, and open-ended confrontation between self and other. Sociality located beyond the household and before the city forms a grain of sand around which participatory democracy or civil society can begin to take shape. And if the neighbor can be associated with the political conceptually, it is also incumbent upon us to reckon with the concept empirically: neighborhoods are among the most forceful political entities in the U.S. today.

     

    The potency of neighborhood politics has led some observers to conclude that the future of national politics is not to be found in the bleak “vanishing voter” syndrome, but in community associations. The energy that propels neighborhood activism is indeed an abundant resource: the proximate differences encountered by residents can become the substrate of collective practices, from processes for deciding how deviance on the neighborhood street will be handled to more formal local planning decisions. According to this optimistic view of community associations, civil society begins in the neighborhood; neighbors trying to stop gang activity in a nearby alley may then try to keep their library open via a citywide tax referendum. A civics founded on such actions would by definition encompass opposing views, which would have their own legitimate forums (city council hearings, neighborhood watch meetings). Neighborhood civics has its shadow side, however, in not-in-my-backyard activism that shunts unwanted and uncertain change somewhere else. Local interests exceeding the scope and scale of individual households are often defined through the us-versus-them distinctions inherent to gated developments. Over half of all new urban housing now takes the form of “private communities” in which all the terrain is locally owned–streets, parks, parking, everything.2 Like Charles Eames’s film Powers of Ten, which figures exponential growth through the camera’s dramatic leaps back from the object, private communities step away from the household to construct the next degree of otherness outside the neighborhood gates.

     

    There is a paradox here: cohesive community politics also seem to weaken the ethics of neighborhood. At present the notion of community conjures a romantic, if not naïve, utopianism even as local planning boards are inundated with citizens protesting even the most minor local transformations. There are relatively few established cultural norms for neighbor relations and set patterns of interaction in neighborhoods (as opposed to the workplace or the family), yet such norms are beginning to take shape in the U.S. The American neighborhood is casting its political form through its physical environment and through battles over it.

     

    Sub-urbanism

     

    In his introduction to an edited collection subtitled The Politics of Propinquity, Michael Sorkin argues that free civil society is located in the city because of its intensity and its spaces of circulation and exchange. This repeats the argument famously made by Jane Jacobs some forty years earlier, with a slight but significant shift in emphasis. Sorkin decries the would-be universalism of the public sphere, advocating instead friction, multiplicity, and difference. In a way, he is advocating the recognition of the shadow figure of the neighbor–the realistic, frictive neighbor–as essential to the political function of the public sphere. Both Jacobs and Sorkin advocate dense urbanism, however. It would seem that they crave the vital intensity of the city. While it is true that, historically, urban settings have indeed generated strong communities, it remains a limitation that neither Jacobs nor Sorkin cares to imagine the suburban space of the neighbor and hence of contemporary political action.3 Although I, too, would argue that the next generation of neighborhoods will reside not beyond but within the city, I want to understand more clearly the recent evolution of the U.S. suburban landscape.

     

    The architecture and planning of postwar suburbs–seemingly a self-contradiction–in fact design a narrative of sociality for middle-class America. The suburb makers marketed themselves as “community builders,” a role that deflected attention from their actual prioritizing of interiorized households closely if weakly linked to others nearby.4 These developers built groups of houses that paid little heed to the prospect of neighboring; instead they focused on the individual dwelling taken as an independent entity. Their capitalist realism, operating for the convenience of the supplier, quickly became the currency of the consumer as well (see Schudson and Kelly).

     

    The assumptions built into the pattern of that currency are astonishingly simple. Among suburban households, the street serves as the primary collective icon. Efficient infrastructural organization gives access to equal-sized land parcels, yielding blocks of private houses facing one another and thus sparking obsessions with traffic and parking. The cul-de-sac, a distinct and popular form for the suburban street, implies a closed, small web of neighbors. As we jump down in scale from the relations between a collection of households to the relationship between adjacent abodes, we encounter an implicitly neglected neighbor inscribed in the ambivalent side-yard setbacks that separate one house from another, and a more self-conscious neighbor in the picture window through which, in glimpses, the other is revealed. The self is not only contained by the house but shielded by it from the proximate other.5 The thin skin of the suburban house both confronts and defends against the figure of the neighbor, at the same time that it exposes a limited view of its own occupants. This dynamic is inadequately conceptualized by the binarism of publicity and privacy. The space just outside the suburban house is distinct from the public sphere (think Times Square or Santa Monica beach). Likewise, the space within the suburban house is unprivate in numerous ways: the unvarying reproduction of its interior plan, the windows puncturing the façade, and the public function of the living room, to name a few. Exteriority associated with publicity provides resident strangers with group identity, while interiority engages an intimate, regulating privacy. Thus domestic architecture’s delicate task is to filter intimacy with strangers. Inevitably, that close-up intimacy forms intense relations of contact and avoidance, as when neighbors become complicit in overheard domestic violence or become enemies over a dispute about the fence separating them.

     

    If Arendt is right that the public sphere demands visibility, that reality requires our shared perception of a visible world, then the neighborhood is a kind of hyperreality in which enduring proximity can push us to share too much, so that we want to shield our eyes or plug our ears. The right and duty to the phenomenal world that Kant urges upon individuals is, by Arendt’s logic, deflected in the case of the neighborhood from the individual’s relation to nonhuman phenomenality to the realm of intersubjectivity.6 A sure discomfort invoked by this shift sets at least some of the deeper terms tacitly guiding suburban development. The constant distance separating one house from another or the street from the house, for example, not only overtly addresses fire safety regulations but implicitly serves as a buffer against unwanted intimacy.

    American Figures

     

    How did the figure of the neighbor implied by suburban housing evolve in the postwar era? I suggest that while there was one primary model of postwar suburbia–the collection of isolated houses exemplified by Levittown–a secondary model existed beside it: the modern neighborhood exemplified by the Mar Vista Tract in Los Angeles, designed by architect Gregory Ain. Of these two models, only Levittown has been reproduced, sometimes in easy replication, in other cases in perverse mutation. My comparison between Levittown and Mar Vista will be followed by two examples in which designers explicitly sought to have impact on the articulation of neighbor relations. Each case ultimately harks back to Levittown–to an extreme at Sagaponac on Long Island, New York, and as its figurative mythical twin at Celebration, Florida.7

     

    Baseline

     

    The ur-suburb Levittown sets the benchmark against which subsequent experiments in mass-produced, middle-class housing have been measured. It is generally argued that Levittown reflected the “American dream,” not just of home ownership but of domestic life itself, yet it is more accurate to state instead that it constructed that dream. This sleight of hand persists in representations of suburban sprawl as the inevitable result of popular desire. If we examine but one angle of that phenomenon–the way a suburban neighbor is variably figured–we will also see how a taste for the suburbs was formed and how local politics evolved there.

     

    In the late 1930s and early 1940s, American architects, planners, and politicians projected a forward-looking society that would emerge after the war, living in houses in neighborhoods that likewise abandoned the past. Creative fantasies were primarily limited to the individual house, individual investment, to the self and the privacy especially coveted during the Depression and World War II, when deprivation, working, housing, and fighting were insistently, if not oppressively, collectivized. Architecture magazines conjectured numerous private homes of the future, but ultimately these differed little from the cost-efficient houses merchant builders dropped on subdivided farmland to accommodate veterans returning from the war.

     

    At Levittown, thousands of identical, four-room “Cape Cods” were built to standards laid down by numerous local and federal agencies (see Figure 2).8 These houses matched their prospective occupants’ most urgent need: to escape overcrowded shared apartments. Rather than fulfilling residents’ deep desires (as presumed by the rationale that popular taste guided suburban development), these houses met the needs of the builders. In Levitt and Sons’s efficient house plan, not a single square foot is without explicit assigned function, as would be the case in an entry hall or even corridor (see Figure 3). The only ambiguous space is a stairway leading up to the unfinished attic, projecting a future in the oneiric sense and in terms of real estate speculation. Possibility soon depended on a do-it-yourself way of life. To help homeowners realize that possibility, local publications offered advice about how best to expand, decorate, and remodel–that is, to individuate ever-so-slightly over 17,000 homes that came in just two basic models.

     

    Figure 2: Levittown Aerial View, ca. 1957.

     

    Figure 3: Levittown Floor Plan.

     

    In John O’Hagan’s 1997 documentary film Wonderland, early residents–each portrayed as an everyman of Levittown–describe Levittown’s Blue Velvet side. Apocryphal stories, often repeated, feature self-similar houses that looked so much alike that husbands went home to the wrong wives. A woman recounts her experience of being haunted by a ghost whose greatest audacities are removing the lining from her jacket and nicking a corner of her coffee table. The interiority of the neighbor is figured to be as bland as the public appearance of the house on the street with which one was already familiar. Private interiors, it turns out, are imagined to be as knowable as the Bendix washer or TV built into every residence.[9] At the same time, the reassuring, banal minimalism of Levittown is cast as a mask of superficial sameness that veils an underbelly where wife-swapping, racism, alcoholism, eager consumerism, and general malaise were housed alongside the mythos of the model American family.

     

    The figure of the neighbor in the original Levittown exists mainly in absentia. The interstitial space between houses is ambiguous at best, front yards are deep and relatively uninhabited, porches are non-existent (see Figure 4). Except in the last Ranch model home built in 1949, the small puncture in the façade was hardly large enough to be called a picture window, and served as the only frontal link between inside and out, mediating family and neighborhood.[10] This is not to say that Levitt and Sons and the Federal Housing Administration had no conception of the neighbor. The influx of so many residents just home from war, starting families and struggling financially, made the Levitts fear their development would deteriorate into a new kind of slum unless they instituted measures of control. A variety of means were used to define the neighbor through authoritarian control, pressure to conform, and the insistence on privacy through absence of physical expression. The Levitts insisted, for example, that lawns be mowed; when they were not, a crew performed the task and billed it to the resident. Later a homeowners’ “community appearance committee” continued the practice. The Levitts also ruled that drying laundry be moved inside on weekends. The laundry line, symbol of the intimate proximity of lower-class urbanites, was shunned or interiorized in Levittown, at least on its most public days. A newsletter explained that “hanging wash on Sunday might annoy neighbors, who are probably entertaining friends or relatives. Why not save it for Monday or hang it in the attic?”[11] To accommodate this rule women did dry their laundry in the attic or even in the living room. Levittown’s public face–at least when the neighborhood was inhabited by men home from work and by guests–required active disidentification with the visible intimacy of neighbors.

     

    Figure 4: Levittown Street Scene.
    Photo by Dana Cuff (2004).

     

    The problems associated with slums and potentially with Levittown were pathologized in the logic of Levitt: they could infect and spread to others. This necessitated a further measure: fences were not permitted. All residents had visual access to their neighbors’ back and front yards. This democratized the Panopticon’s principle of surveillance: at Levittown, everyone could openly police everyone else. With no mediation between interior and exterior, residents’ secrets, their hidden selves, had to be contained in four small rooms. In public, social conformity dominated the relationship between houses through regulations and residents’ practices. Nonconformity was an affront that bordered on subversion and potentially destabilized the emerging community (see Kelly 62). Levitt and Sons’s project to establish stability was taken on in earnest by the Levittowners.

     

    As for the neighbor as a proto-political figure, Levittowners were not “bowling alone.”[12] Amid the ocean of individual houses, neighborhood centers contained schools, community stores, and parks, and residents started innumerable local clubs and branches of national voluntary organizations. Presumed degrees of homogeneity were discredited in these voluntary organizations; as members discovered their differences, factions, conflict, and debate were the norm. Groups tended to splinter along class lines, so that group survival depended upon leaders who could generate cooperation and tolerance.[13] Political action as a form of resistance was marked in the early days of Levittown, but the Levitts were quick to shut down opposition.[14]

     

    Modernism’s Figure

     

    “A modern, harmonic and lively architecture is the visible sign of authentic democracy.”

     

    –Walter Gropius

     

    At another tract of postwar middle-class houses, a progressive neighbor was figured not only in the street and front yards but inside the houses. Architect Gregory Ain’s Mar Vista Tract in Los Angeles (1947) is one of a handful of modernist experiments across the United States that offers a striking contrast to Levittown.[15] Like the latter, Mar Vista is a study in mass housing for the middle class, though much smaller: just over fifty houses were built on three parallel streets. The small scale of production created a district within a town rather than a region de novo. Instead of standard long and narrow lots, Ain created short and wide lots, each with about eighty feet of street frontage. Landscaping by the distinguished modernist Garrett Eckbo unified the exterior through tree-lined streets and uninterrupted parkways. At the rear of the houses, fences separate private yards, but the landscape simultaneously treated those spaces as a continuous whole (see Figure 5). Houses together with vegetation create a formally explicit double reading of the individual and the collective, of privacy and public identity, that distinguishes the Mar Vista Tract.

     

    Figure 5: Ain’s Aerial Perspective Rendering
    Image used with permission of the Architecture and Design Collection,
    University Art Museum, University of California, Santa Barbara.

     

    The occupants of this modernist suburb moved for many of the same reasons as did their Levittown counterparts.[16] Yet the figure of the modern neighbor was as distinct from Levittown’s as were the modern house and neighborhood itself. Rather than relying on social controls like the rules the Levitts laid down in Levittown, Mar Vista’s repetitive house form provides an expanded realm to the private individual while leaving the imagination of the neighbor open and unscripted. In contrast to the social conformity that dominated Levittown, this willingness not to figure the neighbor, I suggest, is a stronger indication of the capacity for tolerance and actual association than Levittown’s nervous implication that the neighbor must be a lot like oneself.

     

    Instead of a reassuring veil of sameness, the Mar Vista Tract creates its neighborhood from an unpretentious abstract form. Minimalist rather than stripped-down, economy serves an aesthetic purpose in Ain’s design. The street becomes a parkway, a shared field both defined and occupied by walled compounds. Together the self-similar objects create not a scattered array as at Levittown, but a unified wall along the street that links the diverse progressives who chose to live there. No friendly neighbor is figured in these façades, where the filtering function is architecturally explicit: the street-side exterior belongs to the collective, formal and clear (see Figure 6); the inside belongs to the household at whose invitation the other enters an open, fluid realm of intimacy (see Figure 7). Bedroom boundaries are somewhat ill-defined, living rooms can open to adjacent rooms, and the innermost interior is integrally linked to a private exterior. Movable walls open spaces to one another, a dining/work table bridges the kitchen and the living room, large planes of glass bring in light and views of the garden from the rear yard. The modern window wall at Mar Vista is at the rear, domesticated rather than exhibitionist in its orientation to the private yard. Thus the façade does not engage the neighbor as stranger at all, neither representing the householder to him nor forming itself around a fantasy of him. Rather, it gestures to the intimate other, the friend or neighbor who has been invited into the house: once past the front door, all is open to him.

     

    Figure 6: Mar Vista House
    Photo by Dana Cuff (2004).

     

    Figure 7: Mar Vista Floor Plan Projection
    Image used with permission of the Architecture and Design Collection,
    University Art Museum, University of California, Santa Barbara.

     

    If an interplay of desire and danger may in a modest way be found in Mar Vista, it is as a quietly revolutionary notion of domestic life, lived as much within the private exterior and between rooms as within enclosed, utilitarian spaces with specific programs (e.g., kitchen, bedroom). The stark exterior shocked passersby; some sought this unknown future and some felt threatened by it. Mar Vista’s abstraction and even disfiguring of the house transforms the specificity of its structure into a domesticated form of the sublime. At Levittown, the face of each house offers self-conscious, controlled hints of the individual within–a curtain, a railing, a vase, a rosebush in the front yard. At Mar Vista, a wall plane folds into a roof that hovers over a clerestory window; the house seems to contain space rather than people. We have little idea what lies behind the façade, except that its occupants must have made a genuine choice to be there at all. Anonymous yet apart, the houses at Mar Vista make clear that otherness is admissible. In fact, early Mar Vista was home to diverse neighbors. Residents recall that their neighbors included gay and lesbian couples, artists, working women (including a hooker), communists, union activists, musicians, Jews, interracial couples, professionals, and laborers.[17] While surely romanticized in recollection, this cacophony of others may have composed one form of the “authentic democracy” to which Gropius refers. At Mar Vista, figure and ground are ambiguous, variously perceived between the individual house and the collective whole; at Levittown, there is only the house.

     

    Modern architecture at the mid-century has commonly been associated with progressive or even leftist ideals.[18] Gregory Ain was a communist and, according to one study, a women’s rights advocate.[19] Yet according to early residents, Mar Vista was decidedly not about politics in the formal sense. Instead, the mere atypical choice to live there gave Mar Vista residents their identity, and that appreciation of what was not-the-norm reflected and lent a tolerance for difference among “thinking people.”[20] They stepped determinedly into a domestic future with their unscripted neighbors. The strangers who chose to reside in Mar Vista asssumed they had some small but profound common ground, but Ain’s architecture–which was in fact that ground–does not attempt to determine or figure its content for them.

     

    Developing Neighborhoods

     

    Levittown and its modern suburban alternative, the Mar Vista Tract, laid down two distinct directions for the U.S. postwar figure of the neighbor. In the intervening six decades, it was Levittown whose figure of the neighbor evolved, replicating and mutating, but never really straying from a structural model in which the nuclear family predominates, contained by the house and controlled by regulation and a loose organization of houses in the landscape. Mar Vista’s aesthetic and functional future, with its abstract public expression and more inventive private sphere, was nipped in the bud. Its dynamic, open-ended setting for self and other was not sustained in the typical suburban imaginary. The few progressive architects and planners who tried to implement innovative neighborhood schemes met stiff resistance from skeptical bureaucrats at federal and lending agencies whose approvals were required. Architectural conformity was one of the strategies such agencies employed to reduce the financial risk of mass housing.[21]

     

    Of course the dream of a quiet house in the garden, promised by early postwar suburbs, faltered. The actual landscape of the postwar suburb is hardly idyllic; the traffic is a nightmare; our ownership is fragile at best; politics have grown embittered; and at base, we don’t feel safe in the suburbs anymore. The two suburban developments to which I now turn portray two opposed approaches to the dilemmas of contemporary suburbia. Both design approaches stem from Levittown. Each uses architecture self-consciously to form and market the development, and each has been promoted as an exemplar of contemporary residential design. The first, Sagaponac, lies on Long Island, east of its progenitor, Levittown, and when completed will consist of three dozen unique contemporary architectural works. The second, Celebration, Florida, is the brainchild of the Disney Corporation and the darling of the neo-traditional New Urbanist movement. Sagaponac takes Levittown’s emphasis on the isolated house to an extreme; Celebration demonstrates that Levittown can be reclothed. Both settings interiorize and sustain the preeminence of the private household (if not of the house) while maintaining a problematic relationship to the collective public sphere.

     

    Hyper-Suburbia: Designing the Neighborhood Away

     

    When developer Coco Brown decided to build on his land holdings in Sagaponack, New York, he didn’t look to early models of community design, such as Radburn, or to architecturally coherent neighborhoods such as the Mar Vista Tract or Frank Lloyd Wright’s Oak Park. Instead, under the advisement of architect Richard Meier, he hired a cast of some thirty-five star architects to build one-off showcase houses sited on large subdivided lots spread across his hundred acres (see Figure 8). Prospective residents would purchase one of these speculative custom designs to acquire cultural capital, take part in some hyper-suburban American Dream, and have other like-minded weekenders for neighbors.[22] As in the rest of the Hamptons, the future occupants of these second homes come from Sorkin’s and Jacobs’s New York City, where they must have developed a need to escape all that propinquity.

     

    Figure 8: Sagaponac house designed by Hariri and Hariri
    Photo by Dana Cuff (2004)

     

    In reaction to the failures of the postwar suburb, Sagaponac retreats further inside and away from the public sphere. While it is a subdivision, Sagaponac is hardly a neighborhood–the term seems quaint applied there. It is a collection of private, ready-to-wear statements their occupants purchase with the option of minor tailoring. Rather than being sited in a walled or gated community, at Sagaponac each house is protected by its surrounding vegetation, which naturalizes and effectively thickens the wall (see Figure 9). Gropius is cited in an essay that touts the optimism of Sagaponac’s architecture: “the Houses at Sagaponac are, in their different ways, doubtlessly modern; they are surely lively, and in their heterogeneity, they are harmonic in a way that contradicts Gropius’s intended meaning, but in so doing are, however imperfectly, truer to his words” (Chen 11). A convoluted apology, but not without meaning. Modern architecture at Sagaponac, the author suggests, exposes a desirable diversity, a “discrete kind of utopia” defined against the status quo and bolstered by the possibility of the new. When Gropius made his statement, he had fled persecution in Germany to seek in the U.S. freedom for political and architectural expression. No collective, political or otherwise, is imagined at Sagaponac, but the value it places on freedom for individual expression is consistent with both neo-conservative notions of an ownership society (in which owners are free to do as they please with their property) and neo-liberal versions of multiculturalism (which remove the burden of seeking collective solutions to broad social problems). This privatized utopia is hardly the “authentic democracy” Gropius meant.

     

    Figure 9: Sagaponac house designed by Harry Cobb in the background,
    with a streetside marketing sign showing the architect’s rendering.

    Photo by Dana Cuff (2004).

     

    Despite the contemporaneity of its architecture, Sagaponac develops not the modern figure of the neighbor implied by Ain’s houses, but the neighbor of its precursor, Levittown. Both Levittown and Sagaponac specifically interiorize the private lives of residents in vivid contrast to ill-defined exterior shared realms. While Levittown figured similar occupants of repetitive house forms, Sagaponac imagines that its residents share the fundamental quality of being highly discriminating consumers. Sagaponac intimates that its residents hold a common value: the house is an investment in art that extends one’s status and wealth. The extreme demands for social conformity at Levittown are mirrored in Sagaponac’s inordinate emphasis on individualism–a renowned architect, a unique building, a discriminating buyer, a solo developer. The conception of the neighbor is not the neighbor as other, but as fellow individualist.

     

    If it’s unfair to link Sagaponac to Levittown, it is for only one reason: it does not even intend to form a community, but instead a loosely curated collection of artworks. Although their partial proximity makes neighbors of the residents, their bond will be primarily their investment in Sagaponac. The houses, designed to include their own guest houses, accommodate the idealized family isolated with its intimate friends. Outside the dwelling, Sagaponac adopts the development pattern of the masses, selling speculative houses unified only by a basic infrastructure of streets and sewers. In some ways, Sagaponac demonstrates how deeply ingrained the Levittown model of housing has become. As in the Mar Vista Tract, it isn’t necessary to have a highly articulated interstitial realm in order to create spaces for the practices that emerge among proximate strangers. But it is difficult to imagine that Sagaponac residents will ever find one another, by chance or on purpose. With houses set back from the street, hidden behind trees, no sidewalks and no nearby public meeting place, Sagaponac’s weekend residents will have a hard time managing a homeowners’ association, should any need for one arise.

     

    Evoking the Neighbor

     

    Figure 10: View down Celebration’s Market Street
    Photo by Dana Cuff (2004).

     

    Figure 11: Residential Street in Celebration
    Photo by Dana Cuff (2004).

     

    While Sagaponac’s occupants retreat into housing that respects absolute privacy, Celebration, Florida symbolically molds an idealized community. Perhaps the distinct rejection of architects by the typical suburban neighborhood has allowed new urbanism to become such a potent force in the domestic landscape. Even as the Levittown pattern of a field of isolated, interior-oriented objects tied only by roadways has gone virtually unchallenged, precisely its neighborhood elements of parks, pools, and shopping within residential blocks have been phased out. The speculative house prevailed over most American neighborhoods until 1991, when leaders of the Congress for the New Urbanism published the Ahwahnee Principles. Seaside, a contemporary neo-traditional development in Florida, became the talisman of the new urbanist movement, and a new future for neighborhood architecture took shape. This future looked nostalgically and unapologetically to a time before the car, household mobility, and big-box retail. The new urbanism would remake an older U.S. small town, resuscitating and transforming the mythos of community, simplicity, security, and so on. After having produced many books, articles, and, most importantly, newly built suburban neighborhoods, new urbanism has been soundly criticized from nearly every academic perspective and absorbed by the marketplace with profound efficacy. Such a discrepancy has not been seen since Levittown.[23]

     

    Celebration, new urbanism’s most complete manifestation, illustrates the weird contradictions of its design ideology.[24] This suburban development near Orlando is more than a themed environment; it is wholly branded. It has borrowed the Disney name not only to insure its property values, but to create what residents call a fantasyland within everyday life. That everyday life is regulated to an unprecedented extent to present a homogeneous group of neighbors on the outside. Taking its cue from the Levitts, the Disney Corporation insures that neighbors maintain the look of neighborly sameness, from the color of their curtains to the depth of their mulch. Celebration’s town plan centers around a pedestrian-oriented business district, but like the scattered neighborhood centers in Levittown, Celebration’s commercial district struggles to survive. The residential architecture employs the symbols of community life: porches, small parks, playgrounds, a family of historicist architectural expressions, public benches, parkways, a couple of diners, a town hall. The town hall is empty, however, because Celebration is governed by the Disney Corporation: democracy is literally reduced to its architectural sign.[25] As for the neighbor, perhaps no place in America has so explicitly conjured a figure of the “we” through its architecture. Even private house interiors at Celebration, anthropologist Dean MacCannell argues, are organized for public view to eradicate fears that a hidden difference lurks behind the façade (113-14). In this pressure-cooked neighborhood, civility can be as superficial as brick veneer, as some bitter and well-documented battles between residents have demonstrated.[26]

     

    Sagaponac and Celebration, then, articulate anxiety about the neighbor. Sagaponac adopts Levittown’s deployment of the detached house as the rigid container of privacy and glorifies that privacy in expressions of individuality, while Celebration extends that privacy’s complement: the construction of a highly regulated and spatially defined common realm. When the figure of the neighbor is so overtly defined, informal practices of neighboring seem less necessary. In the fantasy of Celebration, it is as though one already knew one’s neighbors; in the fantasy of Sagaponac, one need never meet the neighbor, assured that we share the same good taste and desire for privacy. Thus the political fruits of civility born of actual negotiation with the unknown are diminished.

     

    Reconfigurations

     

    What lies beyond the paint, outside the box of domestic privacy, is uncertain turf. This space, both unprivate and unpublic, is home to the figure of the neighbor and birthplace of civil society. It is just here that we need a new conception of architectural community. Architectural critic Paul Goldberger, worried over Sagaponac’s insular qualities, mustered just two counter-cases of developments from a vast repertoire of architectural examples: Radburn, built in the 1920s, and Celebration. Both, he believes, represent efforts at community-building and embody a public realm. Aware that this is not quite accurate, yet stopping short of criticizing Celebration, he goes on: “The great accomplishment at Radburn is that it creates a sense of the public realm without making the place feel in any way urban.”

     

    Goldberger cannot name this public realm that is not urban because as yet it has no name, nor has it been defined. But he identifies it at Radburn, where there is “a fully suburban, even almost rural, kind of feeling.” “Rural,” “suburban,” and “urban” describe this interstitial space of the neighborhood no better than “public” and “private.” At Radburn the houses faced onto a shared open space that linked the development together. In more typical suburbs, neighbor-form is an ill-defined realm of side yards, curbside mail boxes, elementary school parking lots, and cul-de-sacs. These inadvertently intimate grounds give way to a nearby Starbucks, the laundromat, the city council hearing room, and the city park. This circumstantial, ad hoc, and interstitial figure of the neighbor is not easily named or programmed into architectural form. Although Goldberger recognizes it when he sees it at Radburn, he misapprehends Celebration’s neighbor-coating as some Habermasian public sphere.

     

    Postwar residential landscapes interiorized the private sphere, giving over the visible exterior to a more formal, shared realm. In spite of the intentions of builders like the Levitts, however, the suburban house could not contain its occupants. The interiors were too small, the yards too open, and most of all, the proximity too great. An inadvertent figure of the neighbor arose whose superficial sameness distracted residents from their actual differences. The appearance of difference or otherness triggered conformist reactions, and thus emerged the informally divisive politics of the neighborhood. By contrast, at the Mar Vista Tract the figure of the neighbor remained more unscripted and left room for difference. In both settings, local politics evolved not only to represent, but also to construct group identity. Unexplored, exteriorized public identity within a neighborhood was reinforced by a collectively identified other. From the early Island Trees residents who fought the name change to Levittown to Celebration residents worrying about their teenagers at the wider area’s public high school, identity and difference are constructed together.

     

    Here it is worth reconsidering Sagaponac, where one can predict that sizable interiors, closed exteriors (closed off by landscape as well as by orientation away from other houses), lack of proximity, and weekend-only occupation will yield little that resembles a neighborhood–only “Houses at Sagaponac,” as the development is called. This would be of no consequence whatsoever if not for its ethical implications regarding the state of civil society. By the standards of such society, I would argue, residential developments hold an ethical imperative to anticipate some neighbor while stopping short of dictating or fantasizing who that neighbor is. If architecture and planning are to contribute to the formation of deliberative democracy and civil society, we should design for an emergent, as yet unknown neighborliness. Consider what might have happened at Sagaponac had Coco Brown established a continuous easement across some part of every site for a walking trail.[27] Not only would the individual retreats have been inclined to address that small gesture toward publicity, but the weekend residents would have had some alternative to the mythical ideal of household isolation. Like the unscripted front green contained by a continuous building wall at Mar Vista, such a gesture might have allowed Sagaponac to imagine itself not just as a series of buildable lots, but as a loose string of neighbors.

     

    The fact that neighborhood architecture is pliable–although Levittown provides the recipe for suburban settlements, at least it does so flexibly–is one of the most promising conclusions that can be drawn from these case studies. From modern to postmodern developments, from Levittown to Celebration, an observable transformation of neighborhood architecture sheds light on future paths. The next phase of neighborhood architecture will be affected forcefully by three shifting conditions: the rising significance of neighborhood politics, emerging domestic technologies, and changing conditions of regional land use that are forcing residential development into urban infill sites. These conditions place otherness in greater proximity than ever before, heightening urges to expose or to repress differences within the neighborhood. These conditions can spark new figures for the neighbor, and new bases for civil society.

     

    Notes

     

    1. The “spite fence” was a famous landmark on Nob Hill in San Francisco. The owner of the mansion in the photo built an immense fence (so high that it required buttressing) around a less well-off neighbor. By spoiling his view and house, the landowner hoped to force his neighbor to sell his property. Today what are called “spite fence laws” prohibit such malicious actions.

     

    2. For a discussion of neighborhood privatization, see Ben-Joseph.

     

    3. The recent national elections remind us of the political differences between city and suburb (the former voting primarily Democratic and the latter, Republican). While these data are troubling, they do not necessarily reflect the “suburban canon”: the idea that suburbanites flee difference while expressing intolerance. Although the history of urban migration outward has been made up of such flight, today’s suburbanites are more heterogeneous than ever and cannot easily be distinguished spatially, economically, or racially from their urban counterparts. Much of what was classified as “urban” in the election data (Standard Metropolitan Statistical Areas) is suburban in form. This essay considers suburbs not because they represent some particular class of Americans, but because they are the places where most Americans live.

     

    4. The term “community builders” comes from Weiss. “Merchant builder” is a more common term and the title of a book by Eichler, son of a prolific developer of modern houses.

     

    5. Proxemics is a field of study that evolved from ethology in which the regular spatial patterns of human behavior are held to be most vividly portrayed in the different cultural norms of personal space. See such founding works as Hall and Sommer.

     

    6. Arendt draws her notion of the public world of stable appearance from Kant; see her Lectures on Kant’s Political Philosophy.

     

    7. My interpretation of these four places stems from existing literature and my own field work. I visited each site, photographed it, studied local archives, and interviewed residents (except in the case of Sagaponac, which is still uninhabited at the time of this writing). I agree with critics such as Paul H. Mattingly that suburban studies has not sufficiently engaged suburbanites’ own stories of their communities. Residents in this project by and large expressed contentment about their neighborhoods, and gave nuanced descriptions of both social and physical spaces.

     

    8. According to Kelly’s historical account, “in the abstract, Levittown was virtually a replica of the officially recommended subdivision styles of the FHA” (47n8).

     

    9. The original Levittown in Long Island (as opposed to subsequent Levittowns built in Pennsylvania and New Jersey) was built over a period of four years, from 1947 to 1951. The first phase, completed in 1948, was comprised of 6000 identical Cape Cods built as rental units and later offered for purchase. The next phase, starting in 1949, introduced several variations on the Ranch model. The 1950 and 1951 houses included built-in televisions; all houses had washing machines. In the end 17,500 houses were built by Levitt and Sons in Levittown (Kelly 40-53).

     

    10. At the rear of the Ranch house, generous glazing faced the back yard.

     

    11. 1952 Levittown Property Owners Association booklet, Levittown Public Library collection. While there remains a regulation against fences in the covenants, codes, and restrictions, at present nearly every house has a fenced rear yard.

     

    12. See Putnam on the devolution of communitarianism to isolationism in the modern U.S.

     

    13. Sociologist Herbert Gans reports extensively on politics and everyday life in the third Levittown, built in Pennsylvania eight years after the Long Island Levittown community. His information about volunteer organizations comes from living there as a participant observer (see especially 52-63). While he focuses on socio-economic status, Gans inadvertently tells much about the residents’ ideas of otherness and the relationship between their volunteer activities and their participatory politics.

     

    14. A resident association opposed Levitt’s proposal to change the original name of the subdivision from Island Trees to Levittown. Eventually Levitt made the change unilaterally, but not before removing the resident association’s permission to use the community room. Levitt was quick to shut down all opposition. He purchased the local newspaper in 1948, just when the paper took stances against several of his initiatives, including a rent increase. Levitt insinuated in a brochure that the Island Trees Communist Party had spearheaded the opposition (and it appears this may have been the case). See newspapers in the Long Island Studies Institute archives at Hofstra University and brochures at the Levittown Public Library.

     

    15. The most obvious and significant difference is scale: Mar Vista was planned for 100 homes (of which half were built) in comparison with Levittown’s 17,500. In addition, Mar Vista houses were more expensive than Levitt houses (approximately $12,000 and $8,000, respectively). Other examples of modern suburban houses include the Eichler Homes, built primarily in Northern California, and the Crestwood Hills development in Los Angeles.

     

    16. See the surveys of residents’ reasons for moving and their aspirations for life in Levittown in Gans (33, 35, 39). Information on Mar Vista residents is gathered from my interviews with original residents, 2004.

     

    17. Interviews with early residents, 2004.

     

    18. For a discussion of the interconnections between residential modernism and progressive social ideals, see Zellman and Friedland.

     

    19. On Ain’s political orientation, see Denzer’s “Community Homes: Race, Politics and Architecture in Postwar Los Angeles.”

     

    20. On the politics of modernism at Crestwood Hills, see Zellman and Friedland. Several early residents have histories of union organizing or other leftist political activism. They imagined their primary political stance in relation to the neighborhood, however, to be one of tolerance as part of a forward-looking society. One early resident described Mar Vista as a neighborhood of “thinking people” in contrast to those who chose to live in West L.A.’s Levittown equivalent, Westchester. Still, it should not be imagined that Mar Vista was or is a model of tolerance. One resident recounted a petition drive to force an early Latino family in the neighborhood to move away. While the current population at Mar Vista still includes a few of the original buyers, residents now represent a higher income group (homes at present sell for nearly $1 million) and are afficionados of mid-century modernism as a nostalgic ideal.

     

    21. See, for example, Zellman and Friedland on Crestwood Hills (n25). Wright discusses the Federal Housing Administration’s “adjustment for conformity” criteria for evaluating housing plans (251).

     

    22. For statements by Brown and brief essays by several authors, see Brown. The area of the Hamptons where the houses are built is called Sagaponack, but Brown named his development Sagaponac (without the k). Among the four case studies presented here, Sagaponac is unique in two important ways: it is exclusively for the wealthy, and it consists primarily of second homes rather than permanent residences. As such, it is an outlier development rather than a middle-class suburban one.

     

    23. Even as architectural critics proclaim the death of New Urbanism (see, for example, New York Times architecture critic Nicolai Ouroussoff’s comments on a proposed stadium), suburban developers, the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, and foreign planning bodies in Sweden, Spain, and China, to name but a few, are adopting its tenets.

     

    24. See MacCannell. For more on Celebration, read the two participant observer volumes: Frantz and Collins, Celebration, USA, and Ross, The Celebration Chronicles.

     

    25. In 2003 residents were added to the governing board and in the near future, residents will for the first time have a majority on that board.

     

    26. An early battle over the school made Disney’s control over the town evident. Residents who wanted to change school policy were dubbed “the negatives” by supporters of Disney’s educational plan, silenced and evicted. See Pollan.

     

    27. Ironically, this kind of informal public infrastructure is a dominant design component in a number of schemes by the firm Field Operations whose principal, Stan Allen, is a Sagaponac architect.

    Works Cited

     

    • Arendt, Hannah. The Human Condition. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1958.
    • —. Lectures on Kant’s Political Philosophy. Ed. Ronald Beiner. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1992.
    • Bachelard, Gaston. The Poetics of Space. Trans. Maria Jolas. Boston: Beacon, 1994.
    • Ben-Joseph, Eran. “Land Use and Design Innovations in Private Communities.” Land Lines: Newsletter of the Lincoln Institute of Land Policy 16 (Oct. 2004): 8-12. <http://www.lincolninst.edu/pubs/pub-detail.asp?id=971>.
    • Brown, Harry J., ed. American Dream: The Houses at Sagaponac. New York: Rizzoli, 2003.
    • Chen, Aric. “Domestic Architecture Reborn.” Brown 10-12.
    • Copjec, Joan, and Michael Sorkin, eds. Giving Ground: The Politics of Propinquity. London: Verso, 1999. 106-128.
    • Denzer, Anthony. “Community Homes: Race, Politics and Architecture in Postwar Los Angeles.” Community Studies Association Conference, Pittsfield, MA, 2004.
    • Eichler, Ned. The Merchant Builders. Cambridge: MIT P, 1982.
    • Frantz, Douglas, and Catherine Collins. Celebration, USA. New York: Holt, 1999.
    • Gans, Herbert. The Levittowners. New York: Vintage, 1967.
    • Goldberger, Paul. “Suburban Chic.” Interview with Daniel Cappello. The New Yorker 6 Sept. 2004 <http://www.newyorker.com/online/content/?040913on_onlineonly02>.
    • Hall, Edward T. The Hidden Dimension. Garden City: Doubleday, 1966.
    • Jacobs, Jane. The Death and Life of Great American Cities. New York: Vintage, 1961.
    • Jameson, Fredric. “The Cultural Logic of Late Capitalism.” Postmodernism, or, The Cultural Logic of Late Capitalism. Durham: Duke UP, 1991. 1-54.
    • Kelly, Barbara M. Expanding the American Dream: Building and Rebuilding Levittown. Albany: State U of New York P, 1993.
    • MacCannell, Dean. “New Urbanism and its Discontents.” Copjec and Sorkin 106-128.
    • Mattingly, Paul H. “The Suburban Canon over Time.” Suburban Discipline. Eds. Peter Lang and Tam Miller. New York: Princeton Architectural, 1997. 38-51.
    • Miller, Jacques-Alain. “Extimité.” Lacanian Theory of Discourse: Subject, Structure and Society. Ed. Mark Bracher. New York: Routledge, 1994. 79-80.
    • Ouroussof, Nicolai. “A Sobering West Side Story Unfolds.” The New York Times 1 Nov. 2004: E1.
    • Pollan, Michael. “Town-Building Is No Mickey Mouse Operation.” New York Times Magazine 14 Dec. 1997: 56-88.
    • Putnam, Robert D. Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community. New York: Simon, 2000.
    • Ross, Andrew. The Celebration Chronicles. New York: Ballantine, 1999.
    • Schudson, Michael. Advertising, the Uneasy Persuasion. New York: Basic, 1984.
    • Sommer, Robert. Personal Space: The Behavioral Basis of Design. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1969.
    • Sorkin, Michael. “Introduction: Traffic in Democracy.” Copjec and Sorkin 1-15.
    • Weiss, Marc. The Rise of the Community Builders: The American Real Estate Industry and Urban Land Planning. New York: Columbia UP, 1987.
    • Wright, Gwendolyn. Building The Dream: A Social History of Housing in America. New York: Pantheon, 1981.
    • Zellman, Harold and Roger Friedland. “Broadacre in Brentwood? The Politics of Architectural Aesthetics.” Looking for Los Angeles: Architecture, Film, Photography, and the Urban Landscape. Eds. Charles Salas and Michael Roth. Los Angeles: Getty, 2001. 167-210.

     

  • Neighborly Hostility and Literary Creoles: The Example of Hugh MacDiarmid

    Laura O’Connor

    Department of English
    University of California, Irvine
    loconnor@uci.edu

     

    This article explores the influence of linguicism–discrimination against others on the basis of language and speaking style–on the poetics and politics of literary Creoles by examining the “Synthetic Scots” of modernist poet Hugh MacDiarmid. When languages that have previously been separate are brought into contact as a result of colonization, migration, and globalization, both the languages themselves and popular perceptions of them alter significantly. The proliferation of hybrid Englishes that has accompanied the monocultural thrust of “global” English has affected literary production in English significantly. Hybrid Englishes are formed in what Mary Louise Pratt describes as “contact zone[s] . . . where cultures meet, clash, and grapple with each other, often in contexts of highly asymmetrical relations of power, such as colonialism, slavery or their aftermaths as they are lived out in many parts of the world today” (4). The close proximity of English to Scots, Gaelic, and Welsh, and the documented history of their long interaction, make the internal context of the British Isles a fertile site for analyzing colonial contact-zones, places where English coexists with other vernaculars that have been marginalized or almost supplanted by it. As I will suggest, the literary Creoles that develop under conditions of linguicism illuminate the dynamics of intimate and hostile relations across a contested border. MacDiarmid’s poetics reveals, for example, that forms such as blazon and caricature reflect and attempt to reintegrate on a linguistic level one’s neighbor’s ambivalence toward oneself.

     

    Even as it expresses the ambivalences of linguistic proximity, the convergence of diverse languages and dialects is in many ways a boon for literary creativity. Behind the apparent cohesion of a literary language lies “an intense struggle that goes on between languages and within languages,” Mikhail Bakhtin observes, and a multilingual or multidialectal environment enables writers “to look at language from the outside, with another’s eyes, from the point-of-view of a potentially different language and style” (Dialogic 66, 60). When writers combine two or more linguistic systems that relate to one another in a single literary utterance as do rejoinders in a dialogue, they objectify the worldviews of the juxtaposed idioms to form what Bakhtin characterizes as the “intentional hybridization” of “dialogical” discourse.

     

    The ability to see one’s own linguistic habitus in the light of another’s owes something to linguicism, according to Bakhtin. He locates its prehistory in parodic-travestying expressions of neighborly hostility, the “ridiculing [of] dialectological peculiarities, and making fun of the linguistic and speech manners of [other] groups . . . that belongs to every people’s most ancient store of language images” (82). The habit of disparaging the speaking styles of neighboring speech communities and social inferiors is as old as ethnocentrism (the Greek barbaros is supposed to be an onomatapoeic imitation of incomprehensible speech) and the competitive pursuit of social prestige: “The rich man speaks and everyone stops talking; and then they praise his discourse to the skies. The poor man speaks and people say, ‘who is this,’ and if he stumbles, they trip him up yet more” (Ecclus. 13.28-29). In this essay I use the metaphor of the “Pale/Fringe” contact-zone to track how the linguicism of English-only Anglicization (figured as “the English Pale”) and the concomitant translation of the receding Gaelic and Scots culture into a romanticized “Celtic Fringe” made linguicism a pervasive and constitutive feature of British cultural life. English-only linguicism encompasses the destruction or near-supplantation of indigenous languages; the ostracism of competing vernaculars from the center of power; and the stigmatization of speakers of other languages or vernacular Englishes as “beyond the Pale.” The literary Scots of MacDiarmid exploits the discrepant registers of his hybrid linguistic heritage in order to dramatize, interrogate, and reconfigure the high/low hierarchy established between the encroaching English and marginalized Scots vernaculars.

     

    In 1977, a BBC interviewer asked Hugh MacDiarmid, then the grand old man of Scottish letters, what difference it would have made had he been born ten miles further south and hence an Englishman. Growing up in Langholm had imbued him with “a border spirit where differences are accentuated by proximity,” MacDiarmid replied, “the frontier feeling” that made him a fervent Scottish nationalist and an unremitting vanguardist (Thistle 287). The “frontier feeling” is evident in MacDiarmid’s nationalism, which is defiantly bellicose toward the powerful English neighbor, and in his eagerness to experiment, to push the boundaries of consciousness, and to restlessly, ceaselessly innovate. He is intimately familiar with the bordering English culture, yet his “border spirit” intensifies his antipathy and estrangement from it. Neighborly hostility became the creative agon and the raison d’être of his lifelong campaign for Scotland’s cultural secession from England.

     

    The genesis of “Hugh MacDiarmid” out of an encounter between Christopher Murray Grieve (1892-1978), a minor Scottish poet in English, and a Scottish etymological dictionary is one of the marvels of literary modernism’s annus mirabilis, 1922. Grieve had turned to the dictionary in order to lampoon what he then saw as the mindless sentimentality of the Scots verse found in the “poetry corner” of provincial newspapers. In the course of caricaturing a poetic practice he despised, however, Grieve discovered a nascent literary vernacular in the play of “differences accentuated by proximity” between the Scots headwords and their English glosses that persuaded him that the vernacular could be renovated into an international literary language. He patented his new voice with an ultra-Scottish authorial signature: “an immediate realization of . . . [the] ultimate reach of the implications of my experiment made me adopt, when I began writing Scots poetry, the Gaelic pseudonym of Hugh MacDiarmid” (Lucky Poet 6). “Synthetic Scots,” the stuff out of which “MacDiarmid” is forged, is composed in an ambiguous zone of inter- and intralingual translation between Scots and English, under the remote influence of Scotland’s third language, Gaelic.

     

    In order to appreciate the complexities of Grieve/MacDiarmid’s “religious conversion” and the commonalties and differences between his predicament and those of Anglophone writers elsewhere, it is necessary to know something of the conflictual multilingual history of the British Isles (Buthlay 149). Scottish developed out of a Northumbrian dialect into a literary vernacular in the fourteenth century and served as the official language of the kingdom of Scotland for two centuries.1 By the late-eighteenth century, the Scottish-Southron bidialectalism of the fifteenth century had polarized into diglossia, the coexistence of a “High” (English) vernacular with a wide range of functions and a “Low” (Scots) vernacular with restricted usage.2 English/Scots diglossia is part of a larger pattern of Pale/Fringe linguicism that boosts the superiority of English and belittles Gaelic, Welsh, and other varieties of English as “beyond the Pale.”

     

    The changing metaphorical status of “the Pale” illustrates the role of linguicism in securing the hegemony of English. “The Pale” originally referred to the double ramparts built to keep native Gaels out of confiscated Irish lands and the inner sanctum of the settler-colony and to prevent English settlers from assimilating native mores. In Edmund Spenser’s A View of the Present State of Ireland, the segregating Pale comes to represent the frontline of a perilous linguistic struggle to Anglicize the natives before they could Gaelicize the settlers. The Pale’s dual function of exclusion and restraint in the war between colonial and native speech-communities survives in the idiomatic phrase “beyond the Pale,” which later came to delimit the boundaries of verbal propriety for the modern bourgeois British subject. The phrase “beyond the Pale” calls attention to the intimate reciprocity between the dispositions that are ingrained into our bodily demeanors and the circulation of social prestige “out there” in the public sphere, a symbiosis between the formation of bourgeois subjectivity and the flow of cultural capital that Pierre Bourdieu has theorized in a French context. The broad consensus among the Enlightenment literati and bourgeoisie to adopt (Southron) English as the standard British vernacular changed the tacit rules of what Bourdieu calls the “linguistic marketplace” so that those who could perform the accredited English speaking-style were given a respectful forum to say their piece, while those who lapsed into “Scotticisms” were consigned to the margins.3 Anglophone Scots schooled themselves to measure up to the prestigious English standard and shunned the vernacular. Their self-improving endeavors further widened the High/Low divide by enhancing the prestige of English at the cost of devaluing Scots, and this in turn intensified the pressure to jettison the vernacular in favor of the standard, and so on in a self-perpetuating loop. This loop, which delineates “the Pale” of modern British society, is propelled by the structural disparity between the relatively rare competence in the vernacular and the much more uniform recognition of it, which allows those who have mastered the English acrolect to command deference from those who recognize it as “the best” speaking-style but are not quite able “to talk proper” themselves.4

     

    Because the degree to which one could neutralize one’s “braid Scots” speech measured one’s “class,” accent and speaking-style became highly charged signifiers of ethnicity, class, and of the cross-wired class-and-ethnicity in the Pale. In everyday encounters, the “differences accentuated by proximity” between the mutually intelligible vernaculars are routinely exaggerated into a caricature of deviant Scots, in contradistinction to the assumed and implicit norms of the Pale. The Anglicization of Scotland’s linguistic habitus was popularly regarded as “improvement,” but because the proscription of Scots from the hub of civic life and the inhibition of Scottish styles of speech required repressing the social body, it often felt coercive. In this linguistic milieu, the symbolic status of the “Scotticism,” an utterance that sounds distinctly and distinctively Scottish to one’s own or to others’ ears, becomes charged with ambivalence. Associated with loss of public face and innermost expressivity, Scotticisms became the object of overt condescension and covert pride. Scotticisms exemplify Bakhtin’s theory that “speech genres are the drive belts from the history of society to the history of language” because they disclose the ambivalent slippage between Anglo mask and unreconstructed Scottish ethnicity that delineates the contours of the Pale/Fringe in Scotland (Speech Genres 65).

     

    Scotticisms are tacitly defined by contrast to the purportedly “unaccented” literate speech. Dr. Johnson’s dictum in A Dictionary of the English Language (1755) that “the best general rule” of pronunciation is established by “the most elegant speakers who deviate least from the written word” (qtd. in Mugglestone 208) sets up a Pale between “literate speakers” whose purportedly unaccented speech is assumed to correspond exactly with ordinary spelling and the speakers of other classes and regions whose sociolects are stigmatized as “dialect.”5 The dominant opinion that there is only one correct way to spell and pronounce words, and that it is the English way, vastly increased the authority of English as a universal language of logic, clarity, and formal grace. The normative sway of standard English can be seen in the way Jamieson’s Etymological Dictionary of the Scottish Language profiles Scots as halbsprache, “somehow less than a language but more than a dialect” (McArthur 142). The title of Jamieson’s dictionary asserts that Scots is a language, but by confining itself to a peculiarly Scots vocabulary and mediating the “local” Scots idiom through the explanatory apparatus of “universal” standard English, it codifies the vernacular as ancillary. In contradistinction to the default mode of impersonal, up-to-date, informational English, the Scots headwords are profiled as colorful, quaint, arcane, vanishing “fossil-poetry” or deviant idioms. The documented etymologies linking Scots with other languages independently of English (though Jamieson repeatedly downplays ties with Gaelic6) and the sheer heft of literary citations in the multi-volume opus legitimize Scots as “something more than a dialect,” however.

     

    It seems counterfactual when writing Scots to maintain the illusory “accent-free” effect of standard English, but the use of English orthography to script Scottish habits of pronunciation portrays Scots as unlike the idiom of “the most elegant speakers.” An exaggerated emphasis is placed upon phonological and idiomatic differentiae by tagging dropped fricatives with apostrophes and underscoring divergences from received pronunciation with non-standard spellings, setting the vernacular apart as a specimen of reported “dialect.” Nonetheless, while the scripting of Scots as a dialect indirectly associated a vernacular speaking-style with illiteracy, it also suggested character, lack of affectation, homespun sagacity, and spontaneity in contrast with “standardized” English. The Scots literary revival, led by Allan Ramsay and Robert Fergusson, and at the end of the century by Robert Burns and Walter Scott, tapped into and increased the covert prestige of the vernacular, but at the same time the revivalists partly reinforced the language/dialect dichotomy through the restricted use of Scots for dialogue and popular ballads.

     

    The Pale/Fringe concept draws attention to how the Pale is necessarily defined by what lies “outwith” the Pale, to borrow the suggestive Scots synonym for “beyond,” the outermost limit that bounds and coexists with it. The arduous effort by Enlightenment Scots to become fully Anglicized Britons was accompanied by the salvaging of cultural alterity from the hitherto despised Gàidhealtachd (Gaelic-speaking area). James Macpherson’s translation of Gaelic Fenian mythology into Ossian (1761-5) was a cornerstone in the formation of the Highland romance and the Celtic Fringe. The hyperbolic image of Scottishness that emerged–a panoply of bagpipes, tartans, clans, bards, and sublimely empty (because depopulated) landscape–was fabricated in English, yet authenticated through allusion to Gaelic antiquity and Jacobite fealty to a nobly lost cause. The common nineteenth-century pattern in Europe of articulating an idealized “national character” through literature was distorted in Scotland, Tom Nairn argues in The Break-Up of Britain, because material self-interest encouraged the bourgeoisie and intelligentsia to neutralize or suppress protonationalist separatism, leading to an émigré/Kailyard split in Scottish intellectual life (146).7 An émigré intelligentsia migrated, literally and/or psychologically, to a London-centered transnational Republic of Letters, and the Kailyard (meaning “cabbage-patch,” “rustic”) literati developed a “stunted, caricatural . . . cultural sub-nationalism” of tartanry, which, “uncultivated by ‘national’ experience in the usual sense, [became] curiously fixed or fossilized . . . to the point of forming a huge, virtually self-contained universe of kitsch” (Nairn 163). Scotland’s imageme (the ambivalent and unfalsifiable polarity within which a given national character is held to move) is thus a compromise-formation, a symptom of a contradictory desire to enjoy the comforts of empire without relinquishing those of nationality (Leerssen 279).

     

    Literary criticism and antiquarianism, both of which were profoundly influenced by Matthew Arnold’s On the Study of Celtic Literature (1867), became an alternative means for analyzing the character of Scottish culture and its double-edged relationship with its proximate English other. Arnold argues that the disinterested criticism of Celtic (Gaelic and Welsh) literature could help to transform Anglo/Celtic antipathy into a creative interracial symbiosis: what the poetic, spiritual, ineffectual, and primitive Celt lacks, the prosaic, materialistic, worldly, and progressive Anglo-Saxon can supply, and vice versa. G. Gregory Smith took Arnoldian Celticism to task in Scottish Literature: Character and Influence (1919), a book that exerted considerable influence on MacDiarmid’s poetics and that was reviewed by T.S. Eliot under the revealing title “When Was Scottish Literature?”8 Smith takes issue with Arnold’s ethnological assumption that any trait which is at variance with England’s self-image “may, must, and does come from an outside source; given a spiritual lightness and vivacity in the dull, heavy, practical genius of Teutonic England, it must have come from the Celts” (29). “We have grown suspicious” of ethnic stereotyping that “separate[s] the contrasts in character [by placing] the obverse of a coin in one bag and the reverse in another,” Smith remarks, and posits instead a dualistic notion of identity, drawn from Scottish literature, where “the real and fantastic . . . invade [one another] without warning” like the “polar twins” of Stevenson’s Dr. Jekyll & Mr. Hyde (29, 33, 20). In Smith’s logic, Scottish literature’s supposed contrariness reflects how “Scottish” traits have been split off from one another by English neighbors. Complementarily, Scottish literature integrates what cannot be admitted to be integral on the border itself.

     

    Smith coins the phrase “Caledonian Antisyzygy” to designate the commingling of two contrary moods in Scottish literature, a meticulous observation and “zest for handling a multitude of details” which sometimes borders on “a maudlin affection for the commonplace,” and a “whimsical delight” in the fantastic, “the airier pleasure to be found in the confusion of the senses [and] in the fun of things thrown topsy-turvy” (4, 5, 19). Antisyzygy, I would suggest, is particularly useful in describing the literary reintegration of a national imageme split by border friction. Smith introduces the neologism with playful archness, commenting in a parenthetical aside that either Sir Thomas Browne or Sir Thomas Urquhart (the translator of Gargantua and Pantagruel9) might have so named the trait, but it is evident that disjunctive-conjunctions, “almost a zig-zag of contradictions,” encapsulate the “character” of Scottish literature for him (4). Smith writes that “the Scot, in that medieval fashion which takes all things as granted, is at his ease in both ‘rooms of life,’ and turns to fun, and even profanity, with no misgivings,” and regrets that much literary evidence of the Scottish “delight in the grotesque and uncanny” has been lost through the “decorous” bias of canon-formation (35). Like Bakhtin, Smith intuits a generic kinship between an aesthetics that appreciates “the absolute propriety of a gargoyle’s grinning at the elbow of a kneeling saint” and the uncanny doubles of Robert Louis Stevenson (23, 35). He connects a “constitutional liking for contrasts,” “contrariety,” and enjoyment of “things thrown topsy-turvy” to the Scottish “fine sense of the value of provocation” and “the sheer exhilaration of conflict” manifest in “the old fun of flyting” (a medieval genre of stylized invective and witty raillery) (19-20, 33).

     

    In the context of this cultural narrative of division and partial repair, MacDiarmid’s “Theory of Scots Letters” draws on Smith’s Caledonian-Antisyzygy concept to propose a new direction for a “true” Scottish culture that would work to reassemble the ambivalence of the national imageme. The “future depends upon the freeing and development of that opposite tendency in our consciousness which runs counter . . . to the canny Scot tradition” and hence “the slogan of a Scottish literary revival must be the Nietzschean ‘Become what you are’” (Thistle 136-7). He distinguishes the antisyzygical “true Scot, rapid in his transitions of thought, taking all things as granted, turning to fun and even to profanity with no misgivings, at his ease in both rooms of life” from the “canny Scot,” who is presented by contrast as the Scottish counterpart of the Irish “false-national,” the “West Briton.” Thus while on one level the uncanny Scot is predicated on a non-binary notion of antisyzygy, on another MacDiarmid reinstates coin-splitting stereotyping to debase the canny Scot, whose sobriety, stern conscience, and thrift make him the linchpin of empire, kirk, and industry (Thistle 135-6).

     

    Smith (like Grieve before his conversion) discerns no antisyzygical potential in the Scots vernacular. Smith ridicules Kailyard poets as poor imitators of Robert Burns, “poeticules who waddle in good duck fashion through Jamieson’s, snapping up fat expressive words with nice little bits of green idiom for flavoring” (138-9). In December 1921, MacDiarmid engages in epistolary “guerrilla warfare” in the Aberdeen Free Press against the Doric revival proposed by the recently established Vernacular Circle of the London Burns Club (MacDiarmid, Letters 69). (Scots is variously known as “the Doric,” “Lallans” and “the vernacular.”) A vernacular revival would “cloak mental paucity with a trivial and ridiculously over-valued pawkiness!” MacDiarmid opines, “and bolster up [the peasant’s] instinctive suspicion of cleverness and culture” that keeps Scotland in “an apparently permanent literary infancy,” dwarfed by “the swaddling clothes of the Doric” (754). It would elevate the collective wallowing in the national imageme that takes place at annual Burns Suppers into a populist orthodoxy that would stifle all serious intellectual, literary, and artistic endeavor. A violent antipathy to bourgeois gentility lies behind the unfavorable comparison MacDiarmid draws between a popular poet like Burns, whose ready assimilation into the drawing room secured his decline “from genius to ‘gauger,’” and an unpopular one like Baudelaire, who deliberately made himself into “a bogey to horrify the bourgeois” (“Burns and Baudelaire” 71). For MacDiarmid, the Burns line “Gi’e me ae spark of native fire, that’s a’ the desire” reveals that his precursor’s enormous popularity is predicated on a suppression of the internationalism and intellectualism that MacDiarmid feels are two of the strongest (and most admirable) drives in Scottish history (MacDiarmid, “Robert Burns” 181).

     

    Lest anyone mistake his opposition for cultural cringe or intellectual snobbery, MacDiarmid stresses that he desires the preservation of the Doric and “love[s] it as jealously [as anybody]” and that he “was brought up in a braid Scots atmosphere [and his] accent could be cut with a knife” (MacDiarmid, Letters 754). Almost with the same breath, MacDiarmid portrays vaunting the vernacular as a hokey impersonation of stock Scottish “character” and cites his Scots accent and speaking style as proof of personal authenticity. Responding to the Burns-club argument that Anglicizing makeovers were “mere caste mimicry,” MacDiarmid asks if there is anything to choose between going “Anglo” and going “Scot” “as far as mob-psychology goes, other than the peculiar virtue diehards may attach to minority manifestations?” (753). The rhetorical question arranges the repertoire of available articulatory styles in Scotland between “talking like a book” in the etiolated style of the Pale and “talking like a character from a book” in the colorful (because ethnicized) hyperbole of the national imageme. Convinced that the latter route was a “cul-de-sac” that would render a susceptible public “practically idea-proof,” MacDiarmid launched an assault against the prospect of “a Doric boom just now” by parodying the stock-in-trade of the Kailyard poeticule (756, 755).

     

    The story of the genesis of “MacDiarmid” tends toward caricature, but this may be apt for a poet whose poetics develop out of a memory, on conscious and unconscious levels, of the genres of caricature, Menippean satire, and popular blazons. Indeed, MacDiarmid’s work reveals these rivalrous genres to be poetic correlatives of cultural schism that respond to the stresses of linguistic similarity and difference in proximity. The conscious and unconscious “memory” of these genres pertains to two distinct but related forms of caricature, a hackneyed notion of Scottish “national character” that shapes Scotland’s image at home and abroad, and the exaggerated othering of a Scottish way of speaking that sets the vernacular apart as a hodge-podge of Scotticisms. The title of MacDiarmid’s classic A Drunk Man Looks at the Thistle (1926) conjures a stereotypical Scot: a drunk man in tartan regalia who drinks whiskey, has strongly accented, idiomatic speech-patterns, and is named “MacSomebody.” The international legibility of the stereotype is shown by the near-reflex ease with which associated ethnic signifiers (“tartan,” “bagpipes,” “clannish”) supplement the “drunk” and “thistle” cues to complete a fixed yet phantasmatic image.10

     

    At one stage in his nocturnal odyssey, the “fou” (drunk) speaker of A Drunk Man likens the magnetic sway of stereotype to a “siren sang” whose insistent refrain persecutes him:

     

    But what's the voice
    That sings in me noo?
    --A'e hauf o' me tellin'
    The tither it's fou!
    It’s the voice o’ the Sooth
    That’s held owre lang
    My Viking North
    Wi’ its siren sang . . .
    Fier comme un Ecossais. (2296-2305)11

     

    Fier comme un Ecossais” is the voice of Europe singing the contrast between the aloof hard-drinkers of “the North” and the sensual wine-drinkers of “the South”; the voice of “the Anglo” upbraiding “the Scot”; and the voice of a divided self disavowing the uncanny “tither hauf” of “the canny Scot.” The obsessive replay of the refrain suggests that the speaker’s self-image is branded by a genre he experiences as name-calling. The incantatory voice bears a residue of slanging rituals, connecting “Fier comme un Ecossais” with the popular blazon, a speech genre that Bakhtin defines as epithets of praise or more usually denigration for “the best” attribute of a nationality, city, or group that merge praise-abuse in an indissoluble unity (Problems 429). The congealing of such epithets into commonplaces furnished the basis for Diderot and D’Alembert’s Encyclopédie entry under “caractère des nations“: “National characters are a certain habitual predisposition of the soul, which is more prevalent in one nation than in others . . . it is a sort of proverb to say: airy as a Frenchman, jealous as an Italian, serious as a Spaniard, wicked as an Englishman, proud as a Scot, drunk as a German, lazy as an Irishman, deceitful as a Greek” (qtd. in Leerssen 273).12 David Hume’s essay “Of National Characters” (1748) discusses the cool North/warm South polarity, but “the proud Scot” is neither given a separate mention nor implicitly subsumed under the “English” (“the least national character”) category of his typology (244-58, esp. 253-6).

     

    When MacDiarmid engaged in the dictionary-dredging compositional methods of the Kailyarders, he was surprised by poetry. The 1922 publication of Ulysses and The Waste Land opened his eyes to the “Dostoevskian debris of ideas” and Joycean vis comica that lay untapped in the Scots lexicon, whose “potential would be no less prodigious, uncontrollable, and utterly at variance with conventional morality than was Joyce’s tremendous outpouring” (MacDiarmid, Thistle 129). Through the lens of a Joycean vis comica, the antisyzygical play among “differences accentuated by proximity” in the lexicon–the abrupt shifts of register between the “poetic” Scots head-words and their “prosaic” English glosses; the arbitrary contiguities imposed by alphabetical order; the disjunctive anachronism of diachronically changing connotations; and the artificial synchrony created by containing the vocabulary within a single opus–was “a vast storehouse” for an avant-garde epic.

     

    MacDiarmid’s “Synthetic Scots” mixes an eclectic range of variegated dialects into a literary Creole.13 It is an artificially made vernacular, a synthesis of disparate regional and historic strains of Scots culled primarily from print sources, rather than a naturalistic representation of a vernacular as it is purportedly spoken.14 For MacDiarmid, his new literary vernacular is also more “vital” and intensively synthetic than the English of his everyday life because it cathects with “something known of old and long familiar” in his subconscious. “The amazing difference in effect upon us when exactly the same thing is said in two different dialects . . . is a question not of logical but of vital values,” he argues in “Braid Scots and the Sense of Smell” (1923). Unlike the “moral censorship” of English, “amoral” Braid Scots can tap into the synaesthetic fusion that occurs on an unconscious level when visual and auditory percepts “become, in ways which there is no terminology to describe, olfactory too,” and hence it does not matter if “Braid Scots [is] only a dialect of English” because “we [can] produce physical-spiritual effects by employing Braid Scots which we cannot encompass through standard English” (72-3). In “Music–Braid Scots Suggestions” (1923), MacDiarmid writes that the words “crune,” “deedle,” “lilt,” and “gell” indicate “a Scottish scale of sound-values and physico-psychical effects completely at variance with those of England” which can be reactivated through experiment with “the essence of deedling” (88-9).

     

    In order to lampoon Kailyard verse, MacDiarmid presumably proceeded by loading his parodic verse with those traits that are distinctly and distinctively Scottish.15 The tendentious motive was apparently superseded when the improvisatory compositional procedure of caricature, “to doodle and watch what happens,” began to form the poetry that confounded his mainstream prejudices about the limited literary range of Scots “dialect.”16 E.H. Gombrich writes that graphic caricaturists start from the generic norm and systematically vary the configuration of cues by loading (Ital., caricatura, act of loading) component parts and using their personal instinctive reactions to the expressive gestalts that result as a basis for further experiment (Art and Illusion 302). Though MacDiarmid underwent an attitudinal sea-change, the subsequent development of his poetics shows that he preserved the caricaturist’s procedure, “to doodle and deedle and observe what happens.” His freeform method reconnected him with the Mallarméan touchstone that poetry is “not an idea gradually shaping itself in words, but deriving entirely from words,” and enabled him to treat the entire range of Scots and English vocabulary as open to endless reordering and continuous variation rather than as automatically subordinate to the dictates of the Pale (Lucky Poet xxiii). MacDiarmid did not refer to his poetics as caricatural except implicitly, such as when he describes Synthetic Scots as “aggrandized Scots” or stresses the anti-decorous bias of art: “literature is the written expression of revolt against accepted things.”17 Caricature no longer serves solely as a measure of how the odds are loaded against “dialect,” but has potential for loosening and outwitting the Procrustean grip of standard English.

     

    Though MacDiarmid wrote many fine short lyrics in Synthetic Scots, published in Sangshaw (1925) and Penny Wheep (1926), he wanted to prove the versatility and range of his literary Creole by giving epic treatment to the hitherto “unfulfilled” uncanny-Scot tradition. His breakthrough occurred when the composer F. G. Scott suggested that he “write a poem about a drunk man looking at the thistle,” and MacDiarmid realized that as a “symbol of the miseries and grandeurs of the human fate in general” as well as one of Scottish nationality, it was the “[perfect] theme for a very long poem and a complicated poem” because “it was capable of all sorts of applications and extensions (Bold 181). His confidence that the topos was endlessly complicated and capable of infinite variation is likely to baffle the reader who would be turned off by the prospect of a 2684-line poem that contains no action except that of a drunk man looking at the national emblem.

     

    MacDiarmid seized upon the topic’s potential for upsetting stable categories of the “normal” and “bizarre,” however, by developing the antisyzygical point-of-view of the drunk. An “Author’s Note” to the 1926 edition of A Drunk Man Looks at the Thistle picks up on Smith’s observation that drunkenness can serve writers as a tongue-in-cheek device for justifying the sudden dislocations of Caledonian antisyzygies (23). “Drunkenness has a logic of its own,” MacDiarmid writes, and then counsels the teetotaler “to be chary . . . of such inadvertent reflections of their own sober minds” as they may catch in the “distorting mirror” of these pages (A Drunk Man 196).

     

    “Caledonian antisyzygies” resemble Deleuze’s “art of inclusive disjunctions,” which “follow[s] a rolling gait” that “makes the language as such stutter: an affective and intensive language, and no longer an affectation of the one who speaks” (110, 107). Great writers “carve out a nonpreexistent foreign language within [their] own language,” Deleuze writes, “they make the language take flight, they send it racing along a witch’s line, ceaselessly placing it in a state of disequilibrium, making it bifurcate and vary in each of its terms, following an incessant modulation . . . much as in music, where the minor mode refers to dynamic combinations in perpetual disequilibrium” (110, 109). Though Deleuze and Félix Guattari sharply distinguish their concept of “minorizing” from literary creolization, they note that creolization has the conjoined tendencies of “impoverishment” and “overload” with which “the so-called minor languages” are routinely faulted, namely the shedding of syntactical and lexical forms which allow one to sidestep a constant instead of attacking it head on, and a taste for paraphrasis and proliferation of shifting effects which bear witness to the unlocalized presence of an indirect discourse at the heart of every statement (102-4).18 In the guise of a “stuttering” drunken stream-of-consciousness, MacDiarmid incorporates the twin tendencies of caricature toward elision and overload into the structural rhythms of the sequence in order to activate the antisyzygical doodling and deedling that places normative standards and scales in “perpetual disequilibrium.” The overloading of caricature, then, may offer a way to work through the culture of insult that often builds up in defense against unwanted proximity.

     

    The speaker of A Drunk Man overtly dices with reader-expectation. “I amna fou’ sae muckle as tired–deid dune” (1), he declares in the opening line, establishing his bona fides by denying that the adulterated whiskey (“the stuffie’s no’ the real Mackay” [9]) has made him drunk. He adds parenthetically that a drunken stream-of-consciousness gratifies stereotypical images of Scotland and the canny Scot’s image of his reprobate brethren–“To prove my soul is Scots I maun begin/ Wi’ what’s still deemed Scots and the folk expect” (21-2)–which he can then “whummle” (25) by overwhelming readers with the intoxicating “logic” of drunkenness.19

     

    MacDiarmid styled A Drunk Man a “gallimaufry” (hodge-podge) in advance press-notices for want of a better generic label for the ambitious work he felt would fail unless it took “its place as a masterpiece–sui generis–one of the biggest things in the range of Scottish literature” (Bold 89). Peter McCarey contends that MacDiarmid draws on the Menippean tradition, very much as Bakhtin argues Dostoevski does, by fashioning the unclassifiable genre out of the “Dostoevskian debris of ideas” he found awaiting polyphonic treatment in Synthetic Scots.20 A Drunk Man hails an apostrophized Dostoevski as the avatar of a new epoch, “This Christ o’ the neist thoosand years” (1800), when the “canny Scot” shall give way to the uncanny one. Menippean satire, a genre of ultimate questions that mixes fantasy, slum naturalism, moral-psychological experimentation, and mysticism with genres like the diatribe and soliloquy, takes the topicality of the immediate and unfinalizable present as its starting point.21 Dostoevski “sought the sort of hero whose life would be concentrated on the pure function of gaining consciousness of himself and the world” because such a hero fuses the artistic dominant of becoming self-conscious with the characterological dominant of the represented person (Bakhtin, Problems 50).22 The task of gaining consciousness of himself necessarily absorbs an intellectual and/ or drunk who “dinna ken as muckle’s whaur I am/ Or hoo I’ve come to sprawl here ‘neth the mune” (95-6).23 The Dostoevskian hero’s discourse as “he looks at himself, as it were, in all the mirrors of other people’s consciousnesses” creates the “interior infinite” of “an individual carnival, marked by a vivid sense of isolation” and fearful and watchful secretiveness which has a residual generic kinship with the praise-abuse decrownings and fearless regenerative laughter of the carnival square (Bakhtin, Problems 53, 156-7 and passim).

     

    The thistle, skewed by moonlight and intoxication, is the “distorting mirror” that refracts back to the drunk man how he and his nation are perceived by proximate unfriendly others: “My ain soul looks me in the face, as it twere,/ And mair than my ain soul–my nation’s soul” (335-6).24 The speaker calls attention to his drunken or “loaded” state as he zeroes in on and magnifies one aspect of the thistle and then veers off in another direction as a new perception initiates a different associative tack. “There’s nocht sae sober as a man blin’ drunk,” the speaker confides, baiting the reader with A Drunk Man‘s constitutive antisyzygy about whether the fixity on the thistle attests to an unsteady grip on reality or to an intensive analytic sobriety (277). Though but a “bairn at thee I peer,” the drunk man declares that, like Dostoevski, he is a microcosm of his nation in all its contrariety, “For a’ that’s Scottish is in me,/ As a’ things Russian were in thee” and resolves “to pit in a concrete abstraction/ My country’s contrair qualities” (2014-18).25 “Speaking somewhat paradoxically,” Bakhtin writes, “one could say that it was not Dostoevski’s subjective memory, but the objective memory of the very genre in which he worked, that preserved the peculiar features of the ancient menippea” (Problems 121). In a similar vein, I contend that the poem provides a stereoscopic means for looking at national identity in the very aspect of its looked-at-ness and so preserves an “objective memory” of the Menippean subgenres of caricature and popular blazons.26

     

    The thistle is an abstract signifier of Scottish nationality, but these abstractions are woven into the concrete physiognomy of the plant “from which, and through which, and into which, ideas are constantly rushing.” An extended blazon to the emblematic icon of nationality, A Drunk Man ponders “the mystery of Scotland’s self-suppression” by subjecting the puzzling entelechy of the flora to minute scrutiny. The thistle’s status as the “devil’s vegetable” in European folk consciousness led to its adaptation into the genre of popular blazons, those popular expressions of praise-abuse for neighbors’ most pronounced “best” trait among which the Scotticism is classified. In “The Foreigner as Devil, Thistle, and Gadfly,” Felix Oinas tracks a pattern of name-calling that demonizes a despised and/or threatening neighbor by association with the hapless plant. Oinas writes that Finnish folk-names for thistles mean “Swede” and “Russian,” and the Russian folkname for them means “Tartar.” Anthropomorphizing the thistle with the name of an unwanted or malign alien and projecting their racial physiognomy onto the weed, a Russian peasant can simultaneously vent his antagonism by figuratively uprooting “Tartars” from the land and access a surcharge of zeal for an irksome task. The thistle-blazon humanizes the weed in order to demonize the human in a concrete proto-caricatural form that highlights the intimate link between name-calling and ascribing a disfigured human face to the ostracized party in order to profile them as beyond the pale. There is no evidence that MacDiarmid was consciously aware of the thistle-blazon described by Oinas, but A Drunk Man, which at one point likens the thistle’s “nervous shivering” to that of “a horse’s skin aneth a cleg [gadfly]” (1437-8), draws on an “objective memory” of the xenophobic folk custom.

     

    Signifying as it does a stubborn rootedness and a foreign trespass that invites extirpation, the thistle seems an anomalous choice of national emblem because it betrays an ambivalent or precarious sense of entitlement to domicile. The thistle became current as the Scottish emblem around the time the Rose was adopted by the Tudors, and first appeared on silver coins in 1470. In her appraisal of William Dunbar’s (c.1460-1530) innovative literary use of the insignia, Priscilla Bawcutt notes that Lorraine also adopted the thistle as a defiant emblem against incursions from Burgundy (100-03). The thistle’s message of deterrence appeals to ethnic groups who see themselves as withstanding a political takeover against the odds. The thistle also represents the “frontier feeling” of those who inhabit contested borderlands.

     

    The thistle’s catalytic effect on MacDiarmid’s comic genius owes much to his childhood experience of a living carnival, the annual Common Riding. Celebrated to this day in Langholm, the Common Riding evolved from an ancient custom of riding round the boundaries of the burgh’s common lands. In the ritual procession, children bearing heather brooms join standard bearers behind a leader who carries aloft a flagpole bearing a specially cultivated eight-foot-high thistle. The thistle-standard makes a resplendent spectacle in a MacDiarmid story based on the event: “tied to the tap o’ a flag pole it made a bonny sicht, wallopin’ a’ owre the life, an a hunner roses dancin’ in’t, a ferlie o’ purple and green” (Thistle 349).27 The “concretely sensuous language of carnival” epitomized by the presiding thistle evokes memories of “a free and familiar contact among people” which the young Grieve had otherwise seldom enjoyed (Bakhtin, Problems 123-4).28 An unalloyed joy is palpable in the verses recounting the Common Riding, which weave an accompanying traditional children’s chant into the ballad measure that supplies the cantus firmus of A Drunk Man:

     

    Drums in the walligate, pipes in the air,
    Come and hear the cryin’ o’ the Fair.

    A’ as it used to be, when I was a loon
    On Common-Ridin’ Day in the Muckle Toon.

    The bearer twirls the Bannock-and-Saut-Herrin’,
    The Croon o’ Roses through the lift is farin’,

    The aucht-fit thistle wallops on hie;
    In heather besoms a’ the hills gang by. (455-62)29

     

    Swept up in the “jolly relativity” of the communal chorus, the drunk man happily recollects his wife Jean “as she was on her wedding day” and is then seamlessly transported into the heroic position of thistle-carrier, as the narrative segues to one of the sequence’s few full-blown paeans to the thistle (476):

     

    Nerves in stounds o’ delight,
    Muscles in pride o’ power,
    Bluid as wi’ roses dight
    Life’s toppin’ pinnacles owre,
    The thistle yet’ll unite
    Man and the Infinite! (477-82)30

     

    The overwhelmingly positive connotations of the thistle’s “language of carnival” is counterpointed by the pejoration of the thistle in Biblical allegory. The thistle is figured in Genesis as the blighted fruit of expulsion from Eden: “cursed is the ground for thy sake; in sorrow shalt thou eat of it all the days of thy life; thorns also and thistles shall it bring forth to thee” (3:17-8). The Scottish-Renaissance objective announced in the manifesto-issue of Scottish Chapbook (Aug 1922), “to meddle wi’ the Thistle and pick the figs,” incongruously gestures toward the futility of the task by alluding to Matthew 7:16, “Ye shall know them by their fruits. Do men gather grapes of thorns, or figs of thistles?” Biblical allegory receives extensive metaphorical play in the sequence where the thistle signifies sinfulness and shriveled potential as well as the pathos (and bathos) of wrongful scapegoating. The thistle’s reprobate status has a decidedly Calvinist tincture in A Drunk Man:

     

    O stranglin rictus, sterile spasm,
    Thou stricture in the groins o’ licht
    Thou ootrie gangrel frae the wilds
    O’ chaos fenced frae Eden yet. (1294-5)31

     

    Manichean allegory facilitates the proliferation of oppositional pairs along a damnation/salvation axis–wilderness/civilization; sterile/fertile; evil/good; grotesque/beautiful–which helps to “fix” the construction of the thistle as “other” (see JanMohamed 4 and passim). The wide currency of the commonplace that the thistle has a reprobate “character” illustrates the peculiarly bogus yet unfalsifiable nature of stereotypes noted by Leerssen.

     

    MacDiarmid’s labeling of A Drunk Man as “my flytin’ and sclatrie” announces that his blazon to the quarrel between the “grugous thistle” and “o’er sonsy rose” is a palinode to “The Thrissill and the Rois” by way of Dunbar’s “The Flyting of Dunbar and Kennedy,” two works that also explore the ability of bordering rival cultures to accommodate each other.32 William Dunbar’s 1503 epithalamium for the marriage of James IV to Margaret Tudor, later entitled “The Thrissill and the Rois” by Allan Ramsay, celebrates a complementarity between the warlike yet protective thistle and the beautiful rose which became a staple of Anglo-Scottish diplomacy. In The Flyting of Dunbar and Kennedie (c.1500), Dunbar taunts a Gaelic- and English-speaking Highlander, Walter Kennedy, with a scatological pun on Erse (from Erische, Irish) that became a staple slur: “Ane Lawland ers wald mak a bettir nois” (Lowland speech would make a better noise; line 56). The “low” sclatrie and mooning gesture are essential to the sophisticated punning that belittles his antagonist’s mother-tongue as a (weakly enunciated) fart-expletive. The apostrophized “Grugous thistle, to my een” (2347) and “quarrel wi’ th’ owre sonsy rose” (2372) derive from Gaelic loanwords (grùgach, scowling; and sonas, prosperity), which, though MacDiarmid may have been unaware of their Gaelic etymons, lend satiric weight to his use of them.33 The habit of using a pejorative epithet for affectionate praise is rife in colloquial speech. The frequent recourse in Scots to the diminutive “ie” for terms of endearment and/or derision in the vernacular is a striking example of the “ambiguous praise-abuse” of oral blazons. The edginess created by the fine line between belittlement and exaltation is blunted when spoken blazons are transposed into print; thus literary language must find alternative means to represent the ambivalence of neighborly rivalries.34

     

    The contrastive paths of Dunbar’s “Inglishe” into English and Scots can be seen in how the motto emblazoned on the thistle, “nemo me impune lacessit” was subsequently translated into markedly different registers in the two coeval dialects. The English motto, “no one assails me unharmed,” issues a universal caution to potential aggressors by conveying the threat of retaliation through the measured tones of understated menace. The all-purpose concision of the Latin and English mottoes is highly reproducible, suited to imprinting on coins and dissemination as a national slogan in international diplomatic channels. The motto in Scots, “wha daur meddle wi’ me,” is cast by contrast in the form of a rejoinder to an enemy within earshot who is at once overbearing and conspicuously anonymous. The fragment from an ongoing altercation has the stentorian tones of an already injured “me” whose rage is edged with paranoia. The oscillation between declarative, interrogative, and exclamatory speech-acts makes the “wha daur” rejoinder impossible to punctuate. Aggrieved without establishing either the grounds or source of grievance, the loud rejoinder is too “charged” to circulate within the stable decorum of print-media and diplomatic protocol. The English and Scots mottoes are mutually intelligible and semantically contiguous, but the social configurations of their expressive cues are incompatible and disjunctive. If one envisions each motto on identical thistle-emblazoned coins and compares their profile, the contrastive “faces” of the two idioms become apparent. The equilibrium of the official motto in English has a neutralizing, normative effect which makes the thistle seem as commonplace as any other emblematic flora, whereas the bellicose motto in Scots sets “the devil’s vegetable” huffing and bristling before our eyes. If the Scots rejoinder seems to skid and waver without the traction of a stable syntax, its errancy has an open-ended plasticity which makes the Latinate English motto seem flat and devitalized by comparison.

     

    An earnest botanical dissection of an abstract emblem of nationality is no more bizarre, from the “perpetual disequilibrium” of an antisyzygical point-of-view, than the whimsy of allowing the profile of the thistle to determine the trajectory of philosophical inquiry. The long vigil with the thistle has the intense earnestness of the soul-searching doppelgänger and the hyperbolic comedy of topsy-turvy clowning. A Drunk Man‘s dicings with expectation and its variations upon customary scales promote the antisyzygical outlook that what is judged incongruous or jarringly unfunny by the mainstream today may be considered heimlich or comic in other contexts. The antisyzygical segues between uncanny and comic registers are reinforced on a linguistic level by two key strata in A Drunk Man‘s Synthetic Scots: an “enigmatic” idiom, based on the estrangement (ostranie) of the Romantic grotesque, which restores uncanny complexity to a disparaged vernacular; and a “rogue” idiom, derived from the popular grotesque of late-medieval folk genres, which affronts bourgeois gentility. The “ambiguous praise-abuse” of the national/alien thistle becomes a means of blazoning the comic-uncanny virtuosity of Scots.

     

    The drunk man explores the mysterious entelechy of “the language that but sparely flooers/ And maistly gangs to weed” (1219-20) by pondering the intermingling of the base and the beautiful that “A Theory of Scots Letters” identifies as a special province of Scottish genius (Thistle 131).

     

    The craft that hit upon the reishlin’ stalk,
    Wi’ts gausty leafs and a’ its datchie jags,
    And spired it syne in seely flooers to brak
    Like sudden lauchter owre its fousome rags
    Jouks me, sardonic lover, in the routh
    O’ contrairies that jostle in this dumfoondrin’ growth. (1107-12)35

     

    The assumption that the thistle’s purpose lies in disclosing its “routh o’ contraries” to the beholder betrays an inability “to imagine the ‘other’ as anything but a [cryptic] message pertaining to the state of his own soul” (Manning 15).36 The solipsistic self-regard is confounded by the contrastive lack of affectation in the beheld object: “For who o’s ha’e the thistle’s poo’er/ To see we’re worthless and believe ‘t?” (1413-4).37 The thistle’s freedom from pretension delivers momentary insight into the absolute fallenness of humanity, and the speaker envisions the thistle spilling over into the philosophical laughter of the Baudelairean “absolute comic.” Baudelaire defines the “true subject” of caricature as “the introduction of this indefinable element of beauty in works intended to represent his [moral and physical] ugliness to man; [a]nd what is no less mysterious is that this lamentable spectacle excites in him an undying and incorrigible mirth” (147).

     

    The returning gaze of the thistle mocks and confounds the drunk man’s sense of personal embodiment to such an extent that he questions whether he can distinguish between them:

     

    Is it the munelicht or a leprosy
    That spreids aboot me; and a thistle
    Or my ain skeleton through wha’s bare banes
    A fiendish wund’s begood to whistle? (369-72)38

     

    The resounding reply is immediate diabolical laughter, where the man, the thistle, and the devil become a composite “my face” that splits to reveal everything humankind keeps under wraps:

     

    The devil’s lauchter has a hwyl like this.
    My face has flown open like a lid
    –And gibberin’ on the hillside there
    Is a’ humanity sae lang has hid! (373-6)

     

    The infernal hwyl is glossed by MacDiarmid as “ululation,” connoting a reverberating pure sound that spans the gamut of triumph, grief, despair, degradation, defiance, revenge, and mockery. The italicized “hwyl” provokes a muscular response to the unpronounceable Welsh loanword. The choice of a Welsh shibboleth (the absence of vowels is foreign to English, Scots, and Gaelic orthography) sets the barbarous “hwyl” apart as though it were too hot to handle, and offloads it onto a neighboring language without relinquishing a remote Celtic kinship with it. The “profound, primitive, and axiomatic” laughter of the Baudelairean “absolute comic” (157) in this scene is a Babelized gibbering that sunders the connections between speaker and addressee, signifying sound and print signifier. As well as bringing a ramifying carnivalistic aesthetic into play (much as McCarey argues the Dostoevskian loanword “nadryv” [tragical crack, line 870] does), the shibboleth highlights the issues of translation and reception with which A Drunk Man is centrally engaged.

     

    A Drunk Man opens with the speaker inveighing against the Burns cult, a diatribe which reactivates international readers’ latent familiarity with Scots by introducing the stereotype he intends to “whummle.” He then recalls a vision of “a silken leddy” he had had in the pub earlier that evening by reciting an inserted verse-translation (italicized and footnoted as “from the Russian of Alexander Blok”). The interpolation creates an illusion of direct interlingual contact between Russian and Scots that can withstand and coexist with readers’ correct surmise that the drunk man speaks on MacDiarmid’s behalf when he confesses that “I ken nae Russian and you [Dostoevski] ken nae Scots” (line 2224). MacDiarmid’s retranslation into Scots of Babette Deutsch and Avrahm Yarmolinsky’s co-translation of Blok’s “Neznakomka” (“The Unknown Woman”) and “Predchuvstvuya tebya” (“I have foreknown you”) belongs to that burgeoning sub-category of translations whose ambiguous provenance is flagged by such equivocal prepositional markers as “after x” or “based on y” in a tacit pact to leave open to conjecture whether the text is a direct interlingual translation from the stated source or an intralingual retranslation of intermediary translations.

     

    MacDiarmid’s re-translation, aimed through his image of the Russian source-culture and an oppositional image of the intermediary English target-language, substitutes whisky for wine, inserts a parenthetical aside about the drunk man’s Penelope-like spouse, and assigns a returning gaze to the blazoned silken leddy on the basis of two muted references to the “eyes” of the Blok hero’s doppelgänger and of the azure sea. Aside from these semantic modifications and the Scots diction, he stays close to the Deutsch and Yarmolinsky translation from which I quote below by way of contrast with the MacDiarmid version that follows:

     

    But every evening, strange, immutable,
    (Is it a dream no waking proves?)
    As to a rendezvous inscrutable
    A silken lady darkly moves. (Qtd. in Buthlay 19)

     

    But ilka evenin’ fey and fremt
    (Is it a dream nae wauk’nin’ proves?)
    As to a trystin’-place undreamt,
    A silken leddy darkly moves. (193-6)

     

    The natural assurance in conveying an enigmatic register is indebted to the rich lexis pertaining to the uncanny in Scots. The “English” words “uncanny,” “canny,” “eerie” and “fey” (fated) are actually Scots loanwords, and Scots also has many other less familiar words including “fremt” (estranged), “oorie” (weird), “wanchancy” (unfortunate), and “drumlie” (troubled). The success of “fey and fremt/. . . undreamt” over “strange, immutable/. . . inscrutable” is reinforced by the way colloquialized aureate diction, “trystin’-place” and “silken leddy,” seems a plausibly unaffected idiom for a speaker with ready access to a trove of romantic ballads. The aura of ease with romance and enigma creates mixed familiarizing and defamiliarizing effects which have the paradoxical result of making MacDiarmid’s version seem more “true” than the intermediary source which is relegated by contrast to “crib” status. Russian critic D.S. Mirsky’s claim that MacDiarmid “produced ‘the only real re-creations of Russian poetry’ in any form of English” seems counterintuitive (A Drunken Man viii, emphasis added), because one wouldn’t expect a retranslated translation by someone who doesn’t know Russian to be true to the original. MacDiarmid’s success may be due to the way it minorizes the intermediary text with specific sub-community registers that are otherwise lost in translating a polyphonic literary idiom into a dominant vehicular language. The truth-effect depends on how the play between the English crib and its Scots retranslation objectifies those sides of Scots and English that pertain to its “specific linguistic habitus . . . which makes its worldview ultimately untranslateable, the style of the language in the totality” (Bakhtin, Dialogic 62). As well as objectifying a vein of uncanniness in Scots, MacDiarmid’s retranslation brings about a triangulated confrontation between the English and Scots versions before an imagined “internationalist” bar of Communist-Russian opinion.

     

    MacDiarmid lends the man-thistle body-in-the-act-of-becoming an inspired hermaphroditic touch when he names the thistle-florets “roses” and thereby unsettles the antinomies between male and female, the grotesque and the beautiful, and Scotland and England. The conceit of “a rose loupin’ out” of the thistle’s “scrunts of blooms” structures the ballad of the crucified rose about the General Strike of May 1926 (1119-1218). The news of the union leaders’ humiliating settlement broke when MacDiarmid (an active labor organizer in his capacity as the only Socialist town councilor in Montrose) was addressing a mass meeting of railwaymen, and “most of them burst into tears–and I am not ashamed to say I did too . . . it was one of the most moving experiences I ever had . . . weeping like children . . . because we knew we had had it” (Bold 184). Very much in the spirit of menippea, “the journalistic genre of antiquity” (Bakhtin, Dialogic 118), MacDiarmid wrote that he was incorporating the ballad (“which I think will rank as one of the most passionate cris-de-coeur in contemporary literature”) into the then advanced work-in-progress, though there is no overt reference in the allegorical ballad to the contemporary events that inspired it:

     

    A rose loupt oot and grew, until
    It was ten times the size
    O’ ony rose the thistle afore
    Had heistit to the skies.

     

     

    And still it grew until it seemed
    The haill braid earth had turned
    A reid reid rose that in the lift
    Like a ball o’ fire burned.

     

     

    Syne the rose shrivelled suddenly
    As a balloon is burst;
    The thistle was a ghaistly stick,
    As gin it had been curst.

     

     

    And still the idiot nails itsel’
    To its ain crucifix
    While here a rose and there a rose
    Jaups oot abune the pricks. (1155-8; 1163-6;1171-4; 1203-6)39

     

    The utopian aspiration, camaraderie, and gathering momentum of mass political action is conveyed by the semaphoric language of the carnival square as a new body-politic almost emerges out of the old only to be destroyed anew by reactionary forces. The fact that a thistle “heisted to the skies” is invoked to celebrate a near-triumph by British labor activists rather than by Scottish nationalists may seem paradoxical, but it is less an index of the historical contingencies of 1926 or of socialism trumping nationalism for MacDiarmid than of how A Drunk Man‘s caricatural poetics is more in tune with mass-protest by the proletariat than with constitutional nationalism. The ballad measure and the symbolic freight of the thistle enable MacDiarmid to plumb a generic memory of the popular blazon that infuses the cri-de-coeur with a profound sense of human solidarity and regenerative idealism.

     

    MacDiarmid’s poetics suggests, then, that the nature of caricature is twofold: it is an expressionist mode of combinatorial doodling and deedling that releases the poet from the reified biases of diglossia as well as a poetics of indignation that bridles against the complex sociolinguistic and psycholinguistic realities that profile a lesser-used language as anachronistic, restrictive, and marginal. The conjoined disjunctive tendencies largely hold each other in check, so that MacDiarmid’s caricatural poetics both does not react to and reacts against the Anglocentrism of Scottish letters. As we’ve seen, a similar argument may be made for the constructive nature of blazon, flyting, and antisyzygy. The subordination of one’s neighbor’s language is part and parcel of the division of the neighbor’s imageme into intimate and hostile, familiar and uncanny aspects that may be recomposed in a literary Creole, with its greater tolerance for ambivalence. In contexts of colonial diglossia, conscious and subliminal memories of linguicism survive in writers’ minds, in the stuff of their art (language itself, and speech- and literary-genres), and in the social fabric and cultural unconscious of their speech-communities. MacDiarmid’s poetry is exemplary because it illustrates that one may remain politically partisan and aesthetically independent while refashioning a diglossic heritage into art.

    Notes

     

    1. See Murison, The Guid Scots Tongue, Jones, and McClure, Language, Poetry and Nationhood. For a pithy and insightful analysis of the ambiguous status of Scots, see McArthur 138-159.

     

    2. On diglossia, a sociolinguistic concept, see Calvet 26-40 and Grillo 78-83.

     

    3. Competence in the credentialed speech functions as “linguistic capital” in the “linguistic market” that potentially earns the speaker a “profit of distinction” on each occasion of social exchange. See Bourdieu 55 and passim.

     

    4. See Bourdieu 62 on the competence/recognition gap.

     

    5. See Mugglestone 208-57 on literature and “the literate speaker.” On “the orthography of the uneducated,” see Williams 222.

     

    6. Ferguson cites Jamieson’s failure to note the obvious Gaelic provenance of “glen” as indicative of his “disingenuous approach” (260).

     

    7. MacDiarmid received a copy of Nairn’s book shortly before his death and replied to Nairn commending “the only serious work on Scottish nationalism” (Letters 889).

     

    8. On T.S. Eliot’s review, see Crawford 254.

     

    9. David Reid describes “Urquhart’s writing [as] a freak compound of all that Scottish prose after Knox is not” in Grant and Murison 195.

     

    10. For my ideas about the stereotype, I am indebted to Leerssen; see also Bhabha 66-84.

     

    11. Translator’s note: noo, now; A’e, one; o’, of; tither, the other; fou, drunk; owre lang, over long; wi’ with; fier comme un Ecossais, proud as a Scot. Here and throughout, I cite by line number from Kenneth Buthlay’s excellent annotated edition to which I am indebted.

     

    12. Leerssen’s point about the unfalsifiability and ambivalence of stereotypes is illustrated by how the refrain, perhaps because of the translational pun on fier/fiery, is variously translated by Buthlay as “touchy as a Scot” and by MacDiarmid as “free-spirited as a Scot.”

     

    13. For an overview of the controversial term “Creole,” see Lang. Lang asserts that “Creoles originate when one or more overlapping vernaculars create a mother tongue which never existed before”; Synthetic Scots corresponds to what he terms a “nuclear Creole” (2, 144). For useful comparative discussions of Scots as an English Creole, see McArthur 7-10 and Görlach. McArthur compares a passage from the King James Bible with both William Lorimer’s landmark New Testament in Scots (Penguin 1985) and the Tok Pisin Nupela Testamen (Canberra and Port-Moresby, Papua-New Guinea, 1969).

     

    14. David Murison, the editor of C-Z in the ten-volume Scottish National Dictionary, observes that MacDiarmid’s conversation was almost entirely in English and “to questions about where he got this or that word he most frequently referred one to a book” (“Language Problem” 86). His Synthetic Scots “sticks cautiously to Jamieson” in practice and, notwithstanding the “Back to Dunbar!” manifesto and the oft-touted model of Landsmaal’s construction from Old Norse, “there is surprisingly little Middle Scots in his work” (88, 95). Though his selection procedure was often programmatic (alliterative passages, and even whole lyrics, are composed out of proximate items in Jamieson), “his touch is remarkably sure” (96). See Murison, “The Language Problem” 93-9. See also Herbert 26-41.

     

    15. Such “distinctly and distinctively” traits are what Leerssen calls “the effets de typique” on which stereotyping is based (283).

     

    16. “To doodle and watch what happens” is Gombrich’s phrase.

     

    17. On “aggrandized” Scots, see A Lap of Honour; the latter phrase is Thomas Hardy’s, and MacDiarmid invokes it in the 1923 “Theory of Scots Letters” (Thistle 129), the 1931 “The Caledonian Antisyzygy” (Thistle 63) and in the 1977 “Valedictory” where he says it “sums up my whole position” (294).

     

    18. Deleuze and Guattari’s concept of an unfinalizable “indirect discourse” is indebted to Bakhtin; see endnotes 5 and 10, 523-4. The correspondence between antisyzygies, Bakhtin’s concept of “hybridization,” and Deleuze and Guattari’s concept of “minorization,” is suggested by MacDiarmid’s comment in “English Ascendancy in British Literature” on “the vast amount of linguistic experimentation that has been going on in recent Russian literature, with the progressive de-Frenchification and de-Latinisation of the Russian tongue, the use of skaz (the reproduction of accentual peculiarities) and zaumny (cross-sense, as in Lewis Carroll)” (120). To illustrate his concept of disjunctive synthesis, Deleuze cites Lewis Carroll on portmanteau words: “If your thoughts incline ever so little towards ‘fuming,’ you will say ‘fuming-furious’; if they turn, even by a hair’s breadth, towards ‘furious,’ you will say ‘furious-fuming’; but if you have that rarest of gifts, a perfectly balanced mind, you will say ‘frumious’” (46).

     

    19. Translator’s note: Amna fou, am not drunk; sae, so; muckle, much; deid dune, dead done, done in; stuffie, stuff; no’, not; maun, must; the real Mackay, colloquialism of unknown origin (perhaps connected with the Reay Mackay clan of Sutherland) for “the real thing,” “the genuine article” (G. Mackay & Co distillers adopted the proverbial phrase as an advertising slogan in 1870); whummle, overturn.

     

    20. Quoting Thistle 131. See McCarey 17-27. For a Bakhtinian approach to MacDiarmid’s work, see also Crawford.

     

    21. On the generic elements of the menippea, see Bakhtin, Problems 114-20.

     

    22. Though MacDiarmid arguably falls short of Dostoevski’s “radically new . . . integral authorial position” with regard to the drunk man, he (like the German Expressionists) takes the “artistic dominant of self-consciousness” as a goal (Bakhtin, Problems 56-7, 54).

     

    23. Translator’s note: dinna ken, don’t know; as muckle’s, as much as; whaur, where; hoo, how; ‘neth, beneath.

     

    24. Translator’s note: Ain, own; twere, it were; mair, more.

     

    25. Translator’s note: nocht, naught; sae, so; blin’, blind; bairn, child; a’, all; pit, put.

     

    26. Frye writes of the larger class of Menippean satire into which the sub-genre of caricature falls that it “relies on the free play of intellectual fancy and the kind of humorous observation that produces caricature” (310).

     

    27. Translator’s note: tap, top; bonny sicht, beautiful sight; hunner, hundred; ferlie, marvel.

     

    28. In his autobiography, Lucky Poet, MacDiarmid writes that the Grieves were “jeered at a little,” making him “permanently incapable of ‘going with the herd’” (77). Gish writes that Valda Grieve recalled him as one of the loneliest people she ever met, one who shut himself off from others: “He just had this thing within himself. He was afraid of anything personal’” (8).

     

    29. Translator’s note: Drums in the Walligate, from a children’s chant (“Ra-a-rae, the nicht afore the Fair! The drum’s i’ the Walligate, the pipes i’ the air); the cryin’ o’ the Fair, the proclamation of the Fair; loon, boy; the Muckle Toon, the affectionate name by which Langholm is known, lit. the big town; the Bannock-and-Saut-Herrin’, a barley-bannock and salted herring nailed to a wooden dish on a standard that signifies the Duke of Buccleuch’s rights in the mills and fisheries; Croon o’ Roses, a floral crown on a standard; lift, sky; wallops, dances; hie, high; heather besoms, children were rewarded with new threepenny bits for carrying heather brooms in the procession.

     

    30. Translator’s note: stounds, throbs; bluid, blood; dight, arrayed.

     

    31. Translator’s note: the groins o’ licht, see line 1265, “As ’twere the hinderpairts o’ God”; ootrie, foreign, outré; gangrel, vagrant; frae, from.

     

    32. Bawcutt writes that Dunbar’s “art is the art of the caricaturist” (239-40).

     

    33. Jamieson’s Etymological Dictionary cites the Gaelic etymon for “sonsy” but not for “grugous,” but MacDiarmid may not have consulted the dictionary. “Grugous” is glossed as “grim” in Jamieson’s dictionary; as “grim, grisly” in A Drunk Man; and as “ugly” in Complete Poems glossary.

     

    34. Translator’s note: The internalized dualism of praise-abuse is mirrored on the thistle’s “grugous” visage, where a smile may overtake a scowl and vice versa. “Grugous” has an antisyzygical gruesome/gorgeous ring to Anglophone ears, a semantic working-together-at-cross-purposes that sets in motion the ramifying “zig-zag of contradictions” of the intoxicating “logic” of drunkenness.

     

    35. Translator’s note: reishlin’, rustling; wi’ts, with its; gausty, ghastly; datchie, hidden; spired ti, made it soar; syne, then; seely, happy; fousome, disgusting; jouks, evades; routh, abundance.

     

    36. Manning attributes this tendency to Calvinism.

     

    37. Translator’s note: who o’s ha’e, whom of us have; poo’er, power.

     

    38. Translator’s note: wha’s, whose; banes, bones; wund’s, wind has; begood, begun.

     

    39. Translator’s note: loupt, leapt; oot, out; O ony, of any; afore, before; heisted, hoisted; haill, whole; braid, broad; reid, red; lift, sky; syne, then; gin, if; curst, cursed; ain, own; jaups, splashes.

     

    Works Cited

     

    • Bakhtin, Mikhail. The Dialogic Imagination: Four Essays. Trans. and ed. Caryl Emerson and Michael Holquist. Austin: U of Texas P, 1981.
    • —. Problems of Dostoevsky’s Poetics. Trans. and ed. Caryl Emerson. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1984.
    • —. Speech Genres and Other Late Essays. Trans. Vern McGee. Ed. Caryl Emerson and Michael Holquist. Austin: U of Texas P, 1986.
    • Baudelaire, Charles. The Painter of Modern Life and Other Essays. Trans. and ed. Jonathan Mayne. London: Phaidon, 1965.
    • Bawcutt, Priscilla J. Dunbar the Makar. Oxford: Clarendon, 1992.
    • Bhabha, Homi. The Location of Culture. New York: Routledge, 1994.
    • Bold, Alan. MacDiarmid: Christopher Murray Grieve: A Critical Biography. London: John Murray, 1988.
    • Bourdieu, Pierre. Language and Symbolic Power. Trans. Gino Raymond and Matthew Adamson. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1991.
    • Buthlay, Kenneth. “An Awkward Squad.” McClure, Scotland and the Lowland Tongue 149-169.
    • Calvet, Louis-Jean. Language Wars and Linguistic Politics. Trans. Michel Petheran. Cambridge: Oxford UP, 1998.
    • Crawford, Robert. Devolving English Literature. Oxford: Clarendon, 1992.
    • Deleuze, Gilles. Essays Critical and Theoretical. Trans. Daniel W. Smith and Michael A. Greco. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1997.
    • —, and Félix Guattari. A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia. Trans. Brian Massumi. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1987.
    • Ferguson, William. The Identity of the Scottish Nation: An Historic Quest. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 1998.
    • Gish, Nancy. Hugh MacDiarmid: Man and Poet. London: Macmillan, 1984.
    • Gombrich, E.H. Art and Illusion: A Study in the Psychology of Pictorial Representation. Princeton: Princeton UP, 1960.
    • Görlach, Manfred. “Jamaica and Scotland–Bilingual or Bidialectal?” Englishes: Studies in Varieties of English, 1984-1988. Philadelphia: John Benjamins, 1991. 69-89.
    • Grillo, Ralph. Dominant Languages: Language and Hierarchy in Britain and France. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1989.
    • Herbert, W.N. To Circumjack MacDiarmid. Oxford: Clarendon, 1992.
    • Hume, David. The Philosophical Works of David Hume. Vol. 3. Boston: Little, Brown, 1854.
    • Jamieson, John, John Longmuir, and David Donaldson. An Etymological Dictionary of the Scottish Language. Paisley, Scotland: Alexander Gardner, 1879-82.
    • JanMohamed, Abdul. Manichean Aesthetics. Amherst: U of Massachusetts P, 1983.
    • Jones, Charles. The Edinburgh History of the Scots Language. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 1997.
    • Lang, George. Entwisted Tongues: Comparative Creole Literatures. Atlanta: Rodopi, 2000.
    • Leerssen, Joep. “The Rhetoric of National Character: A Programmatic Survey.” Poetics Today 21.2 (Summer 2000): 267-92.
    • MacDiarmid, Hugh. “Braid Scots and the Sense of Smell.” MacDiarmid, The Raucle Tongue 72-74.
    • —. “Burns and Baudelaire.” MacDiarmid, The Raucle Tongue 68-72.
    • —. “The Caledonian Antisyzygy and the Gaelic Idea.” MacDiarmid, Selected Essays 56-74.
    • —. A Drunk Man Looks at the Thistle. Ed. Kenneth Buthlay. Edinburgh: Scottish Academic, 1987.
    • —. A Lap of Honour. London: McGibbon and Kee, 1967.
    • —. The Letters of Hugh MacDiarmid. Ed. Alan Bold. London: Hamish Hamilton, 1984.
    • —. Lucky Poet. Ed. Alan Riach. Manchester: Carcanet, 1984.
    • —. “Music–Braid Scots Suggestions.” MacDiarmid, The Raucle Tongue 88-89.
    • —. The Raucle Tongue: Hitherto Uncollected Prose. Eds. Angus Calder, Glen Murray, and Alan Riach. Vol. 1. Manchester: Carcanet, 1998.
    • —. “Robert Burns: His Influence.” MacDiarmid, Selected Essays 177-182.
    • —. Selected Essays of Hugh MacDiarmid. Ed. Duncan Glen. London: Jonathan Cape, 1969.
    • —. “A Theory of Scots Letters.” MacDiarmid, The Thistle Rises 125-141.
    • —. The Thistle Rises: An Anthology of Poetry and Prose. Ed. Alan Bold. London: Hamish Hamilton, 1984.
    • —. The Uncanny Scot: Selected Prose. Ed. Kenneth Buthlay. London: MacGibbon & Kee, 1998.
    • —. “Valedictory.” MacDiarmid, The Thistle Rises 286-294.
    • Manning, Susan. The Puritan-Provincial Vision: Scottish and American Literature in the Nineteenth Century. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1990.
    • McArthur, Tom. The English Languages. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1998.
    • McCarey, Peter. Hugh MacDiarmid and the Russians. Edinburgh: Scottish Academic, 1987.
    • McClure, J. Derrick. Language, Poetry and Nationhood: Scots as a Poetic Language from 1878 to the Present. East Lothian: Tuckwell, 2000.
    • —. Scotland and the Lowland Tongue. Aberdeen: Aberdeen UP, 1983.
    • Mugglestone, Lynda. Talking Proper: The Rise of Accent as Social Symbol. Oxford: Clarendon, 1995.
    • Murison, David. The Guid Scots Tongue. Edinburgh: Blackwood, 1977.
    • —. “The Language Problem in Hugh MacDiarmid’s Work.” The Age of MacDiarmid. Eds. P. H. Scott & A. C. Davis. Edinburgh: Mainstream, 1980.
    • Nairn, Tom. The Break-Up of Britain. London: New Left, 1977.
    • Oinas, Felix. “The Foreigner as Devil, Thistle, and Gadfly.” Proverbium 15 (1970): 89-91.
    • Pratt, Mary Louise. “Arts of the Contact Zone.” Professing in the Contact Zone: Bringing Theory and Practice Together. Ed. Janice M. Wolff. Urbana: NCTE, 2002. 1-18.
    • Smith, G. Gregory. Scottish Literature: Character and Influence. London: Macmillan, 1919.
    • Wechsler, Judith. “Speaking the Desperate Things: A Conversation with Edward Koren.” Art Journal 43 (Winter 1983): 381-5.
    • Williams, Raymond. The Long Revolution. New York: Columbia UP, 1961.

     

  • “Never Again”: The Ethics of the Neighbor and the Logic of Genocide

    Robert Meister

    Department of Politics
    University of California, Santa Cruz
    meister@ucsc.edu

    Proximity and Ethics

     

    Since the fall of communism, there has been a growing literature on the responsibility of the “world community” to “never again” stand by while neighbors commit atrocities against neighbors (Power, “Never Again”).1 This literature has yet to be reformulated as a comprehensive political theory of the recent fin de siècle, but it is already clear that such a theory would base a global politics of human rights on an ethical commitment to view local cruelties, and especially the infliction of physical suffering, as an uncontestable evil, the prevention of which can justify external intervention in ways that earlier forms of imperialism did not. The interstate system still exists, of course, and is supported by a United Nations charter that prohibits unilateral invasions of one state by another. But from the standpoint of the advancing theory of humanitarian intervention this is now merely a practical obstacle, making it advisable (but not essential) for a state intervening in another on purely ethical grounds to claim the support of a multilateral coalition as a proxy for the world community itself. At the level of theory, if not yet of practice, the subject matter of global politics is already focused on humanitarian intervention to stop atrocities committed at the local level. Thus the primacy of the global over the local (which was once the basis of political imperialism) is now ostensibly humanized and offset by the primacy of the ethical over the political: an ethics that concerns the cruelties that groups inflict on others in close proximity, and a politics surrounding the responsibility of third parties to intervene in response to those cruelties.

     

    I am not here making the point that such humanitarian interventions can involve violence committed at a distance, though they often do. The intervention to prevent the proximate violence by Kosovar Serbs against their Albanian neighbors consisted largely of the NATO bombing of Serbian cities. Both the ethnic cleansing of neighbors and the aerial bombardment of cities are prima facie violations of modern humanitarian law, and both are the subject of separate trials now underway in The Hague. These trials demonstrate the twentieth-century paradox that bombing is both the quintessential means of intervention to stop barbarity at a local level and the paradigm of barbarity inflicted at a distance (see Lindqvist, A History of Bombing).

     

    My topic is not whether the “world community” should have (at least) bombed Auschwitz or Rwanda when the genocides there became known, but rather the conception of ethics and politics that underlies such dilemmas. According to this conception, bombing (like foreign occupation) can be a justifiable form of political intervention by third parties when preceded by gross ethical barbarities occurring among neighbors. The ethical condemnation of atrocity, if not the atrocity itself, must here precede political intervention. Contemporary humanitarian practice requires such a sequence because it is based on the premise that, in theory too, ethics comes before politics. The opposing position–putting politics before ethics–is now commonly derided as the error shared by right and left throughout the twentieth century, an era of revolution and counterrevolution in which individuals were exquisitely sensitive to the suffering of their comrades and insensitive to pain inflicted on their foes (see Glover and Rummel). This is what politics is, Carl Schmitt argues–a selective antidote to humanitarian pathos that makes it ultimately possible to kill (and die) for the sake of countrymen or comrades (Concept of the Political 71). The emergent literature on human rights implicitly shares Schmitt’s “concept of the political,” and for this very reason gives primacy to the ethical as a refusal to withhold one’s empathy selectively on political grounds.

     

    The primacy of ethics over politics implicitly presupposes, however, specific limitations on the field of ethics itself. Viewed broadly, the raw material of ethics concerns languages and bodies in the sense that these are what matter from the ethical perspective when considering questions of agency and choice.2 Ethical discussion of languages (and cultural systems that resemble languages) are now commonly expected to focus on the problem of difference, and to prefer a baseline cultural relativism to the culturally imperialist danger of false universals. In ethical discussion of bodies–and especially bodies that suffer–the greater danger is now widely seen to be false relativism (Lévinas, “Useless Suffering” 99). A principled resistance to moral relativism when it comes to the suffering of bodies is, thus, the specific ethical view that underlies the present-day politics of human rights. For proponents of this politics, the suffering body is the ultimate wellspring of moral value, the response to bodily suffering the ultimate test of moral responsibility. “The supreme ordeal of the will is not death, but suffering,” said the French philosopher Emmanuel Lévinas, who took the primacy of ethics to its extreme by putting it ahead, even, of ontology and God (the world itself and its Creator) (Totality and Infinity 239). He argued that the suffering of another is always “useless,” always unjustified, and that attempting to rationalize “the neighbor’s pain is certainly the source of all immorality”(“Useless Suffering” 98-9).

     

    Lévinas is not here referring primarily to the growing medicalization of humanitarian invention, although he does regard analgesia as a paradigmatically ethical response to physical pain (see Kennedy and Rieff). His point is that my ethical responsibility, which merely begins with first aid, does not arise from any previous relationship between sufferer and provider, or from a political history consisting of prior vows or crimes, but from “a past irreducible to a hypothetical present that it once was . . . . [and] without the remembered present of any past commitment”(“Diachrony and Representation” 170). Our responsibility to alleviate suffering comes before the past in the sense in which ethics can be said to come before politics. The priority of ethics arises “from the fear of occupying someone’s place in the Da of my Dasein“: “My . . . ‘place in the sun,’” he says, “my home–have they not been a usurpation of places which belong to the others already oppressed or . . . expelled by me into a third world” (“From the One to the Other” 144-5). Lévinas’s point is that in ethics, unlike politics, we do not ask who came first and what we have already done to (or for) each other. The distinctively ethical question is rather one of proximity–we are already here and so is the other, cheek-by-jowl with us in the same place. The neighbor is the figure of the other toward whom our only relationship is that of proximity. For Lévinas, the global movement to give ethics primacy over politics must be accompanied, within ethics, by the effort to give primacy to the ethics of the neighbor–the local over the global. In this way, the global primacy of ethics crystallizes around our horror of the inhuman act (the “gross” violation of human rights) rather than, for example, around the international distribution of wealth or the effects of global climate change.

     

    Proximity is, thus, the marker that distinguishes an ethics of the neighbor as a basis for human rights from global concerns about injustice that might also be considered ethical. Proximity is not itself a merely spatial concept–both space and time can be proximate or distant–but it is useful to think of the ethics of the neighbor as a spatializing discourse within ethics, as distinct from a “temporalizing” discourse that subordinates ethics to political rhetorics associated with memory and identity (Boyarin, “Space” 20). The latter is held accountable for the atrocities of the twentieth century because it suggests that the suffering of one’s immediate neighbor can be justified through an historical narrative that links it to redeeming the suffering of someone else, perhaps an ancestor or a comrade, to whom one claims an historical relationship that is “closer” than relations among neighbors. To regard proximity of place as the ethical foundation of politics is to resist this tendency from the beginning, and thereby to set the stage for the fin-de-siècle project of transitional justice, which is both the alternative to human rights interventions and their professed aim.

     

    Transitional justice assigns to historical enemies the task of living as neighbors in the same place. It employs techniques of reconciliation to create new and better relationships between previously warring groups, but the imperative to reconcile is ultimately ethical in Lévinas’s sense. That imperative is based on no relationship other than proximity and mutual vulnerability–the ever-present possibility that they will murder each other. If the subjects of transitional justice fail to reconcile, and mass murders occur, these atrocities are liable to be considered crimes against humanity that justify outside intervention. In the now-massive literature on transitional justice, gross violations of human rights are always assumed to be local, occurring between neighbors who occupy common ground, and the responders are treated as third parties who intervene (or fail to do so) from afar. Even if the responders have an historical connection to the site of intervention, perhaps as one-time colonizers, they are considered to be driven by ethics, as distinct from politics, in their willingness to respond on behalf of the world community that should never again stand by while neighbors murder each other.

     

    It is implicit in this emerging conception that the site of ethics is the space of the neighbor (or neighborhood) and that the site of politics is global. Global intervention in the local can be justified in the name of universal human rights; but violence aimed at global causes of suffering (such as the Seattle riots against the WTO or the Chiapas rebellion against NAFTA) is not seen as a form of humanitarian direct action on a par with bombing Belgrade or Baghdad. In the emergent global discourse on human rights, “Nothing essential to a person’s human essence is violated if he or she suffers as a consequence of military action or of market manipulation from beyond his own state when that is permitted by international law” (Asad, “Redeeming the ‘Human’” 129). A perverse effect of the global “culture” of protecting local human rights is thus to take the global causes of human suffering off the political agenda. Any direct action taken against global forces runs the risk of being considered a violation of universal human rights (a violation such as “terrorism”) in the locality where it occurs.

     

    Although my overarching intent is to show the limitations of the focus of post-Cold War politics on the global and of ethics on the local, I believe that this conceptual shift rests on the highly plausible belief that there is nothing worse than genocide, and that global acknowledgement of this ethical truth is what distinguishes the human from the inhuman. From this it follows that the credible fear of genocide is the primary source of moral claims that are worthy of global recognition, and that a new humanitarian order can be founded on protecting these claims, even if we protect no others, from historical and cultural relativism. If genocide is indeed the prime evil, then politics becomes quite simply the global question of how to respond.

     

    I want to confront this belief head-on. I will discuss: (1) what it means for ethics to treat genocide as the prime evil; (2) the particular conception of politics that makes genocide originally conceivable; (3) the particular conception of ethics that aims to make it once again unthinkable; (4) the political implications of genocide, and of its possible repetition, for political rule, political rights, and political judgment based on the moral status of victimhood; (5) the implications of a genocide-driven ethics for political values such as justice, peace, and patience; and (6) the reasons, both ethical and political, for not regarding human suffering as the root of all evil. In discussing these questions, I concentrate heavily on the opposed writings of Emmanuel Lévinas and Alain Badiou, while pointing toward a view of my own that agrees with neither.

     

    The Prime Evil

     

    Since late in the twentieth century, political thought has seen a renewed interest in “radical evil” defined through the paradigm of genocide–often coded simply as “Auschwitz.”3 Theodor Adorno describes this reorientation of ethics as follows:

     

    A new categorical imperative has been imposed by Hitler on unfree mankind; to arrange their thoughts and actions so that Auschwitz will not repeat itself, so that nothing similar will happen. (Qtd. in Cohen, Interrupting Auschwitz 4)

     

    No one, however, has gone further than Lévinas in dismantling the structure of pre-Auschwitz thought to articulate such a “new categorical imperative,” and to restate the ethical a priori, what Derrida has called “the Ethics of Ethics” (“Violence and Metaphysics” 111). As Lévinas says,

     

    It is . . . attention to the suffering of the other that, through the cruelties of our century (despite these cruelties, because of these cruelties) can be affirmed as the very nexus of human subjectivity, to the point of being raised to the level of supreme ethical principle–the only one it is impossible to question. (Qtd. in Derrida, “Violence and Metaphysics” 94)

     

    According to Lévinas, “the disproportion between suffering and every theodicy was shown at Auschwitz” (“Useless Suffering” 97). Auschwitz here stands for the proposition that we are all, even (or especially) the most civilized among us, capable of genocide and that building moral thought around this recognition changes everything: henceforward, we must never lose our fear of being victims of genocidal violence, but must fear even more our propensity to commit it. Moral thought since Auschwitz thus starts with the premise that every encounter with a neighbor carries with it, “despite the innocence of its intentions, . . . [t]he risk of occupying . . . the place of an other and thus, on the concrete level, of exiling him, of condemning him to a miserable condition in some ‘third’ or ‘fourth’ world, of bringing him death” (Lévinas, Time 169; see also Totality and Infinity 194-247).

     

    The political context within which genocide became all-too-thinkable within modernity is that of modern colonialism and the nationalist struggle against it.4 The origins of this dialectic may lie in an act of military conquest or in an unopposed claim to possession of territory that is already inhabited.5 Its domain is the spatial and temporal relation between a territory’s prior inhabitants, its colonial possessors, and, perhaps, its future citizens in a future independent state. The dialectic of colonialism allows us to think of occupying a common territory as either a matter of cohabitation or succession. It enables all sides to imagine the spatial proximity of indigenous peoples and later arrivals as an eliminable problem, while focusing their direct attention on who is threatening to eliminate whom in the present or in the near future.

     

    As a relatively recent moral trope for the murderous encounter with the Other, “Auschwitz” is now commonly read backwards into the history of colonialism, which it has become possible to describe as a prolonged Holocaust (see Churchill and Stannard). The colonial and the anti-colonial mind can conceive of genocide because they both can (and probably must) imagine the same territory without its current inhabitants. Relations among current occupants appear within the framework of colonialism to be essentially matters of temporal succession. Thus in the native/settler dialectic everything depends on who came first and who will remain. From the perspective of colonialism, any present time of simultaneous cohabitation of racialized ethnicities must be seen as historically abnormal, and perhaps ephemeral. The hortatory claim that genocide is now unthinkable points us toward a postcolonial future in which current spatial predicaments rather than historical relations among neighbors come to the foreground. A human rights discourse based on an ethics of the neighbor aims to bring this about through the technologies of transitional justice that put evil (and history itself) in the past.

     

    This form of argument presupposes a radical shift of moral orientation after 1945 in which “the Holocaust” rather than “the Revolution”–French, Russian, or arguably Haitian6–becomes the event that defines the relation between ethics and politics in late modernity. Before Auschwitz, the argument goes, a distinctive (and ultimately Schmittian) concept of the “political” allowed us to overcome our natural sensitivity to the suffering of fellow humans when they were constructed as the intimate “other.” This concept of the political produced the Holocaust as a horrifying endpoint to the genocidal logic of modernity that began in 1492.7

     

    The new human rights discourse that has taken root since Auschwitz aims (when viewed in Schmittian terms) to depoliticize the distinction between who we are and who we are not (Rorty 128). By the century’s end, the ethics of human rights, which were once the mottos of democratic revolution, became instruments of global order. They now require that one put the claims of spatial proximity ahead of those of historical destiny and that one value the virtues of political patience over those of revolutionary struggle. An “ethics” so conceived puts “politics” based on historical grievance at the root of “radical” evil in the world and severely limits the pursuit of justice based on backward-looking claims.

     

    From the perspective of an ethics of proximity, genocide victims (as represented by survivors) are the quintessential suffering subjects, the ultimate source of ethical value.8 Naming their plight as (actual or potential) genocide is now the duty of the rest of us, the first step in human rights intervention which is in turn defined by the ultimate moral duty to put humanitarianism ahead of all politics. Humanitarianism, thus, arises from a pre-political relationship between the victim of evil–he or she who suffers–and the spectator capable of discerning evil and willing to respond.

     

    Human rights are not an afterthought to ethics in this fin-de-siècle discourse but rather its very foundation. The essence of human rights discourse is to “infinitize” evil by equating it to the situation of a hostage population subject to the sovereign power of a Schmittian state (Rancière 307-8; see also Arendt, Origins, esp. ch. 9). The quintessential subject of human rights discourse is the neighbor who is viewed by the state as both an enemy and an alien, but who lacks the protection that “enemy aliens” enjoy under established international law. These domestic enemies may not only be interned by the state (arguably for their own protection), they are also subject to being exterminated by the state, and even by the neighbor next door.9 At the end of such periods of gross violations of human rights, the immediate goal of what we now routinely call “transitional justice” (see Teitel), is to reduce domestic enmity itself to a problem of excessive proximity, the likelihood that hostile neighbors will kill each other. The excesses of proximity are, of course, what the world market needs to eliminate, and integration of the local economy into the global–rather than justice as such–becomes a promised reward of the desired transition. Instead of demanding justice, the subjects of transitional justice are expected to show patience. Patience, when treated as a virtue, presupposes that the ethical duty of neighbors is to assure each other that now is not the time for a historical reckoning. As an ideology, it presupposes that third parties may feel obliged to intervene if these assurances fail. From the perspective of a watching world, the real point of transitional justice is that it is not justice as such, but rather closure. Through trials, truth commissions, amnesties, and other techniques, it seeks to adjourn past history and to make new time.10 (Now that these fin-de-siècle techniques of transitional justice can be studied and compared, Germany after Auschwitz has become another “case,” as well as a paradigm of largely successful transition; see Sa’adeh.)

     

    In the now-massive literature on “transitional justice,” fidelity to “Auschwitz” as the touchstone of radical Evil precludes the pursuit of any higher good through politics.

     

    The upholders of ethics make the consensual identification of Evil depend upon the supposition of a radical Evil. Although the idea of a radical Evil can be traced back at least as far as Kant, its contemporary version is grounded systematically on . . . the Nazi extermination of the European Jews. . . . [I]t exemplifies radical Evil by pointing to that whose imitation or repetition must be prevented at all costs–or, more precisely: that whose non-repetition provides the norm for the judgement of all situations. . . . [T]he Nazi extermination is radical Evil in that it provides for our time the unique, unrivalled–and in this sense transcendent, or unsayable–measure of Evil pure and simple. . . . As a result, the extermination and the Nazis are both declared unthinkable, unsayable, without conceivable precedent or posterity–since they define the absolute form of Evil–yet they are constantly invoked, compared, used to schematize every circumstance in which one wants to produce, among opinions, an effect of the awareness [conscience] of evil–since the only way to access Evil in general is under the historical condition of radical Evil. (Badiou, Ethics 62-3)

     

     

    This view is well-represented by the post-Holocaust restatement of humanitarian liberalism espoused by political theorists such as Judith Shklar and George Kateb who argue that the political pursuit of a higher good is itself the source of evil insofar as it makes us capable of justifying interpersonal cruelty that could eventually produce “an” Auschwitz.11 The foundation of this view is what Alain Badiou, its leading critic, calls a “consensual self-evidence of Evil” (58)–that after Auschwitz we know it when we see it. By this he means that the incontrovertible evil of genocide holds the place of the all-too-contestable notion of the Good on which earlier, and arguably more innocent, ethical views had been based.

     

    Badiou describes the main ethical thesis of post-Auschwitz humanitarianism as follows: “Evil is that from which the Good is derived. . . . ‘Human rights’ are rights to non-evil” (Ethics 9; and see Chapter 1 generally). The human rights that follow from this presumed consensus on what Evil looks like are as follows: “rights not to be offended or mistreated with respect to one’s life (the horrors of murder and execution), one’s body (the horrors of torture, cruelty and famine), or one’s cultural identity (the horrors of the humiliation of women, or minorities, etc.)” (9). Our presumed compassion for those who suffer these specific horrors provides the ethical foundation of a humanitarian politics that is constantly exposed to the fragility of empathy, indifference, and denial (see Cohen, States of Denial and Dean).

     

    This version of ethics implies, of course, a politics of its own–a politics of victimhood (on which I have written elsewhere).12 Before dealing with the politics of victimhood here, however, we need to address the centrality of genocide as the prime (irreducible) evil behind all others–the singular thing that must be made unthinkable for ethics to get underway.

     

    Imagining Genocide

     

    The imaginability of genocide arises from the moral psychology of place and race within the colonial project. In the words of Rebecca Solnit:

     

    Race, this identification with an ethnicity also imagined as an origin, has for the last century tended to generate a kind of ethnic nationalism whose insistency on the inseparability of race and place is itself mystical. . . . Israel itself was founded on the idea that the legacy of blood entitled the Jews to a legacy of land . . . I’ve always been as much appalled as awestruck that a people . . . could remain so attached to an absent place of origin that everyplace else could be framed as a temporary exile, . . . no matter how long they stayed. Becoming native is a process of forgetting and embracing where you are. (114-15)

     

    To understand the phenomenon, we can call upon Melanie Klein’s concept of “projective identification.”13 Klein’s idea is that the settler re-experiences his own aggression toward the native as fear of the native’s hostility toward him. In fearing the native’s “primitive” racism (which is already a response to colonization), the settler defends against guilt for displacing the native. By identifying himself as the object of his own feelings toward the native, the settler re-experiences them as feelings of racial antipathy on the part of the natives. In the dialectic of race and place, the role of the colonist is to think, “these people hate us because of our [. . .].” “Race” is the term of art that fills in the political blank: it acquires whatever biological, religious, linguistic, or cultural content is necessary to describe a difference between the settler and the native placeholder that precedes the settler’s occupation of the native’s place (Mamdani, “Race and Ethnicity” 4-8). The settler perfectly understands the depth of these ascribed feelings of racialized hatred, for they are merely his own original feelings projected onto others.

     

    It should be noted that there are two imaginaries of genocide embedded in such an account of projective identification.14 The first is the genocide of the native against the settler–the racially-motivated “massacres” of innocents by savages that are the foundation of settler colonialist lore. The second is the revolt of the native against the settler. The unconscious moral logic of the colonial experience bases the settlers’ genocide against the native on the settlers’ repressed fear or fantasy of being subjected to genocidal actions by the native. In his now-classic Wretched of the Earth, Frantz Fanon theorized that in order to liberate himself from colonialism the (black) native must embrace this projected willingness to exterminate the (white) settler (see also Fanon, Black Skin, White Masks). Fanon urges the “good native” to embrace the “bad” identity that embodies the settler’s terror. Jean-Paul Sartre famously read this claim as the next stage in revolutionary consciousness, and saw the native’s will to fight the colonist to the death as a higher form of the totalizing dialectic of master and slave described by Hegel and Marx (see “Preface” to Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth).

     

    Viewed from Lévinas’s perspective, as set forth above, however, Fanon’s argument is not that racially-based murder is justified as a condition of self-liberation. Fanon demonstrates, rather, that colonial subjugation–the problematic Da in the Dasein–is the conceptual root of genocide. For Lévinas, the “totalizing discourse” of white/black, master/slave, self/other is itself a formula for murder because, in their quest for mutual recognition, those who struggle do not acknowledge their prior lack-of-relation as mutually exterior occupants of the same ground (see the Preface to Totality and Infinity). In this respect, the willingness of the native to exterminate or expel the settler is simply a return-to-sender of the genocidal message of colonialism itself.

     

    The point here is emphatically not that racialized citizens of settler colonialist states are actual or would-be génocidaires. The settler colonialist is not always, and almost never merely, a ruthless exploiter–and can also be a developer, a civilizer, an educator. To be any or all of these things, however, is entirely consistent with the possibility of being paranoid about one’s own status as successor to the “Native.” The settler’s question is, “how can we live among these savages without civilizing them?” The essence of Fanon’s argument is that living without the “savages” is always a conceivable option within colonial discourse that precedes (and to some extent informs) the project of “civilization,” and thus that living without the settler must also be imaginable for liberation to occur as an outcome of the totalizing project of colonialism–and presumably of any other totalizing project that focuses on the relations of race and place (blood and soil).

     

    Writing both after Auschwitz and during an era of anti-colonial revolutions, Lévinas argues that all totalizing projects are grounded in imagining the death of the other–that is, murder. He includes here even the totalizing project that grounds ethics, as Richard Rorty does, on the shared qualities of all homo sapiens (and perhaps companion species) capable of conscious suffering.15 The American philosopher Hilary Putnam restates Lévinas’s concern as a concern about the vulnerability of the human rights culture to assertions of the “inhumanity” of other homo sapiens: “the danger in grounding ethics in the idea that we are all ‘fundamentally the same’ is that a door is opened for a Holocaust. One only has to believe that some people are not ‘really’ the same to destroy all the force of such a grounding” (35). At the pragmatic level, Rorty concedes “that everything turns on who counts as a fellow human being” (124)– indeed he stresses it–but the more fundamental claim made by Lévinas (and Putnam) is against the ethical assumption that arguments appealing to our shared humanity could count at all in ethical justifications of human rights.16 The meaning of Auschwitz, they suggest, is that ethics must now be based, not on a common humanity that we share, but rather on the mere fact of occupying common ground with those with whom we do not presume any (other) affinity or relationship. Thus conceived, Auschwitz reveals the limits of the ethical project that teaches us to treat the other under the aspect of the same. Ethics–the ethics that is not subordinate to politics–must now begin with the damage that our mere presence causes to others whom we displace, and whom we must treat as genuinely exterior to the “other” who inhabits our own mind as an outward projection of the “self.”

     

    Lévinas’s critique of totalization is an ethical complement to Klein’s psychoanalytic account of projective identification, although he did not to my knowledge address this connection. Klein interpreted the moralized feelings that connect us with fellow humans as projections of our feelings toward the good and bad parts of ourselves: she showed how “bad” (demonized) others are also the threatening parts of the self that we externalize, and that “good” (idealized) others are also the parts of the self that we seek to protect from such internal threats of persecution. From this perspective, the phenomenology of interpsychic struggle–for example, the Hegelian struggle between Master and Slave–is also inextricably intrapsychic. Human rights idealism after Auschwitz would thus appear as a symptom of human rights paranoia after Auschwitz, an overidentification with our common humanity as a defense against the fear of being persecuted as inhuman. Klein believed that an authentic humanitarian ethics must begin with the acknowledgement of others as genuinely external to the “internal objects” that we project and introject as split-off parts of the self. What makes these proximate others exterior (we might say extrapsychic) is that they survive the damage caused by our presence and call forth from us a concern for the other that is experienced as a primary duty of repair (see Klein, Love 306-69 and Hinshelwood, Entry 10). Donald Winnicott goes further in defining the ethical “separation” necessary to distinguish the real externality of others from the internal objects whom we fantasmatically destroy or rescue through our “projective mechanisms” (90). He argues that the internal object

     

    is always being destroyed. This destruction becomes the unconscious backcloth for love of a real object; that is, an object outside the area of the subject’s omnipotent control. . . . The destructiveness, plus the object’s survival of the destruction, places the object outside the area of objects set up by the subject’s projective mental mechanisms. (94)

     

    An ethics based on the reality of separation (proximity as exteriority in Lévinas’s sense) would, thus, be inherently more stable than an ethics that relies on mechanisms of interpersonal identification, which are always fantasmatic and implicitly paranoid. Eric Santner takes this ethical view to what is, perhaps, its limit by describing it as “my answerability to my-neighbor-with-an-unconscious” who is, thus, “a stranger not only to me but also to him- or herself.” If this is, indeed, the basis of an ethics founded on separation, rather than on identification, then “the very opposition between ‘neighbor’ and ‘stranger’ begins to lose its force” (9, and see 23, 82).

     

    To prevent the repetition of Auschwitz, according to Lévinas, we must face up to the mechanisms that Klein would call projective identification: “I am [unconsciously, Klein would say] responsible for the persecutions I undergo . . . since I am responsible for the responsibility of the other” (Lévinas, “Responsibility” 99). Although this ethical claim can be found throughout his work, Lévinas eventually grounds it on the observation that a desire to commit murder or genocide is intelligible only because we see ourselves either as its subject or as its object. The imaginable reversibility of subject and object (active or passive) has an ethical significance that Lévinas comes to call “substitution.” “The ego,” he says, “is a substitution” (“Substitution” 127). By this he means that “subjectivity no longer belongs to the order where the alternative of passivity and activity retains its meaning”; it follows that “the self, a hostage, is already substituted for the others” (118). On this view, every evil that we are capable of fearing–and now we must include even radical evil–is also something for which we are capable of wishing. We must ground ethics not in affinity or reciprocity, but in our prior responsibility toward those to whom we will relate only as neighbors–and whom we must treat as though our feelings toward them were merely projective. In a Lévinasian ethics of the neighbor, my responsibility not to kill is based on proximity alone.

     

    It can thus be argued that the ethics of human rights “after Auschwitz” presupposes the simultaneous existence and repression of genocidal thoughts. This kind of argument is nothing new. Freud himself grounds mass (or group) psychology both on the wish to kill the father and on the repression of the memory of having already done so in one’s mind (that is, in unconscious fantasy). He argues that the foundation of the group is a memory that lies outside the realm of permissible thoughts in the form of a taboo.17 Subsequent Freudian interpretations of the social contract have evoked real and fantasmatic scenarios of regicide and fratricide (Brown 3-31). The question is whether the imagery of Auschwitz–which is also and indubitably something real–now also functions on a fantasmatic level within the global rhetoric of human rights in the way that the imagery of regicide functioned in discourses on the Rights of Man that followed the French Revolution (see Walzer and Hunt).

     

    My general claim about the function of genocide in the global ethic of the neighbor is that it functions like Freud’s argument about the role of parricide in the ethics of the family. In the new global ethics of “never again,” however, the collectivity is not seen as a type of family, but as a type of neighborhood in which spatial rather than generational relations predominate. Like all foundational acts, genocide is constitutively outside the sovereign power that (from time to time) calls a group, even a “world community,” into being. The génocidaire is the quintessential criminal against humanity as such, the inhuman monster to whom “terrorists,” for example, must now be compared; genocide has become the morally incomparable act that is constantly subject to repetition. In fin-de-siècle human rights discourse, genocide becomes the wish that an imaginary sovereign power makes taboo–unthinkable because it is repressed, and for that very reason at the root of all our conscious fears.

     

    The presumed unthinkability of genocide–the repression, not the absence, of the wish–is thus both the founding premise of the fin-de-siècle Human Rights Discourse and the stated goal of most human rights advocacy.18 The recollection of genocidal experiences from the victims’ standpoint, however, is the overt subject matter of many histories and of much science fiction.19 On its surface, this literature claims to warn us of the dangers of genocide so that we will fear and avoid them at all costs.20 At a deeper level, however, the fear of genocidal victimhood and our enhanced imagination of it are also troubling. What does it really mean, after all, to imagine genocide, to fear it, and to avoid it at all costs? Is it not ultimately this political mindset that has made “thinkable” in the twentieth century the genocides of which some otherwise civilized nations have become capable? For them, the thinkability of ethnic cleansings and extermination has been a defense (by projection) against their heightened ability to imagine themselves as the objects of genocidal intent.21 As the world embarks on the twenty-first century, genocide has never been more thinkable–especially the genocide of which we may be victims. It has now become almost conventional to argue for the existence of genocide, for example in Darfur, by publishing photographs of dead bodies and daring the viewer to refuse empathy.22

     

    The thinkability of genocide as a defense against the fear of genocide is a disturbing point to acknowledge. To say that genocide is morally intelligible is not to say that it is now, or ever could have been, morally right; instead, it is to note that most genocides are not mere acts of inadvertence or insensitivity, but rather moments of intense moral concentration invoking high concepts like human rights and democracy. If we cannot imagine the logic of genocide (and how that logic employs our moral concepts), we will never understand how a human rights discourse (which may, for a period of time, seem well-established in places like Sarajevo) can dissolve into what commentators glibly describe as “primordial group hatreds,” and how that same discourse can later re-emerge as a self-conscious return to civilized values.23

     

    Democracy and Human Rights

     

    With Hegelian hindsight, we should not be surprised that “never again” became the dominant ethical imperative of the fin de siècle. Much of the twentieth century was taken up with the claim that majority rule is really just a way to protect human rights in the usual case in which the majority legitimately fears being victimized by the minority. It appeared that a more general form of democratic theory would actually favor the principle of self-rule by potentially victimized people over the principle of majority rule in the abstract. According to this argument, it is the legitimate fear of victimization on the basis of ethno-national identity, rather than the relative number of people in the potentially-victimized group, that justifies the right of that group to the territorial rule of a “homeland.”

     

    Although many twentieth-century thinkers held this view, it is most widely associated with Woodrow Wilson. Unlike other heirs to Jefferson who stress the relation between popular sovereignty and individual rights, Wilson focused on the relation between the state and the nation. States were created by sovereign “peoples,” he believed, who decided thereafter to impose limitations on the powers of the governments thus created. Liberalism might define the relation of ruler and ruled within a people, but nationalism–in this case ethno-nationalism–would create that people and define its boundaries.24 If all nation-states functioned in world politics as the virtual representatives of their own “peoples” in diaspora, so Wilson’s logic goes, then each national state would protect its permanent minorities out of fear that members of its own “people” might suffer retaliation while living as minorities elsewhere.25 As Wilson conceives it, the post-imperial relation between national and international politics is in effect a kind of hostage arrangement based on the tacit acknowledgment that the “peoples” of the world are already dispersed, and that their potential ingathering is a legal fiction needed to protect their rights wherever they might be.26

     

    At the level of political psychology, however, the “ingathering” of the group is far from fictitious–it is a necessary form of self-idealization that can be an effective defense against well-founded fears of persecution.27 In Wilson’s terms, groups asserting protected minority status anywhere have to imagine themselves both as potential victims where they are and as potentially hegemonic somewhere else. To their current oppressors they thus become hypothetical threats (people who could do the same to “us”), thereby also allowing their continuing oppression to be rationalized on the grounds of self-defense.

     

    Within a Wilsonian framework, the danger of ethno-national violence is, thus, an unavoidable structural feature of the interstate system itself. On the one hand, this danger is the national majority’s excuse for the repression of outsiders who live under the regime; on the other hand, that repression becomes a further reason for insurrection. Adding to these internal conflicts, nation-states based on victimhood feel entitled to use their sovereign status in the international community to protect co-nationals who live as minorities elsewhere. That is often what it means to say “Never Again.”

     

    The obvious problem here is that any state created to allow a previously subjugated minority to rule in the name of former victims almost inevitably has permanent minorities of its own.28 Therefore, the claim of victimhood to nationhood is as much a cause of victimization as it is a remedy. But if the point of demanding nationhood is to protect a people from further victimization, it follows that a state based on the promise of “never again” does not violate Wilsonian principles by resisting, at least up to a point, attempts at self-help by separatist minority groups that threaten to “strand” members of the present “majority” within a smaller state in which the present “minority” rules.

     

    In a Wilsonian world in which international military interventions would be prohibited by agreement of the great powers, civil strife on both sides of an international border becomes the dominant and permissible form of permanent conflict. This was to be the price (if not the meaning) of “world peace.” From here, we can trace the roots of the racialized conception of democracy that characterizes post-imperial states: a conception of democracy in which the elimination of bodies–ethnic cleansing–becomes an alternative to the conversion of minds. It is such a world that the current politics of humanitarian intervention seeks to transcend using legal arguments that are still basically Wilsonian and ethical arguments that resound with the gravity of Auschwitz. It is, however, the Wilsonian system that presupposes and reproduces the very horrors that humanitarian intervention seeks to stop. This fundamental contradiction is not addressed by merely asserting, as many do today, that the ethical has priority over the political.

     

    Democratic theory has never really traversed the difference between (1) democracy as a truth procedure (like the scientific method) in which individual minds are changed by the result,29 and (2) democracy as a form of rule in which no minds are expected to change through the process itself. In this second conception of democracy, majority and minority identities are not produced by the actual vote; they pre-exist the vote, and are merely affirmed by it. This second conception of democracy has been thoroughly described by social scientists, but it is not well-theorized. To fill this theoretical gap, we must turn not to the forms of political thought modeled on interest aggregation in the market but rather to those specifically concerned with the moral psychology of victimhood. When the moral psychology of victimhood dominates the political sphere, the addition or subtraction of bodies becomes the essence of the democratic project. This addition and subtraction can take place by expelling bodies, by ignoring them or, in the worst case, by killing them.

     

    There is little theoretical justification for abstract majority rule when we’re no longer in the business of persuading each other–when our votes are rooted in the fear of being victimized on the basis of a pre-existing identity. In these circumstances it becomes plausible to argue that doing justice to former victims is a more fundamental legitimation of political power after evil than majority rule itself. If this is true, the underlying justification for majority rule assumes that much of history consists of the victimization of large majorities by small (and originally feudal) minorities. According to this argument, the foundational principle of majority rule would not be popular sovereignty, but “never again.” In the aftermath of the genocide, so the argument goes, a guilty oppressor, whether it is the majority or not, can no longer assert its own interests as before. Henceforward, and for the indefinite future, it has no right not to have its interests subordinated to those of surviving victims. To have one’s interest subordinated to the interests of others is part of what it means to be ruled by them (see Elster).

     

    Accepting as legitimate the subordination of one’s interests, and renouncing all pride in one’s national identity, is what it means, constitutionally, to live in a state of disgrace (Dalrymple). What, then, is the meaning of democracy where a formerly ruling group, perhaps a majority, has been disgraced by its role in prior injustice? Could the arguments that normally support majority rule here be used to justify specific forms of minority rule instead? These are the unanswered constitutional questions posed by an ethics of human rights that is also a politics of victimhood.

     

    Victimhood and the Right to Rule

     

    In the aftermath of radical evil, what does victimhood lack, and what should it want? Can a national self-rule be the sublimation of victimhood? And is overcoming victimhood what nations want?

     

    The problem of Tutsi minority rule in post-genocide Rwanda illustrates the unresolved conflict between the Wilsonian theory of democratic rule and fidelity to the ethical meaning of Auschwitz. Even before becoming victims of genocide, Tutsis were frequently described as the Jews of Central Africa. Originally a pastoralist caste, they were dispersed throughout the region–unlike the cultivators (Hutus), who had customary roots in a tribal homeland. In the pre-colonial regime of Rwanda’s mwami (king), those who intermediated between the kingdom and the tribes were considered to be Tutsis, but these same individuals might have been considered Hutus if they acquired customary rights in a particular homeland. Prior to colonialism, the distinction between Hutu and Tutsi was not binary (either/or), and not totalizing in Lévinas’s sense.

     

    It was not until Belgian colonial rule that the caste distinction between pastoralists and cultivators was redescribed as a colonial distinction between “natives” and “settlers.” The natives’ identity is based on place (they preceded the settlers as occupants the territory to be settled). In contrast, the settlers’ identity, insofar as it is translocal, can be said to be based on race. A race, unlike a tribe, was conceived by colonial rulers to be essentially migratory–it becomes aware of having origins because it also has a destination (see Mamdani, “Race and Ethnicity” and Solnit). The Belgian rulers of Rwanda thus described Tutsis as a migratory race of “Hamites,” a migratory race of “white” negroes, who had earlier settled on Hutu tribal lands Tutsi identity was thus racialized at the same time Hutu identity was ethnicized–the difference between the two indigenous groups was analogized to that between colonial settlers and native tribes, and Tutsis were, thus, conceived to be appropriate agents (and minor beneficiaries) of Belgian rule over Hutus. When Belgium’s rule of Rwanda was about to end, its plan to turn power over to the Tutsi race was blocked by a Hutu Revolution demanding majority rule. The ideology of “Hutu Power” embraced the Belgian view of Tutsis as a stateless race of settlers, and now sought to expel them as an alien elite that had always been parasitical on the Hutu majority and had become, more recently, the principal collaborator in colonial rule. At this point, an individual was considered to be either Tutsi or Hutu–once the distinction had been politicized (in Schmitt’s sense) one could not be both.30

     

    The genocide committed against Rwanda’s remaining Tutsis in 1994 occurred at the same time as an invasion by an army of Tutsi expellees who had lived as refugees in Uganda (see Mamdani, When Victims Become Killers chs. 6-7). Commentators differ about the extent to which the genocide was provoked by the invasion, and the extent to which the invasion was justified (at least in retrospect) by the need to rescue the Rwandan Tutsis who remained from the near certainty of genocidal massacre. With the benefit of hindsight, it is clear that no one else would have rescued the Tutsis who remained had the army of Tutsi refugees been held back at the Ugandan border, and also that fewer people would have been killed had no invasion been threatened.31 These facts can be used to argue that the Tutsi invasion was a failed Wilsonian strategy for protecting Tutsis within Rwanda or that it was an ethically required intervention to “interrupt Auschwitz.”

     

    Both arguments support the self-description of Tutsi-ruled post-genocide Rwanda as a victim-state, consciously modeled on the state that might have been created for the Jews after the Holocaust if it had been carved out of Germany rather than developed in Palestine (see Mamdani, ch. 8). To grasp the meaning of this, imagine that the fears that Goebbels invoked as propaganda during World War II had been descriptively correct–that Germany faced invasion by a militarized form of international Jewry seeking to reverse the historic course of German nativism. This hypothetical scenario for understanding the Holocaust as a reaction by German “natives” against Jewish (and other) “settlers,” already adumbrated in Mein Kampf, comes close to the actual scenario in Rwanda on the eve of genocide.32 Assuming that this rationalization for a Holocaust must “never again” be condoned, the invasion of Tutsi exiles that triggered the genocide was justified as a humanitarian intervention to rescue Tutsi survivors using means that are supported, if not required, by international law. Thereafter, the history of genocide (and the fear of its repetition) becomes an ideology of post-traumatic rule, purporting to justify the suspension of the normal criteria of political judgment in the successor state. Tutsi minority rule in Rwanda is thus not justified as a form of racialized oppression any more than Jewish rule of post-War Germany would have been so justified. Why? Because the basis of the rule is not racial per se; rather it occurs through the transformation of racial identities into those of victim and perpetrator, a transformation that occurs in the foundational moment of the genocide itself.

     

    This is analogous to arguing that surviving German Jewish victims of the Holocaust deserved to rule a defeated and disgraced Germany and that returning Jewish exiles were entitled to share that rule–perhaps in the name of the victims who did not survive or else in the name of the rescuers. The analogy with Rwanda brings out the pragmatic difficulty of basing claims for justice on Daniel Jonah Goldhagen’s broad (but contested) description of ordinary Germans as “Hitler’s willing executioners.” In Rwanda, a country of six million, an estimated three to four million Hutus did in fact directly participate in the murder of perhaps 800,000 Tutsis and Hutu resisters. The appellation “willing executioners” could plausibly be applied to much of the surviving adult Hutu population of the country. A Nuremberg-style punishment of all Rwandans who were personally responsible for genocidal actions would come so close in its effect to another, legally sanctioned, genocide that it would be difficult to distinguish from collective vengeance.

     

    What victimhood demanded, instead, is the right to rule–or, at least, the right to have the state ruled in the victims’ name. The argument for victims’ rule, even if they were to rule as a minority, is that a state cannot live on after genocide as though the distribution of bodies within the majority and the minority were an untainted fact of biopolitics. In Rwanda today “justice” is the code-word for Tutsi minority rule, legitimated by the disgrace of the Hutu majority.

     

    The dilemma of postgenocide Rwanda lies in the chasm that divides Hutu as a political majority from Tutsi as a political minority. While the minority demands justice, the majority calls for democracy. The two demands appear as irreconcilable, for the minority sees democracy as an agenda for completing the genocide, and the majority sees justice as a self-serving mask for fortifying minority power. (Mamdani 273)

     

    In Mamdani’s account, however, the deeper choice is between a presumption of forgiveness on the one hand, and victims’ rule on the other. Rather than make this choice, post-genocide Rwanda claims to be an example of both. The journalist Philip Gourevitch describes the return of “a certain Girumuhatse” to share a house with the surviving members of the family he butchered during the 1994 genocide:

     

    But why should survivors be asked to live next door to killers–or even, as happened in Girumuhatse’s house, under the same roof? Why put off confronting the problem? To keep things calm, General Kagame told me. (Gourevitch 308)

     

    Behind this pragmatic avoidance of confrontation, however, lies the assumption that where everyone has sinned in either deed or wish, the only way forward is through an ethics of the neighbor.

     

    To invoke an ethics of the neighbor in the aftermath of sin, outside commentators sometimes describe Rwanda in the terms used by St. Paul to describe the world. Rwanda is a place in which the difference between sins actually committed and sins of the heart is merely the difference between “could have” and “would have.” Some have argued that Rwanda is an ideal case for the Pauline solution of confession, forgiveness, and rebirth.33 Forgiveness in Rwanda would, presumably, be based on recognizing that the fear of genocide makes committing genocide thinkable, and that in wish, if not in deed, all are sinners. In a Christian context, however, the sinners are already potentially forgiven. This is why they struggled then, and can now stop sinning.

     

    But what could it possibly mean in a secular, constitutional context to believe that one is already potentially forgiven? It means, presumably, that one has not yet been judged, and may never be–that the resumption of useless suffering has been postponed. Unlike the Christian sinner who can be reborn, the secular survivor of radical evil–Auschwitz, Rwanda–is simply not yet dead. The “postponement” of death, as Lévinas calls it, is the gift of time (Totality and Infinity 224). Secular survivorship after Auschwitz does not make past suffering meaningful in the Pauline way, the way of theodicy, where the sinner is forgiven and the sin is, thus, redeemed (felix culpa). What Lévinasian survivors get is time that is always more time, an aftermath–time to apologize, to “correct the instant” and still be conscious of “the pain that is yet to come” (238). “To be temporal,” according to Lévinas, “is both to be for death and to still have time, to be against death” (235).

     

    This describes the ethics of “Never Again,” which is, quite literally, a stand against repeating the past in the time that remains. It is the crime (and not the forgiveness) that has always already happened, and it is the repetition of violence/murder/genocide that makes it ethically traumatic. But what does it mean to fear the repetition of genocide (or of lesser traumatic events)?34 If the aftermath of sin is a state of grace, the aftermath of evil is a state of disgrace. At its best (if such a term can apply) the survivors’ state described by Lévinas would be one of constant wakefulness based on the awareness that humanitarian responses almost always come too late, but are required nonetheless (see Cohen, Interrupting Auschwitz ch. 3). The same state of disgrace, however, can be more neutrally described as one of depressive hypervigilance, in which survivors in a common space spend the time they still have defending against their persecutory anxieties and well-founded fears.

     

    Virtual Rule and the Right to Judge

     

    In many ways post-genocide Rwanda is a prototypical state of disgrace in which it is also true that a sullen majority is ruled by returning exiles in the name of victorious victims.35 They rule, as we have seen, in the name of justice–or perhaps in its stead. But what would it mean for former victims to rule justly over those who once oppressed them? This question is neither inherently unanswerable nor merely rhetorical–it is, and must be, addressed whenever courts or legislative bodies create institutions designed to remedy past injustice within a democratic framework. Only after radical evil, however, is it conceivable that a dominant group, even if it is a majority, has so grossly abused its right to rule that it must legitimately subordinate its interests to those of the former victims who now rule them. To say that this is conceivable, however, does not exempt victims’ rule from requirements of justice. In this case, we must ask whether forms of virtual rule, which are often attenuated cases of victim’s rule, could in principle be better suited to redressing bad history without reproducing it.

     

    The post-slavery United States did not become Liberia–a country ruled by former slaves. Instead, its history of slavery resulted (eventually) in a body of anti-discrimination law. The constitutional origins of anti-discrimination law lie in the rights of U.S. citizens living out-of-state to be treated as well under the law as the in-state majority treats itself, and, hence, better than it is obliged to treat the federally unprotected local minority that lost out in the democratic process. Thus described, the individual protected by anti-discrimination law is virtually represented by the local majority–that individual has no rights that the local majority does not grant to itself, but can be denied no rights that the local majority does grant to itself. Extending the concepts of anti-discrimination law to the descendants of slaves limits the extent to which a white majority in America (while there is a white majority) may take only its own interests into account.36 The limitation arises because anti-discrimination law will treat the ruling majority as if it were the virtual representative of the now constitutionally protected groups–“discrete and insular minorities” that do not rule, and yet may not be treated as ordinary electoral minorities in disregard of their particular histories of victimhood (see Ely, Brilmayer, and Shapiro).

     

    Anti-discrimination law, a scheme that limits how majorities may rule the permanent minorities they once oppressed, is one end of a continuum of constitutional schemes that subject democratic processes to the claims of victimhood. Along this continuum lie schemes to adjust voting procedures and electoral constituencies in order to give constitutionally protected groups enhanced representation in the legislative process (see Guinier). Consociational Democracy (separate electorates) is another step toward political autonomy (see Lijphart), which would grant groups that fear victimization the right to rule themselves (and others?) through the territorial partition of an existing state. Then there is the type of right asserted in Rwanda: a group that fears future victimization asserts the right to rule directly over those who have perpetrated atrocity in the past. Another possibility, of course, would be the expulsion (repatriation? resettlement? extermination?) of the traumatized victim group–which suggests that our spectrum of possibilities may in fact come full circle in making the foundational atrocity conceivable once again.

     

    Having come full circle, why not create a new national homeland for the victimized group? In the case of Israel, this could be viewed as a humane Wilsonian solution to the post-Holocaust refugee problem, or as a belated endorsement of the SS’s “Emigration Policy” that preceded the “Final Solution to the Jewish Question” and that led Adolf Eichmann to meet with an agent of the Haganah in Cairo. (On the Zionist side, it was at least clear that the pre-war persecution of German Jews could potentially accelerate their emigration to Palestine.37) If the creation of Israel mooted the question of whether Jewish survivors of the Holocaust deserved to rule Germany, the new Jewish state itself raised the question of whether it was entitled to judge Germans for their crimes against Jews. Hannah Arendt’s treatment of the Eichmann trial focuses fundamentally on the issue of whether victims who do not seek the right to rule can nevertheless claim the right to judge. The capture and trial of Eichmann, she argued, was not merely the prosecution of an individual who had special responsibility for the Final Solution; it was a constitutive moment in the creation of Israel. Israel here asserted that a people that had overcome its victimhood with nationhood is uniquely entitled to judge the crime of genocide committed against it. Israel now stood, and stood alone, for the survival of all Jews as a people. It represented the victim as survivor, the victim as judge, the victim as avenger, the victim as sovereign.

     

    Israel thus claimed the right to judge Eichmann from the standpoint of his victims themselves. The post-Holocaust sense of justice on which the trial was based proclaimed itself to be different from justice as impartiality. It was, rather, to be a form of justice based on the premise of “Never Again.” As Eichmann’s prosecutor, Israel stood as “The Seventh Million.” It spoke not for neutrality, but for the Six Million dead; it spoke as the remnant of world Jewry.38 The trial aimed to transform the meaning of Nuremberg retrospectively from a victors’ justice, which was troubling enough to liberal legalists,39 to a victims’ justice, which was more troubling still to a diasporic intellectual like Arendt, who came of age at a time that made her alert to the dangerous consequences of the Wilsonian view that, within an international system, nationhood was the answer to collective fears of victimhood.40 Before departing to cover the trial, however, she also acknowledged to Karl Jaspers that “it was for the sake of these victims that Palestine became Israel” (415).

     

    Arendt’s great work, The Origins of Totalitarianism, had been about how stateless peoples could subsequently be persecuted everywhere because they were sovereign nowhere. In the interwar period, she argued, blacks and Jews were principal victims of “racism” precisely because they represented stateless diasporas rather than localizable ethnic claims to self-determination. Arendt saw clearly that describing stateless peoples (Jews/Tutsis) as “races” had made genocide conceivable to movements and parties advocating the expulsion or direct elimination of natives by settlers or vice versa. The problem posed by the Eichmann trial, as Arendt describes it, is that the very logic under which Zionism was a fitting response to the Holocaust is based on the conceptual framework that had made genocide thinkable (see Arendt, Origins, Part II).

     

    While Arendt believes that, ultimately, there is a legal and moral rationale for convicting Eichmann (Eichmann 278-9), she finds the project of building nationhood on the notion of the righteous victim to be essentially antithetical to the ideal of democratic citizenship as a way to produce a legitimately ruling majority through persuasion and cooperation. Once nationality becomes the dominant trope of victimhood, every group that claims to be a victim may use the term “nation” to claim virtual sovereignty, at least to the extent that it has immunity from being judged by its “other” and that it has a privileged right to judge itself. In Arendt’s view, Zionism now epitomized such claims: what had begun as a political critique of a cult of victimhood in religious Judaism had become the secular equivalent of such a cult–a nation grounded on survivorship in a place of refuge.

     

    Justice, Peace, and Patience

     

    It has become part of the moral history of the twentieth century that Jews, the paradigmatic victims of the Holocaust, can also be said to claim an ethic of the neighbor as their distinctive contribution to world political thought. The post-Holocaust thought of Lévinas, for example, articulates this ethic as a relation to a “face” rather than to a place.

     

    One’s implementation in a landscape, one’s attachment to Place . . . is the very splitting of humanity into natives and strangers. . . . Technology does away with the privileges of this enrootedness and the related sense of exile. It . . . wrenches us out of . . . the superstitions surrounding Place. From this point on, an opportunity appears to us: to perceive men outside the situation in which they are placed, and let the human face shine in all its nudity. Socrates preferred the town, in which one meets people, to the countryside and trees. Judaism is the brother of the Socratic message. . . . It remained faithful in this way to the highest value. The Bible knows only a Holy Land, a fabulous land that spews forth the unjust, a land in which one does not put down roots without certain conditions. (Difficult Freedom 232-233)

     

    Without belaboring the obvious tension suggested here between the message of Judaism, thus described, and political Zionism, it is clear that this quote privileges the position of the refugee over the claims of both settler and native, and treats the territory as a place of refuge harboring potential neighbors for whom bad history is always yet to come. The space of the neighbor (the neighborhood) is no longer a “situation” for which we share attachments; it is here mystified as a pure relationship of being in the presence of, and answerable to, another face. What makes this relationship quintessentially ethical, according to Lévinas, is that the neighbor does not approach us first with the political identify of friend or foe, and with the claim to be recognized accordingly. Rather, the neighbor’s first demand is placed upon us by pure proximity–not because we feel closer to our neighbor than to someone else, but because his proximity makes us answer for our responsibility to the more distant stranger for whom he also substitutes (see “Substitution”). In Lévinas’s ethic of the neighbor, “The proximity of the neighbor–the peace of proximity–is the responsibility of the ego for an other” (“Peace and Proximity” 167).

     

    Proximity thus functions for Lévinas as a special case of distance–the case in which we must address our lack of any relationship to another human except the ethical one, which is exposure and nothing more.41 Not only is the neighbor someone whom we cannot really know: Lévinas believes (here following Frantz Rosensweig) that the neighbor comes before us as a stranger to himself in just the same sense that, in his presence, we too can no longer presume to know ourselves. Some Lacanians use the term “extimacy” to describe this non-relationship of humanitarian ethics, and distinguish the demands of pure proximity from the relations of closeness we call intimate.42 In this respect, Lévinas anticipates the recent thought of Giorgio Agamben, who asks us to “imagine two political communities insisting on the same region and in a condition of mutual exodus from each other.” In such an “aterritorial . . . space,” “the being-in-exodus of the citizen” would oppose itself to the limitations of the nation-state (Agamben, “Beyond Human Rights” 24-5). “The political survival of humankind is today thinkable,” Agamben goes on to say, “only in a world in which the spaces of states have been thus perforated and topologically deformed and in which the citizen has been able to recognize the refugee that he or she is” (26).

     

    If Agamben now directly seizes on the ethical figure of the neighbor as refugee, it is still Lévinas who insists that in responding to each other as beings-in-exodus, our respective “stories” must not matter. The ethical point–for Lévinas the whole point–is that the neighbor is someone to whom we must respond merely because he is there. Our response, therefore, must not be to reproduce an historical narrative of our interaction: Which of us arrived first? Who must leave first? Which of us is “allergic,” and which is the allergen? We must, rather, respond to the neighbor’s need outside of history–we must, unavoidably, answer to his presence itself, even before deciding what to do.

     

    The face of the other in its precariousness and defenselessness is for me at once the temptation to kill and the call to peace, the “You shall not kill.” The face which already accuses me makes me suspicious but already claims me and demands me. (167)

     

    Precariousness and defenselessness are, of course, typical of the plight of refugees, but even more fundamentally they are the source of the dogma of the “sacredness” of human life on which human rights interventionism rests. As Agamben demonstrates, homo sacer in Roman Law refers originally to an exception from the prohibition on murder, the life that may be taken with impunity by either ruler or neighbor without having the religious significance of a sacrifice or a sacrilege:

     

    Subtracting itself from the sanctioned form of both human and divine law . . . homo sacer . . . preserves the memory of the originary exclusion through which the political dimension was first constituted. . . . The sovereign sphere is the sphere in which it is permitted to kill without committing homicide and sacred life . . . is the life that has been captured in this sphere . . . . [T]he production of bare life is the originary activity of sovereignty. The sacredness of life, which is invoked today as an absolutely fundamental right in opposition to sovereign power, in fact originally expresses precisely both life’s subjection to a power over death and life’s irreparable exposure in the relation of abandonment. . . . [T]he sovereign and homo sacer present two symmetrical figures that have the same structure and are correlative: the sovereign is the one with respect to whom all men are potentially homines sacri, and homo sacer is the one with respect to whom all men act as sovereigns. . . . Life is sacred only insofar as it is taken into the . . . originary exception in which human life is included in the political order in being exposed to an unconditional capacity to be killed. (Homo Sacer 82-85)

     

    Agamben here suggests that the asserted priority of ethics over politics, which is the kernel of the fin-de-siècle ideology of human rights interventionism, is itself symptomatic of a political condition in which precariousness and defenselessness are presupposed–and which humanitarian interventions themselves both mitigate and reproduce.43

     

    I believe that when ethics opposes itself to politics in this way (especially when it claims to be humanitarian) it should be seen politically as well. Politically, the humanitarian move in ethics constitutes a deliberate attempt to dehistoricize and decontextualize what may be a structural problem, so as to focus on the quality of interpersonal encounters occurring in relatively close proximity. Ethically, it is a refusal to mythologize human suffering by reconnecting it to religious sacrifice–or its modern secular equivalent, suffering on behalf of others.44 When suffering becomes morally meaningful in this way, or must be made so through future action, then ethics may call for a continuation, or even a recommencement, of political struggle, and so we are back to politics once more.

     

    I suggested early in this essay that the post-Cold-War assertions of the primacy of humanitarian ethics have effectively functioned as a spatializing move within global politics; our present discussion allows me to say more about how this occurs and what it means for aspirations of justice. The type of proximity that has ethical significance, according to Lévinas, is not spatial proximity alone, but rather what he calls the encounter with “exteriority.” His most important work, Totality and Infinity, is subtitled “an essay on exteriority,” and here and elsewhere, he makes clear that proximity as exteriority is not reducible to spatial contiguity. There must also be what he calls “non-coincidence,” which is modeled on the relationship of different moments in time. “Time signifies this always of non-coincidence, but also the always of the relationship . . . It is a distance that is also a proximity” (Time and the Other 32). The ethical move against politics, according to Lévinas, amounts to a “deformalization” of the dominant metaphor of time in which the past is “irreducible to a hypothetical present that it once was” and is replaced by “an immemorial past, signified without ever having been present” (“Diachrony and Representation” 170, 172). The past is essentially not present, both in the ordinary sense and because it signifies non-presence. Lévinas says that, in focusing on the present, as opposed to the “re-presentation” of the past, ethics effectively “leaves time” for devotion to the other (173, 175).

     

    Time is the mode of reality of a separated being that has entered into relation with the Other. The space of time has to be taken as a point of departure. . . . The being, thus defined has its time at its disposal because it postpones violence. . . [it] seizes upon the time left it by its being against death. . . . Consciousness is resistance to violence. Human freedom resides in . . . the prevision of the violence imminent in the time that still remains. To be conscious is to have time. . . . To be free is to have time to forestall one’s own abdication under the threat of violence. (Totality and Infinity 232-7)

     

    Late in life, Lévinas described his “essential theme” as the replacement of a formal conception of time (in which past, present, and future are separate, continuous and essentially alike) with an examination of the conditions under which the past disappears and the future becomes imminent. What constitutes, he asks, “the passation of the past, the presentification of the present, and the futurition of the future?” (“The Other” 233). From this question we can discern what relation his ethics of the neighbor has to the experience of space and time as understood, for example, by Kant. Instead of being an a priori background (or matrix) within which ethical experience becomes possible, time for Lévinas is created by ethics. The ultimate product of ethics is more time, the postponement of death and suffering for the sake of others, and not right action for its own sake. For Lévinas, the highest aim is peace, not justice in any sense that might require breaching peace in the neighborhood.

     

    These differences between Lévinas and Kant are, I believe, prototypical of the difference between human rights discourse that purports to come “after Auschwitz” and earlier accounts of the Rights of Man. The metaphor of pastness is necessary to propagate the belief that genocide is now unthinkable, but for Lévinas, unlike for Kant, genocide could not become unthinkable in exactly the way that moving backward in time is unthinkable. Evil, in Lévinas, refers to a temporality of fearing others–a time of political and social struggle–that is adjourned by peace with one’s neighbor, which is a different kind of time (see Peace and Proximity 220-53 and Totality and Infinity 281-5).

     

    Peace, according to Lévinas, is the paradigmatic ethical relation between One and an Other in proximity–between Two. In a sense well-illustrated by the story of Girumuhatse’s return to the dwelling of his victims, “proximity is a disturbance of rememberable time” (“Substitution” 89). As a relationship of pure exteriority between two neighbors, each of whom can never know the other’s inner life, peace is entirely different in its origin and demands from the political pursuit of justice:

     

    Responsibility for the other human being is . . . anterior to every question. But how does responsibility obligate if a third party troubles this exteriority of the two where my subjection of the subject is subjection to the neighbor? The third party is other than the neighbor but also another neighbor, and also the neighbor of the other, and not simply their fellow. What am I to do? What have they already done to one another? . . . What, then, are the other and the third party with respect to one another? Birth of the question. (“Peace and Proximity” 168)

     

    Lévinas’s answer is to acknowledge that politics (or any scene of the Three) involves comparison, reciprocity, and equality that lie outside of ethics–which is always about peace rather than justice, and presumes human incommensurability. By openly removing questions of justice that do not involve interpersonal cruelty from the field of ethics, Lévinas provides a substantive account of what remains. His ethic of the neighbor can thus be considered a necessary complement to the politics-without-redistribution which today’s humanitarian ethic largely presupposes. Although Lévinas himself was not opposed to economic or other aid that may relieve useless suffering, for him the duty to rescue comes first. His view remains the only positive ethical account we have of what it could mean to treat the Holocaust as prime evil that does not refer us back to a story about who did what to whom in some previous moment like the present.

     

    It is, of course, possible to attack Lévinas using Carl Schmitt’s argument against the discourse of humanitarian intervention following the Treaty of Versailles: that it creates a casus belli against the forces of “inhumanity,” especially when they claim to be pursuing historical justice in ways that disturb the peace by treating the “other” as the “same” (Schmitt, The Concept of the Political 71). Suicide bombings would seem to be a paradigmatic example of this: encountering the other as a disguised human bomb would suggest that fear of her and fear for her are not as fundamentally distinct as Lévinas himself claims.45 When we rescue the suicide bomber are we saving her or ourselves? And if we murder her instead, what becomes of us? Do we reveal ourselves, like those whom Lévinas condemns, to be more afraid of dying than of killing? What does it mean for her to be equally unafraid of both? And does her self-chosen death qualify her as a martyr or a monster, whether or not she succeeds in bringing innocent others to their deaths along with her? In certain political “neighborhoods,” Lévinas’s concept of the ultimately unknowable human face can be both ethical and awful in ways that reopen the possibility of a horrifying response.

     

    The ethical temptation to treat suicide bombers as “inhumans” in human disguise applies a fortiori to the politics of third-party intervention raised at the beginning of this essay: when neighbors kill neighbors, whom do we rescue and whom do we attack? Is the third party in this situation just another neighbor? It is not clear that Lévinas would condone humanitarian intervention by force as what Ignatieff would call a “lesser evil,” but it is clear that for Lévinas suffering and even dying for others have ethical value for the person who undergoes them in a way that no other suffering does (“Useless Suffering” 94; see also Ignatieff, The Lesser Evil). He calls this value “patience,” a kind of morally valuable suffering that is the exception to his ethical condemnation of suffering in general.

     

    This ultimate passivity which nonetheless turns into action and into hope, is patience–the passivity of undergoing, and yet mastery itself. In patience disengagement within engagement is effected. . . . Extreme passivity becomes extreme mastery. . . . thus alone does violence remain endurable in patience. It is produced only in a world where I can die as a result of someone and for someone. (Totality and Infinity 238-9)

     

    Lévinas here speaks of patience in a sense that is more than narrowly philosophical. It is for him what makes otherwise useless suffering meaningful for a humanitarian intervener. For the intervener the ethical question is always one of patience: how long? Lévinas thus calls “the time of patience itself . . . the dimension of the political.” He says this because “in patience . . . the will is transported to a life against someone and for someone” (Totality and Infinity 240). Lévinas’s abhorrence of human suffering becomes ambiguous when it is undergone for moral reasons, such as rescuing the victims of atrocity or disaster or bringing suicide bombings to an end. The lesson that human rights discourse has drawn from its understanding of the Holocaust is both that suffering is meaningless when it is not for anyone and that sacrifices of those who rescue (at least to the extent of providing humanitarian aid) represents the “high-mindedness that is the honor of a still uncertain, still vacillating modernity, emerging at the end of a century of unutterable suffering.” Lévinas goes on to say,

     

    The just suffering in me for the unjustifiable suffering of the other, opens suffering to the ethical perspective of the inter-human. In this perspective there is a radical difference between the suffering in the other, where it is unforgivable to me, solicits me and calls me, and suffering in me. (“Useless Suffering” 94)46

     

    It would here seem that for Lévinas the commitment to treat suffering as useless (and, thus, to reject any theodicy that justifies evil) is limited to the suffering of the second-person, the one whom we encounter face-to-face. Pain that is undergone in the first person can be ethically meaningful when it is experienced as a compassionate response to the call for aid, thus bridging the gap that might otherwise exist between patience and ethics. Ironically (or not), this ethically significant suffering for others also describes the interiority of a Lévinasian third party (the peacekeeper) who intervenes between the two in order to stop the repetition of history and to create (ex nihilo) more time.47 For “the world community,” patience is what it means to put ethics ahead of politics.

     

    Although few, if any, contemporary political actors are directly influenced by him, Lévinas provides the most experientially accurate description of liberal humanitarian politics after Auschwitz. This politics represents itself as a morally useful way of feeling bad because one always comes too late to help and it is always too soon to make a final judgment. This is in practice what it means to put ethics first after Auschwitz, and still engage in politics. It also, however, reveals the incoherence of an ethical view that puts the condemnation of cruelty before all else, an ethics grounded in the seemingly “incontestable” condemnation of human suffering as self-evident evil. This incoherence, as I have already suggested, arises from the extraction of the neighborhood as a space for humanitarian ethics out of a prior conception of sovereignty that is both political and theological. Schmitt understood implicitly that politics is not simply a matter of one’s own life or death; it is also the imperative to protect friends and countrymen from the enemies that endanger them, an imperative that gives meaning to one’s own patriotic suffering, even if it ends in death. The politically driven individual, according to Schmitt, is ultimately willing both to die and to kill for others–he is, thus, potentially both rescuer and murderer. For Schmitt, the essential truth of politics is that the ethical duty to rescue one who is in danger presupposes that there is another who can be legitimately attacked for endangerment. He thus famously declares it is “the Sovereign . . .who decides on the exception,” and this includes, he takes pains to stress, the exceptions to our compassion for the suffering of others (Political Theology 5). For Schmitt, there is always an enemy (real or imagined) when one comes to the aid of a friend; and always a friend (real or imagined) when one does violence to an enemy. Because my relations to a sovereign third are always prior to my direct relations of hospitality with or hostility for another, politics is presumed to come before ethics.

     

    There is no one whom Lévinasian ethics opposes more than Schmitt–we have here the refugee versus the Nazi–yet their two views are structurally homologous. Both Schmitt and Lévinas would agree that politics arises in the space of the three, and ethics in the space of the two. Lévinas, however, merely suggests that the introduction of a third into the ethical space gives birth to new political questions about justice that do not in themselves eclipse the ethical problem of cruelty face-to-face. Schmitt, in his stress on the constitutive role of enmity in creating the space of friendship, never speaks to the face-to-face responsibilities friends have to each other–a topic stressed by his younger contemporary, Hannah Arendt, who was also primarily concerned with the political.48

     

    What is fundamentally common to Schmitt and Lévinas is their replacement of an Hegelian view of politics as a struggle for recognition arising from an originary battle-to-the-death with the view that the originary relationship is, rather, between rescuer and victim, always in the presumed presence of some third whose ethical position is unknowable. This is the core conceptual structure of humanitarian ethics (as opposed to both revolutionary and totalitarian ethics). It explains why the duty to rescue and the right to wage war are born together in the sovereign act that distinguishes the space of ethics from the purely political. At the end of a century dominated by the dialectic of revolution and counter-revolution, a turn to Lévinas and/or Schmitt can help us understand the post-Cold War linkage between the global and the local as at once a humanitarian relation between rescuers and victims and a political doctrine of pre-emptive third party intervention.

     

    Fidelity, Justice, and the Value of Suffering

     

    We have seen that in humanitarian ethics after Auschwitz, the duty of rescuers toward victims receives primacy over all claims based on a political good that purports to supersede such a duty. No one has gone further than Lévinas in exploring the implications of this shift for pre-existing notions of ethical responsibility in relation to the political, and no one has attacked humanitarian ethics for its implicitly Lévinasian core more pointedly than Badiou.

     

    The essence of Badiou’s attack is that humanitarian ethics is nothing other than a politics–in fact, the politics of victimhood.

     

    [This] . . . ethics subordinates the identification of [the universal human Subject] to the universal recognition of the evil that is done to him. Ethics thus defines man as a victim. It will be objected: ‘No! You are forgetting the active subject, the one that intervenes against barbarism! So let us be precise: man is the being who is capable of recognizing himself as a victim. (Ethics 10)

     

    Badiou’s critique of the politics of victimhood is, first, that it implicitly reproduces the evils of imperialism in a humanitarian guise.

     

    Who cannot see that this ethics which rests on the misery of the world hides, behind its victim-Man, the good-Man, the white-Man? Since the barbarity of the situation is considered only in terms of “human rights”–whereas in fact we are always dealing with a political situation. . . . Every intervention in the name of a civilization requires an initial contempt for the situation as a whole, including its victims. And this is why the reign of “ethics” coincides, after decades of courageous critiques of colonialism and imperialism, with today’s sordid self-satisfaction in the “West,” with the insistent argument according to which the misery of the Third World is the result of its own incompetence, its own inanity–in short, of its subhumanity. (13)

     

    Two further objections, Badiou says, follow from this: one is that an ethics grounded in our direct recognition of evil through atrocity stories and the like tends to dismiss any positive conception of the Good as merely desensitizing us to the cruelties committed in its name; the other is that, by attributing Evil to our general insensitivity to the pain of others, humanitarian ethics “prevents itself from thinking the singularity of situations as such” (13-14). Beyond these criticisms, however, is a more profound point that goes to the heart of the Lévinasian view: Badiou argues that humanitarian ethics is “nihilist because its underlying conviction is that the only thing that can really happen to someone is death” (35). Humanitarian ethics thus oscillates, according to Badiou, between the implicit conservatism of Western beliefs about “the victimary essence of man” and a nearly pornographic fascination with the power to decide about seemingly exotic victims (because “we” can always intervene) who will die and who will not (34-9).

     

    As a political critic of Lévinasian ethics, Badiou is in my opinion on the right track, but his ethical argument depends upon the claim that “something can really happen to someone” that matters more than death. He calls this ethically transformative happening within a “situation” an “event.” But Badiou’s formal definition of the “event” is not in itself illuminating, and may even be circular. What matters for his argument against humanitarian ethics is his substantive assertion that human suffering and death are not “events” in the ethically relevant sense of demanding a life lived in fidelity to their universal “truth.” Badiou’s point is partially correct insofar as my death is not an event in my life in this or any other sense–but there is no good reason why my own intense suffering or my exposure to the suffering or mass murder of others may not be an event that is ethically transformative of my life. Indeed, humanitarian ethics is based on the proposition that Auschwitz was precisely this kind of transformative event, and that nothing can be the same for humanity thereafter.

     

    Contrary to Badiou’s assertion, Auschwitz as a trope of inhumanity can, and does, demand fidelity to the truth of what happened there. A subsequent “Politics of Memory” means nothing if it is not grounded on the ethical virtue of fidelity to that event. Auschwitz would not qualify as an “event” for Badiou because he thinks that (unlike the storming of the Bastille or the October Revolution) the “truth” of Auschwitz is not universal–it does not have the same significance for everyone.49 This argument, however, rests on the assumption–ultimately empirical–that fidelity to Auschwitz gives special significance to the death of Jews (or any other victim group, such as Christian Poles and Roma who are also commemorated). Humanitarian ethics claims, rather, that the Holocaust now has the “universal” meaning embodied in the 1948 Genocide Convention, that genocide as such (the extermination of particular groups) should “never again” occur (see Lemkin and Power, “A Problem from Hell,” chs. 1-4). We have here, in other words, a standard Hegelian claim about the universal manifesting itself through the particular that is an apparent a counterexample to Badiou’s formal assertion that particular atrocities cannot attain the universal significance of ethical truth.

     

    Badiou’s rejection of humanitarian ethics is, thus, implausible if it rests only on the claim that atrocity-events cannot take the form of universal ethical truths without the further distinction he draws between an ethical truth and what he regards as its “simulacrum” or “corruption.” For Badiou, Nazi genocide was no more an event than Nazism itself, which, he says, was merely a reaction to the genuine event of the Russian Revolution, and hence a simulacrum.50 Fidelity to a simulacrum, according to Badiou, produces a singularity of terror, as opposed to the desirable militancy of universal truth.51

     

    Badiou concedes, however, that “Nazi politics was not a truth process, but it was only in so far as it could be represented as such that it ‘seized’ the German situation” (66).52 He then goes on to concede that the Nazi seizure of power in 1933 was “formally indistinguishable from an event” (73, 117). In contrast to Nazi terror, Badiou regards Stalinist and Jacobin terror as “corruptions” of the genuine events of 1917 and 1789, respectively–a bit better than simulacra, but not much.

     

    In resting his argument against humanitarian ethics on our ability (or his) to recognize directly the difference between a truth and simulacra or corruption, Badiou deliberately opens himself to the charge that a politics of fidelity to truth, now common to both Left and Right, was responsible for the cruelties of the twentieth century. Nevertheless, Badiou’s principal expositor, Peter Hallward, presents this as a virtue: Badiou deliberately opens himself to the charge that a politics of fidelity to truth, now common to both Left and Right, was responsible for the cruelties of the twentieth century. Nevertheless, Badiou’s principal expositor, Peter Hallward, presents this as a virtue:

     

    Badiou is one of the very few contemporary thinkers prepared to accept the certainty of violence and the risk of disaster implicit in all genuine thought. . . . Since evil is something that happens to a truth or in proximity to truth, there can be no fail-safe defense against evil that does not foreclose the possibility of truth. (257, 264)

     

    The essence of Badiou’s position is that, even after Auschwitz, there can be genuine events–revolutionary openings–and that serious political thought must allow for this possibility by placing political militancy ahead of all other ethical claims that the event calls forth. Yet Badiou’s formal definition of an “event” makes him no less dependent on subjective consensus than are his humanitarian opponents, who ground ethics on our ability to know an atrocity when we see it. Badiou’s account of fidelity to events as the ethics of political action adds little to what we ordinarily mean by “revolution,” as distinguishable, for example, from a reaction or a counterrevolution. To “keep on acting in fidelity to an event” is, thus, indistinguishable from conforming oneself to the possibility that revolution can occur, and thus militantly opposing the forces of reaction and counterrevolution by naming them as such (see Bensaid 94-105). This being said, Badiou’s conceptions of the “event” and of “truth” add nothing but a level of abstraction to our understanding of revolution, reaction and counterrevolution–and are not readily intelligible without relying on these notions.

     

    Badiou’s particular notion of “fidelity” is, however, a genuine contribution to the ethics of revolutionary thought. Fidelity is typically dismissed by secularists ethics as the virtue that a convert (or “true believer”) claims instead of personal empathy or compassion. Badiou agrees with Lacan, however, that fidelity can be a virtue nonetheless, and that questions of fidelity, perseverance, and betrayal lie at the core of ethics.53 For Lacan this ethical fidelity is to the Real of one’s desire, and thus involves a relation to others that exceeds the imagery and symbols through which conscious feelings, like compassion, are experienced. For Badiou the object of fidelity is not a desire but an event, which is not just a memory but rather something more like a revelation–a temporal interruption of logical relationships that binds the subject through belief (Badiou, “Eight Theses” 150). It seems to me undeniable, however, that some who practice the ethics of “Never Again” (and the associated “Politics of Memory “) do in fact claim the virtues associated with fidelity to an event so defined.54 So Badiou’s account of fidelity is not in itself a reason to reject the Ethic of No-Evil in favor of the militant revolutionary ethics for which he calls. “Fidelity, ” as Badiou understands it, is the internal ethic associated with any militant politics, including the politics of rescuing victims from their foes under the humanitarian banner of putting ethics first.

     

    The kernel of Badiou’s objection to humanitarian ethics lies neither in his formal account of what ethics is nor his embrace of fidelity as a virtue, but rather in his substantive claim that the suffering/martyrdom of the flesh is not an independent source of ethical value. The most sustained presentation of Badiou’s view occurs in his book on Saint Paul. Paul is here presented as the paradigm of ethical militancy based on a conversion event and faithful adherence to its truth. I am less concerned, however, with Badiou’s account of what fidelity to Christ meant for Paul, than with his account of the Christian event itself. The burden of Badiou’s argument is that, according to Paul, it was the resurrection and not the crucifixion that constitutes the universal “event” to which Christians maintain fidelity (see Badiou, Saint Paul, ch. 6). Why? Because death and suffering were old hat for mankind, but rebirth and eternal life were something new in the world and are now promised to all who believe:

     

    For Paul himself . . . the event is not death, it is resurrection. . . . Suffering plays no role in Paul’s apologetic, not even in the case of Christ’s death. The weak, abject character of that death is certainly important for him, insofar as the treasure of the event . . . has to reside in an earthen vessel. But for Paul . . . the share of suffering is inevitable. . . . [I]n Paul there is certainly the Cross, but no path of the Cross. There is Calvary, but no ascent to Calvary . . . Paul’s preaching includes no masochistic propaganda extolling the virtues of suffering, no pathos of the crown of thorns, flagellations, oozing blood, or the gall-soaked sponge. . . . What constitutes the event in Christ is exclusively the Resurrection. (Saint Paul 66-8)

     

    One sees what Badiou means about Paul–he was no Mel Gibson–and his fidelity to Christ has characteristics in common with Lenin’s fidelity to Marx in 1917 (7; see also Zizek, “Afterword: Lenin’s Choice”). Badiou, however, gives no good argument against interpreting Paul’s Christianity as the faith that Christ’s suffering and death atoned for the sins of mankind, an article of Christian faith which can be held quite separately from a belief in Christ’s bodily resurrection.55

     

    Although Badiou fails to demonstrate convincingly that Christ’s Passion, or, for that matter, Auschwitz, could not qualify (for purely formal reasons) as an event to which fidelity is possible, he does reopen the possibility that mass atrocities are not the only events that qualify, and that political revolutions (even or especially those that failed) might also be ethically transformative–not because of those who died, but because of the hopes for justice that were raised.

     

    Does this mean that we must leave the argument here–as a choice between martyrdom and revolution, between an ethics of fear that Auschwitz will be repeated and one of hope for a future justice? Are we stuck at the present moment between the humanitarianism of Lévinas and Badiou’s radicalism, rooted in an extreme claim for the autonomy and primacy of politics?

     

    If I thought this were our choice, I would reluctantly side with Badiou: my general preference is for action rather than patience; justice rather than peace; politics rather than ethics; and, perhaps, also for truth rather than feeling. But the most serious arguments that Badiou gives for his alternative to Lévinasian ethics are not themselves ethical, but rather mathematical. They concern the way that set theory represents the truth of the exception (“what happens”) within the ontological set of “what is” (see Badiou, “The Event as Trans-Being”). The ethical relevance Badiou draws from set theory is that truths of this kind can be added to languages and bodies as the raw subject matter of ethics. If ethics were concerned only with languages and bodies–meaning and pain–then ethics would be a matter of understanding others’ minds while rescuing their bodies; but because there are also truths, Badiou argues, ethics opens the possibility of fidelity to something more real than our present situation, and something that is constitutively outside it. This, of course, assumes that both ontology and politics precede ethics–that “what there is” is affected by “what happens” through subjective fidelity to the hope that there can be something more.

     

    But Lévinas makes an ethical argument against all of these assumptions: What if Badiou’s fidelity to the event were to cause pain in the sense of useless suffering for the other? If insensitivity to that pain is the ultimate evil, then is this not an ethical argument against actions thought be consistent with the truth of an event such as the Russian Revolution, or May ’68? Is it ethically wrong to place the ontological truth of what happened then ahead of the feelings of others now? Why, ethically speaking, must we seek anything more?

     

    A Lévinasian objection to Badiou would hold, I think, if physical suffering is the worst evil, save for the willingness to condone such suffering in others. We can, however, question the conception of ethics and human agency that presupposes, even after Auschwitz, that bodily pain and physical cruelty are the two worst things, unconditionally, and that ethics is about nothing more. What do suffering subjects lack and want that politics (and its accompanying fantasies) supply? How do we expect them to feel about themselves, and the rest of us, when these political fantasies take hold–and what are we, and they, permitted to do with such expectations? What are the specific ethical views of suffering and human agency that lie behind present-day humanitarian discourse, and what forms of politics do they allow and disallow? Answering these questions will allow us to say more about what is wrong with the moral psychology of victimhood, beyond observing that the pursuit of justice is missing from it at any level but that of face-to-face interactions.

     

    91. First, however, we must question the generality of the core assumption behind all humanitarian ethics: that pain has no moral meaning for those who suffer it. In a brilliant article, the political anthropologist Talal Asad challenges the claim that, after Auschwitz, our primary ethical responsibility must be to alleviate pain and to avoid causing it. This view, he argues, denies agency to those who suffer pain–it assumes they do not suffer willingly–and invests agency in those who aid them. It denies the intelligibility and efficacy of a moral view in which pain (of certain kinds and at certain times) is actively sought as a way of achieving or representing moral virtue:

     

    Christian and Islamic traditions have, in their different way, regarded suffering as the working through of worldly evil. For the suffering subject, not all pain is to be avoided; some pain must be actively endured if evil is to be transcended. (“Thinking” 92)

     

    Asad’s point here brings us back to the moral imperative of “Never Again.” The humanitarian ethics that took root a half-century after Auschwitz repudiates, above all, the belief that human suffering has moral significance for those who undergo it, and therefore argues that we must not turn away. Although there are many other compelling reasons not to turn away when atrocities occur, the view that human suffering is the ultimate evil is not the right one. Moral agency, Asad suggests, is psychosomatic, in potentially good ways: it can induce states of bodily agony that saints, martyrs, and their acolytes regard as valuable achievements, and also (we might add) states of happiness (eudaimonia) that are at once mental and physical in a strong Socratic sense that removes the agony of death (see Vlastos 200-35). Even Lévinas acknowledges, as we have seen, the distinction between useless suffering and morally valuable suffering–between pain that is inflicted and pain that is actively sought on behalf of others, or as a way to improve or expiate one’s soul. The former can be understood through the post-Freudian concept of trauma–pain that may or may not be conscious when first suffered, and that may be repeated even when it is not remembered. It is primarily trauma (with its tendency to repetition) that is consciously experienced as happening again, and is, thus, the appropriate target of the imperative “Never Again.”

     

    Morally significant pain–the pain of love, sacrifice, and even martyrdom–is better designated by the word “agony.” Agony may be no less intense than trauma, but it is never suffered unconsciously. Agony, moreover, is not something that is generally experienced by the sufferer or by bystanders to be happening again, but is something to be remembered and even honored as a moral singularity. Suffering agony (or religious passion) is generally considered to be morally transformative, and is sometimes actively sought. For this reason, stories of agony, the agony of saints and martyrs in particular, are considered to be exemplary, and sometimes (as in the passion of Christ) to serve as redemptive sacrifices on behalf of the community as a whole (pace Badiou’s interpretation of Paul).56

     

    Humanitarian ethics after Auschwitz reflects a cultural tendency to respond to all agony (whether moral or not) as though it were psychological trauma that becomes worse through the experience of repetition. This tendency severely truncates our own moral vocabulary in dealing with our feelings towards those whom we do and don’t aid, and makes us less and less capable of grasping the moral psychology of those who are capable of killing and dying for reasons of political theology. To make this point, however, we need not deny (with Lévinas) that events are morally compelling along with languages and bodies; nor need we deny (along with Badiou) that historical trauma can constitute events of a morally compelling kind, alongside revolutions. It is enough to say that physical suffering, the body in pain, is not an ethical absolute that renders moot political analysis and politically motivated action.

     

    Once we stop using ethics as an evasion of politics, the ways in which the ethics of the neighbor are also a politics come into clear view. Thinking politically, we can decide when and whether to dehistoricize, to spatialize, and to localize broader problems–and when to rely on the compassion of the television-viewing public by presenting images of pain. We can also see once again that there is ethical virtue in struggle and not only in reconciliation; in action and not simply in patience; in justice and not only in peace. Finally, we can focus our appropriate concern with human suffering as much on the global forces that operate at a distance as on cruelties committed face-to-face.

     

    Notes

     

    The author is grateful to the University of California Humanities Research Institute for financial and other support, to Kenneth Reinhard for convening the group, and for the exceptionally helpful comments on earlier drafts of this paper (as well as the larger project of which it is a part) by the subgroup on “The Ethics and Politics of Proximity”: Rei Terada, Dana Cuff, and Eleanor Kaufman.

     

    1. For distinguished recent contributions see Power, “A Problem From Hell,” and Ignatieff, Human Rights as Politics and Idolatry.

     

    2. I here adapt a formulation from Badiou’s Languages of Worlds (forthcoming).

     

    3. For recent examples see Card; Neiman; Glover; Copjec; Nino; Agamben, Remnants of Auschwitz; Cohen, Interrupting Auschwitz; and, most notably, Adorno.

     

    4. The claim here is not that genocide arises only in periods of colonialism, but rather that the framework in which genocide becomes thinkable derives from the moral logic of colonialism.

     

    5. For the relation between these two points of origin, see Seed.

     

    6. For a recent discussion of the Haitian paradigm in the work of C.L.R. James, see Scott.

     

    7. See Todorov, who puts the conquest of the New World in the context of the Reconquista of Spain and the Inquisition.

     

    8. See Agamben, Homo Sacer for a critical genealogy of the present-day conception of the sacredness of life as the foundation of human rights. For the political implications of this development, see Rancière.

     

    9. See Gross, Gourevitch, and Lindqvist, Exterminate the Brutes. On “exterminism” as both a policy and a fantasy, see Goldhagen, esp. parts I and VI.

     

    10. See Hesse and Post. For a discussion of transitional justice following the U.S. Civil War, see Meister, “Forgiving and Forgetting.”

     

    11. See Kateb. See also Shklar, “The Liberalism of Fear” and “Putting Cruelty First.” For a further discussion of Shklar’s argument, see Meister, “The Liberalism of Fear and the Counterrevolutionary Project.”

     

    12. Cf. Badiou, Ethics 10ff and Meister, “Human Rights and the Politics of Victimhood.”

     

    13. See Klein, “Mourning and its Relation to Manic-Depressive States” and “Some Reflections on the Oresteia.” See also Segal.

     

    14. See Klein’s “Notes on Some Schizoid Mechanisms,” and “A Contribution to the Psycho-genesis of Manic-Depressive States.” See also entries 9, 11, and 13 in Hinshelwood’s Dictionary.

     

    15. See Rorty for arguments grounding human rights on our subjectively contingent capacity to “feel for each other.”

     

    16. “My awareness of my ethical obligation must not depend on any ‘gesture’ of claiming (literally or figuratively) to ‘comprehend’ the other” (Putnam 55, and see 41, 54).

    17. Freud, Totem and Taboo 161; Group Psychology 57-146; Moses and Monotheism 1-138.

     

    18. See Glover, Rummel, and Power, “Never Again” and “A Problem From Hell”. The concept of “genocide” itself was invented by legal scholar Raphaël Lemkin immediately after World War II, based on his seminal study of Nazi policies toward the populations of occupied countries.

     

    19. Zizek, in Welcome to the Desert of the Real, discusses 9/11 in the context of such films as “Independence Day” and “The Matrix,” which prepared us at the level of fantasy to experience ourselves as the objects of destructive desire when the attacks actually occurred. His psychoanalytic point, not fully spelled out, is that “terror” is what we expected ourselves to feel in these circumstances–it was not the real trauma, but rather its fantasmatic symptom.

     

    20. Certain genres of pornography also take a position of moral revulsion toward what is being shown. See Dean, ch. 1.

     

    21. I leave aside the question of how widely political leaders who invoke such dangers are believed, or how openly they acknowledge the genocidal acts that are rationalized on such grounds.

     

    22. On these conventions, see Sontag and Dean, ch. 3.

     

    23. For a dissection of press accounts of ex-Yugoslavia in the 1990s, see Feher.

     

    24. The Wilsonian antidote to a history of political victimization was nationhood–the right to be sovereign somewhere, even if it was somewhere else. His internationalism describes a system for protecting the sovereign coequality of self-determining “peoples.” “All peoples and nationalities” have a right, he said, “to live on equal terms of liberty and safety with one another, whether they be strong or weak” (Wilson 445f.).

     

    25. Wilson’s view of the protection of minority rights in the international system is a variant of Marshallian federalism in which the local majority in a state becomes the virtual representatives of resident out-of-state minorities, thereby respecting on an equal basis their right to rule, albeit elsewhere. In Wilsonian internationalism, as distinct from Marshallian federalism, the main mechanisms for protecting individual human rights are political rather than judicial. Therefore, the principle of virtual representation has to be reversed. Instead of saying that foreign minorities are to be treated as well as the local majority treated itself, the implicit standard is the treatment that foreign majorities accord to their minorities. The link between Marshallian federalism and Wilsonian internationalism is further developed in Meister, “Sojourners and Survivors.” See also Meister, “The Logic and Legacy of Dred Scott.”

     

    26. For discussions of the implementation of these ideas in the interwar period, see Claude and Maier.

     

    27. “Well-founded fear of persecution” is the threshold condition for claims to political asylum under international law.

     

    28. In the words of one scholar, “the effort of the state to become a nation aroused the determination of the nation to become a state” (Claude 9).

     

    29. This view has been recently restated as a comprehensive theory of “deliberative democracy,” as distinguished from “aggregative democracy.” See Gutmann and Thompson, Why Deliberative Democracy? and Democracy and Disagreement. See also Koh and Slye. The standard rationale for majority rule as a technique of aggregative democracy is given in Sen, chs. 5 and 5*. For a balanced critique of both aggregative and deliberative conceptions of the common good, see Shapiro, chs. 1-2.

     

    30. My account of Rwanda follows Mamdani’s. For a schematic version of his argument, see “Race and Ethnicity.”

     

    31. For a discussion of the Clinton administration’s failure to act see Power’s “Bystanders to Genocide” and A Problem from Hell, ch. 10. The failures of the UN mission are described by its commander on the ground in Dallaire.

     

    32. In the end, the policy of extermination did not involve popular mobilization. In the context of our overall argument, we should note that the techniques and concepts of the Holocaust were originally developed by German settler colonialism in Southwest Africa to exterminate the Herero natives. See Mamdani, When Victims Become Killers 10-13 and the sources cited therein.

     

    33. See Tutu, ch. 11; for a secular version of this argument, see Mamdani, When Victims Become Killers 270-282. Mamdani points out that in Rwanda there was not the problem of ongoing beneficiaries that both South Africa and the U.S. faced, and so forgiveness would not stand in the way of redistribution. (Kagame, who commanded the invading Tutsi army, was then Vice-President of Tutsi-ruled Rwanda, and is now President.)

     

    34. Are the murderous thoughts on which the politics of victimhood rests unconsciously directed, as Freud’s theory of depression suggests, against those who died the first time? And is the politics of “never again” really a way of saying “not yet” to their deaths? See Freud’s “Mourning and Melancholia.”

     

    35. Was this outcome forestalled in South Africa just in the nick of time? In the 1980s a dystopic literature was produced by liberal white South Africans imagining what it would be like for disgraced whites to live in a post-revolutionary, black-ruled, country. See Gordimer. For a parable reflecting the actual experience of white South Africans in the post-apartheid 1990s, see Coetzee’s Disgrace, which confronts the possibility of confession without atonement.

     

    36. For further development of these points, see Meister, “Sojourners and Survivors.”

     

    37. See Höhne, chs. 13-14, esp. 333-9. This period in Eichmann’s life is well-described in Arendt’s Eichmann in Jerusalem 58-64.

     

    38. These were the words of Eichmann’s prosecutor, Gideon Hausner. See Segev, ch. 6. For an account of how the trial and Arendt’s critique of it were received by Diaspora Jewry, see Novick, ch. 7.

     

    39. See Shklar, Legalism 143-179, Kirchheimer, Bass (chs. 1 and 5), and Douglas.

     

    40. The concerns are directly and clearly expressed in Arendt’s correspondence with Jaspers before, during, and after the trial. See Hannah Arendt/Karl Jaspers Correspondence. The most relevant letters are scattered over pp. 400-500.

     

    41. This secularized description of the Jewish ethics of the neighbor really does make Jews responsible for all the suffering of humanity–but in a good way, and not because they have somehow benefited from the injustice done to other groups.

     

    42. This conception of alterity as a relation with the other’s unconscious is proposed by Santner; see 9, 82. Santner does not, however, refer to the condition he describes as “extimacy.”

     

    43. See Rieff, Part I, and Kennedy 13-35 and 296-316. The humanitarian response tends to be “lesser evil ethics.” See Ignatieff, The Lesser Evil.

     

    44. “The wish to lend a sacrificial aura to the extermination of the Jews by means of the term ‘Holocaust’ was from this perspective an irresponsible historiographical blindness. The Jew living under Nazism is . . . a flagrant case of a homo sacer in the sense of a life that may be killed but not sacrificed. . . .The truth–which is difficult for victims to face, but which we must have the courage not to cover with sacrificial veils–is that the Jews were exterminated not in a mad and giant holocaust but exactly as Hitler had announced, ‘as lice,’ which is to say, as bare life” (Agamben, Homo Sacer 114).

     

    45. The paradoxes in our ethical responses to suicide bombings are explored by Rose.

     

    46. It is not entirely clear, by the time one comes to the following page, whether Lévinas is endorsing or caricaturing this view of the moral pain of third parties–the two interpretations are, perhaps, not mutually exclusive. In the footnote to this passage he explains: “This suffering in me is so radically mine that it cannot become the subject of any preaching. It is as suffering in me and not as suffering in general that welcome suffering–attested to in the spiritual tradition of humanity–can signify a true idea: the expiatory suffering of the just who suffers for others.”

     

    47. In Lévinas’s secular theology, time is always created: it arises out of the ethically anterior relationship between the two and a Third who stands outside and suffers for their cruelty, but not from it.

     

    48. See Arendt, The Human Condition 28-58; “Some Questions of Moral Philosophy”; and “Thinking and Moral Considerations.” Derrida fills the ethical lacunae in Schmitt’s concept of “friend” in The Politics of Friendship, chs. 4-6.

     

    49. See Badiou, Ethics 72-77. Badiou’s alternative to “Ethics as non-Evil” is to define evils as the series of ordinary horrors that follow from pursuing with fidelity a non-truth as though it were a truth.

     

    50. For Badiou’s discussions in English of the political “event” see Ethics, chs. 4-5. See also “The Event as Trans-Being” in Theoretical Writings 97-102, and Manifesto for Philosophy, ch. 8. See also Hallward, ch. 5.

     

    51. This analysis is suggested in Badiou’s forthcoming Logics of Worlds.

     

    52. For Badiou’s critique of the attempt to “radicalize” the evil of Hitler, see 62-7. His description of Marx as “an event for political thought” is on 69. He also describes the Cultural Revolution and May 1968 as events the fidelity to which produces “a truth” (42). In the unpublished manuscript of Logics of Worlds, he makes similar statements about Russia in 1917, German Spartacism, and even Spartacus himself.

     

    53. “The only thing of which one can be guilty is having given ground relative to one’s desire” (Lacan 319).

     

    54. See Power, “A Hero of Our Time.” Power here praises the ethics of Gen. Roméo Dallaire; her own unflinching reports on genocide display similar virtues.

     

    55. Stress on the relation of Christ’s death to Jewish concepts of atonement is, in contrast, fundamental to Taubes.

     

    56. For an account of the classical genre of spiritual biography in which the Gospels were written, see Hadas and Smith. See also Boyarin, Dying for God.

    Works Cited

     

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    • Brilmayer, Lea. “Carolene, Conflicts, and the Fate of the ‘Inside Outsider.’” University of Pennsylvania Law Review 134 (1986): 1291-1334.
    • Brown, Norman O. Love’s Body. New York: Vintage, 1966.
    • Card, Claudia. The Atrocity Paradigm: A Theory of Evil. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2002.
    • Churchill, Ward. A Little Matter of Genocide: Holocaust and Denial in the Americas, 1492 to the Present. San Francisco: City Lights, 1997.
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    • Cohen, Josh. Interrupting Auschwitz. New York: Continuum, 2003.
    • Cohen, Stanley. States of Denial: Knowing About Atrocities and Suffering. Cambridge: Polity, 2001.
    • Copjec, Joan. Radical Evil. London: Verso, 1996.
    • Dallaire, Roméo A. Shake Hands with the Devil: The Failure of Humanity in Rwanda. New York: Carrol & Graf, 2004.
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    • Dean, Carolyn J. The Fragility of Empathy After the Holocaust. Ithaca: Cornell UP, 2004. 16-42.
    • Derrida, Jacques. The Politics of Friendship. Trans. George Collins. London: Verso, 1997.
    • —. “Violence and Metaphysics.” Writing and Difference. Trans. Alan Bass. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1978. 79-153.
    • Douglas, Lawrence. The Memory of Judgment: Making Law and History in the Trials of the Holocaust. New Haven: Yale UP, 2001.
    • Elster, Jon. “Majority Rule and Individual Rights.” On Human Rights: The Oxford Amnesty Lectures 1993. Ed. Stephen Shute and Susan Hurley. New York: Basic, 1993. 175-216.
    • Ely, John Hart. Democracy and Distrust. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1980.
    • Fanon, Frantz. Black Skin, White Masks. London: Paladin, 1970.
    • —. The Wretched of the Earth. Trans. Constance Farrington. New York: Grove, 1968.
    • Feher, Michel. Powerless by Design. Durham: Duke UP, 2000.
    • Freud, Sigmund. Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego. Standard Edition Vol. 18. 65-144.
    • —. Moses and Monotheism: Three Essays. Standard Edition Vol. 23. 1-138.
    • —. Mourning and Melancholia. Standard Edition Vol. 14. 237-60.
    • —. Standard Edition of the Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud. Ed. James Strachey. 24 vols. London: Hogarth and the Institute of Psychoanalysis, 1957.
    • —. Totem and Taboo. Standard Edition. Vol 13. 1-162.
    • Glover, Jonathan. Humanity: A Moral History of the Twentieth Century. New Haven: Yale UP, 2000.
    • Goldhagen, Daniel Jonah. Hitler’s Willing Executioners: Ordinary Germans and the Holocaust. New York: Vintage, 1997.
    • Gordimer, Nadine. July’s People. New York: Penguin, 1981.
    • Gourevitch, Philip. We Wish to Inform You That Tomorrow We Will be Killed with Our Families: Stories from Rwanda. New York: Farrar, 1998.
    • Gross, Jan T. Neighbors: The Destruction of the Jewish Community in Jedwabne, Poland. Princeton: Princeton UP, 2001.
    • Guinier, Lani. Tyranny of the Majority: Fundamental Fairness in Representative Democracy. New York: Free, 1995.
    • Gutmann, Amy, and Dennis F. Thompson. Democracy and Disagreement. Cambridge: Belknap P of Harvard UP, 1996.
    • —. Why Deliberative Democracy? Princeton: Princeton UP, 2004.
    • Hadas, Moses, and Morton Smith. Heroes and Gods: Spiritual Biographies in Antiquity. Freeport: Arno, 1965.
    • Hallward, Peter. Badiou: A Subject to Truth. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 2003.
    • Hesse, Carla, and Robert Post. “Introduction.” Justice in Transitional Societies Gettysburg to Bosnia. Ed. Hesse and Post. New York: Zone, 1999. 13-36.
    • Hinshelwood, R.D. A Dictionary of Kleinian Thought. Northvale: Jason Aronson, 1991.
    • Höhne, Heinz. The Order of the Death’s Head: The Story of Hitler’s SS. New York: Coward McCann, 1970.
    • Hunt, Lynn. The Family Romance of the French Revolution. Berkeley: U of California P, 1992.
    • Ignatieff, Michael. Human Rights as Politics and Idolatry. Princeton: Princeton UP, 2001.
    • —. The Lesser Evil: Political Ethics in an Age of Terror. Princeton: Princeton UP, 2004.
    • Kateb, George. “On Political Evil.” The Inner Ocean: Individualism and Democratic Culture. Ithaca: Cornell UP, 1992. 199-221.
    • Kennedy, David. The Dark Sides of Virtue: Reassessing International Humanitarianism. Princeton: Princeton UP, 2004.
    • Kirchheimer, Otto. Political Justice: The Use of Legal Procedure for Political Ends. Princeton: Princeton UP, 1968.
    • Klein, Melanie. “A Contribution to the Psycho-genesis of Manic-Depressive States.” Love, Guilt, and Reparation and Other Works 1921-1945. London: Virago, 1988. 262-89.
    • —. “Mourning and its Relation to Manic-Depressive States.” Love, Guilt, and Reparation and Other Works 1921-1945. London: Virago, 1988. 344-69.
    • —. “Notes on Some Schizoid Mechanisms.” Envy and Gratitude and Other Works 1946-63: The Writings of Melanie Klein. Vol. 3. Ed. R.E. Money-Kyrle. New York: Free, 1964-75. 1-24.
    • —. “Some Reflections on the Oresteia.” Envy and Gratitude and Other Works 1946-63: The Writings of Melanie Klein. Vol. 3. Ed. R.E. Money-Kyrle. New York: Free, 1964-75. 275-300.
    • Koh, Harold Hongju, and Ronald C. Slye, eds. Deliberative Democracy and Human Rights. New Haven: Yale UP, 1999.
    • Lacan, Jacques. The Ethics of Psychoanalysis: 1959-1960. Ed. J. A. Miller. Trans. Dennis Porter. New York: Norton, 1988.
    • Lemkin, Raphaël. Axis Rule in Occupied Europe. Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1944.
    • Lévinas, Emmanuel. “Diachrony and Representation.” Entre Nous 159-178.
    • —. Difficult Freedom: Essays on Judaism. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 1990.
    • —. Entre Nous: Thinking-of-the-Other. Trans. Michael B. Smith and Barbara Harshav. New York: Columbia UP, 1998.
    • —. “From the One to the Other: Transcendence and Time.” Entre Nous133-54.
    • —. “Peace and Proximity.” Emmanuel Lévinas: Basic Philosophical Writings. Ed. Adrian Peperzak, et. al. Bloomington: Indiana UP, 1996.
    • —. “Substitution.” Otherwise Than Being or Beyond Essence. Trans. Alphonso Lingis. Pittsburgh: Duquesne UP, 1998. 99-129.
    • —. Time and the Other and Additional Essays. Trans. Richard A. Cohen. Pittsburgh: Duquesne UP, 1987.
    • —. Totality and Infinity: An Essay on Exteriority. Trans. Alphonso Lingis. Pittsburgh: Duquesne UP, 1969.
    • —. “Useless Suffering.” Entre Nous 91-102.
    • Lijphart, Arend. Democracy in Plural Societies. New Haven: Yale UP, 1980.
    • Lindqvist, Sven. Exterminate the Brutes: One Man’s Odyssey into the Heart of Darkness and the Origins of European Genocide. New York: New, 1992.
    • —. A History of Bombing. New York: New, 2000.
    • Maier, Charles S. “Unsafe Haven: Why Minorities-Treaties Fail.” New Republic 207.16 (October 1992): 20.
    • Mamdani, Mahmood. “Race and Ethnicity as Political Identities in the African Context.” Keywords/Identity: For a Different Kind of Globalization. Ed. Nadia Tazi. New York: Other, 2004. 4-8
    • —. When Victims Become Killers: Colonialism, Nativism, and the Genocide in Rwanda. Princeton: Princeton UP, 2001.
    • Meister, Robert. “Forgiving and Forgetting: Lincoln and the Politics of National Recovery.” Human Rights in Political Transitions. Eds. C. Hesse and R. C. Post. New York: Zone, 1999. 135-76.
    • —. “Human Rights and the Politics of Victimhood.” Ethics and International Affairs 16:2 (2002): 91-108.
    • —. “The Liberalism of Fear and the Counterrevolutionary Project.” Ethics and International Affairs 16:2 (2002): 118-123.
    • —. “The Logic and Legacy of Dred Scott: Marshall, Taney, and the Sublimation of Republican Thought.” Studies in American Political Development 3 (1989): 199-260.
    • —. “Sojourners and Survivors: Two Logics of Non-Discrimination.” The University of Chicago Law School Roundtable 3.1 (1996): 121-184.
    • Neiman, Susan. Evil: An Alternative History of Philosophy. Princeton: Princeton UP, 2002.
    • Nino, Carlos. Radical Evil on Trial. New Haven: Yale UP, 1996.
    • Novick, Peter. The Holocaust in American Life. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1999.
    • Power, Samantha. “Bystanders to Genocide.” The Atlantic Monthly (September 2001). 84-109.
    • —. “Never Again: The World’s Most Unfulfilled Promise.” PBS Frontline 1998.
    • —. “A Problem From Hell”: America and the Age of Genocide. New York: Basic, 2002.
    • —. “Roméo Dallaire: A Hero of Our Time.” New York Review of Books 51.18 (18 Nov. 2004). 8-11.
    • Putnam, Hilary. “Lévinas and Judaism.” The Cambridge Companion to Lévinas. Eds. Simon Critchley and Robert Bernasconi. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2002. 33-62.
    • Rancière, Jacques. “Who Is the Subject of the Rights of Man?” South Atlantic Quarterly 103:2/3 (Spring/Summer 2004): 297-310.
    • Rieff, David. A Bed for the Night: Humanitarianism in Crisis. New York: Simon, 2002.
    • Rorty, Richard. “Human Rights, Rationality, and Sentimentality.” On Human Rights: The Oxford Amnesty Lectures 1993. Ed. Stephen Shute and Susan Hurley. New York: Basic, 1993. 111-134.
    • Rose, Jacqueline. “Deadly Embrace.” London Review of Books 26.21 (November 2004). <http://www.lrb.co.uk/v26/n21/rose01_.html>.
    • Rummel, R.J. Death by Government. New Brunswick: Transaction, 2000.
    • Sa’adeh, Anne. Germany’s Second Chance: Trust, Justice, and Democratization. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1998.
    • Santner, Eric. On the Psychotheology of Everyday Life: Reflections on Freud and Rosensweig. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 2001.
    • Sartre, Jean-Paul. “Preface.” Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth 7-31.
    • Schmitt, Carl. The Concept of the Political. Trans. George Schwab. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1996.
    • —. Political Theology. Trans. George Schwab. Cambridge: MIT P, 1988.
    • Scott, David. Conscripts of Modernity: The Tragedy of Colonial Enlightenment. Durham: Duke UP, 2004.
    • Seed, Patricia. Ceremonies of Possession in Europe’s Conquest of the New World, 1492-1640. New York: Cambridge UP, 1995.
    • Segal, Hanna. Introduction to the Work of Melanie Klein. New York: Basic, 1973.
    • Segev, Tom. The Seventh Million: The Israelis and the Holocaust. Trans. Haim Watzman. New York: Hill, 1993.
    • Sen, A.K. Collective Choice and Social Welfare. San Francisco: Freeman, 1970.
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    • Shklar, Judith N. Legalism: An Essay on Law, Morals, and Politics. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1964.
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    • Solnit, Rebecca. A Book of Migrations: Some Passages in Ireland. London: Verso, 1997.
    • Sontag, Susan. Regarding the Pain of Others. New York: Farrar, Strauss, Giroux, 2003.
    • Stannard, David E. American Holocaust. New York: Oxford UP, 1992.
    • Taubes, Jacob. The Political Theology of Paul. Trans. Dana Hollander. Stanford: Stanford UP, 2004.
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    • Zizek, Slavoj. “Afterword: Lenin’s Choice.” Revolution at the Gates: Zizek on Lenin, the 1917 Writings. London: Verso, 2002. 167-336.
    • —. Welcome to the Desert of the Real. London: Verso, 2002.

     

  • Preface: Approaching Proximity

    Rei Terada

    Departments of English and Comparative Literature
    University of California, Irvine
    terada@uci.edu

     

    Ethics and Politics of Proximity reflects on the contemporary state of thought about proximate others, whether they be like or unlike oneself, neighbors, friends, rivals, or enemies. Coming from disparate disciplines (politics, literary studies, and architecture) and using heterogeneous principles, these essays by Robert Meister, Laura O’Connor, and Dana Cuff show that proximity is a testing ground for struggles between politics and ethics and for models of border cultures and shared space.1 Proximity, the afterlife of approach, also retains the trace of time in spatial relations; no consciousness of proximity exists without at least a hypothesis of how one came to be near, whether one arrived before or after the other. Various discourses of proximity, however, may stress or repress temporal questions. In his essay for this issue, Robert Meister calls the “ethics of the neighbor” “a spatializing discourse within ethics, as distinct from a ‘temporalizing’ discourse that subordinates ethics to political rhetorics associated with memory and identity.”2Microinvestigations in the ethological field of “proxemics”–the study of such things as how close to one another we like to stand and speak–also reflect the always changing power relations between parties without necessarily offering a historical account of how these came to be, as Dana Cuff points out in her study of suburban architecture. In the uneasy territory of proximity, interactions that are not explicitly political must still be recognized or repressed as ambiguously so because of their place in a sequence of other exchanges.

     

    Contemporary theory has been nervous about proximity. In the 1980s and early 1990s, critical theory and cultural studies often repeated that one should not identify too closely with the other. Too easy identification, by this logic, is said to fantasize harmony and mistranslate or appropriate the other’s communication.3 This seemingly self-critical suspicion of identification, however, may also flatter the self by attributing too much power to it. Arguably, it wishfully aggrandizes the self’s capacities in the mode of restraint. Shielding the autonomy of the other can turn into the comedy of cultural critics’ protecting their objects of study from a totalizing force that these same critics could never actually muster. In a redundant act of magical thinking, cultural theory was sometimes called on to safeguard differences even as those differences were posited as inevitable. Fifteen years later contemporary formulations of the ethics of proximity as opposed to its politics tend to take an even more radically self-subjugating form. Even as the stricture on identification remains largely in place, current schematizations of proximity often underestimate the difficulty of bearing with others, or masochistically embrace it. Contemporary ethics in the lineage of Lévinas figures the other as an overpowering given that makes assymetrical, ultimate demands; the subject endorses the pain of invasion as the very condition of subjectivity. Lévinas’s extreme version of responsibility at least has the merit of stressing the subject’s suffering. In Lacanian formulations, the suffering of self and other can be relegated to the realms of the imaginary. Eric Santner’s Psychotheology of Everyday Life mobilizes Franz Rosenzweig’s accounts of the banal heroism of life among one’s neighbors in order to suggest that each subject must bear the burden of the other’s unconscious. For Alain Badiou, the philosophy of Paul represents the possibility of overcoming the sectarian strife that Badiou attributes to over-attention to differences.4 Badiou and Slavoj Zizek give the Pauline equivalence of self and other a Lacanian twist, arguing that the relation of neighbor to self reflects the strangeness and externality of the self to itself. Nonetheless, Zizek insists, the “common void” in us and between us provides a basis for a reorganization of psycho-social life.5

     

    These forms of proximity–upon me, too close to me, in me more than me–suggest a persistent lack of vocabulary for untraumatic relation.6 Santner’s position in particular is worth examining at greater length, since Santner understands the necessity of working through resistance to proximity. He shows how in The Star of Redemption Rosenzweig comes to view the repeated friction of small acts of communal involvement as the texture of love, and eventually compares the attitude Rosenzweig recommends with the analyst’s toward the analysand:

     

    What Freud and Rosenzweig have done, then, is to elaborate the ethical relation introduced into the world by Judeo-Christian monotheism–love of God as love of neighbor–as the basis of a distinctly modern ethical conception: my ability to endure the proximity of the Other in their “moment of jouissance,” the demonic and undying singularity of their metaethical selfhood (in Freud’s view, it is perhaps only psychoanalysts who–at least ideally–embody this ethical attitude). To put it most simply, the Other to whom I am answerable has an unconscious, is the bearer of an irreducible and internal otherness, a locus of animation that belongs to no form of life. To cite Freud’s characterization of the Ratman, the face of the Other to whom I am answerable is one that in some form or another manifests a “horror at pleasure of his own of which he himself [is] unaware.” (82)

     

    The phrase in parenthesis is crucial, since for Freud analysis is possible only because it is not simply a part of everyday life, and everyday life in the mode of the analyst’s hypothetically infinite patience would be cruel. Further, enduring another’s sexual horror as the type of neighbor relation in the love of God is frighteningly close to internalizing parental seduction. Jean Laplanche asks whether one might compare the sexualized messages of parents to children to the demands of God: “That God is enigmatic, that He compels one to translate, seems obvious in the entire Judaeo-Christian tradition of exegesis. Whether this enigma presupposes that the message is opaque to Himself is plainly a different question. Does God have an unconscious?” (191). Santner adduces Laplanche in order to argue that “every symbolic investiture” of personhood–beginning with the primal scene as unconscious display–produces a “kernel of ‘indignity’” about which we incline to be defensive, but toward which Rosenzweigian love may be open (84-85). Here as in Lévinas, the difficulties of proximity are fully acknowledged only to advocate even greater proximity. The subject is to be “release[d]” from its “labors to translate superegoic pressure into a meaningful communication/legislation” by the logic that working to escape the pressure only mires the subject more deeply (104). Although Freud and Laplanche might agree that escape fantasies can perpetuate the wrong kind of excitement, they do not, like Lacan and Zizek, lose their sense of outrage at psychic invasion and the rightfulness of one’s desire to escape it. The project of analyzing and undoing interpellated messages may be interminable, but still, according to Laplanche, “the development of the human individual is to be understood as an attempt to master, to translate, these enigmatic, traumatizing messages. . . . Analysis is first and foremost a method of deconstruction (ana-lysis), with the aim of clearing the way for a new construction, which is the task of the analysand” (165). This series of associations–from banal contact to parental seduction by God–suggests that the memory of psychic intrusion may lie behind our objection to the frictive presence of proximate others. “Being able to bear the institutions and the people we depend upon is called masochism,” Adam Phillips suggests (49).

     

    It may be the case that relation is unsustainable, as Freud suspects in Civilization and Its Discontents, even as we survive it. If so, it is not clear what our attitude toward this state of affairs should be. I’d suggest simply that this question should be approached as much as possible without presuppositions and a priori moral obligations. We feel so guilty about having difficulty with fundamental sociality that we do not even know what we think before we impale ourselves on imagined inexorabilities that bear their own social and political consequences. Analysts are familiar with patients who rush to submit to imaginary laws just to end the discomfort of mixed feelings toward others and the pressures of choice. Ethics and politics could take a page from prosaic clinical literature and simply hold ambiguities in mind longer to see what they may be composed of.

     

    The particular combinations of attraction and repulsion in proximate relations and the histories of conflict that create them should bear in some way on one’s responsibility to someone else. Even the best proximate relations contain particular knots of love-hate. The difference between working through with Freud and “going through the fantasy” with Lacan may be remaining alive to the contingent forces that produce these knots and coming up with the empiricist empathy to undo them at length.7 Although I don’t speak for the authors of these essays, as their reader I admire their taking the time to dwell in the details of proximate entanglements–the logics of victims’ and victors’ justice (Meister), the poetic forms of intimate ethnic rivalry (O’Connor), the disparate imaginary neighbors projected by architectural conventions and innovations (Cuff). Their unblinking descriptions of historical dilemmas help us understand the political and power relations that have made the ethics of proximity difficult to bear.

     

    Notes

     

    1. The essays by Meister and Cuff, as well as this preface, are products of “The Ethics of the Neighbor,” a seminar sponsored by the University of California Humanities Research Institute. The authors would like to thank Kenneth Reinhard, convener of the seminar, and David Theo Goldberg, Director of the Institute, for the opportunity to do this research.

     

    2. See also Derrida’s comment on the figure of the neighbor in Rogues: Two Essays on Reason: “Perhaps in the discussion to follow I might be able to elaborate on a series of values most often associated with that of the brother: the values of the neighbor [prochain] (in the Christian sense), the fellow, the compeer or the like [semblable] (the enormous question of the like: I tried to argue in my seminar this year that pure ethics, if there is any, begins with the respectable dignity of the other as the absolute unlike, recognized and nonrecognizable, indeed as unrecognizable, beyond all knowledge, all cognition and all recognition: far from being the beginning of pure ethics, the neighbor as like or as resembling, as looking like, spells the end or the ruin of such an ethics, if there is any….)” (60).

     

    3. A deconstructive version of the argument against losing the other through overcloseness occurs in Derrida’s Memoires for Paul de Man. This is the form in which I’ve found the argument most convincing.

     

    4. Badiou’s Paul prescribes the redoubling of a local imperative into a universal one: “it is incumbent upon love to become law so that truth’s postevental universality can continuously inscribe itself in the world, rallying subjects to the path of life.” For Badiou, Paul’s ontology is empty because his Christianity is based on its most fabulous element, the Resurrection; Paul “knows that by holding fast to this point as real, one is unburdened of all the imaginary that surrounds it” (4-5). Badiou’s logic is a version of traditional metaphysics’ historical contempt for “merely empirical” experience figured as a burden.

     

    5. See, for example, his gloss on Badiou in The Ticklish Subject, which phrases the foundational nature of the void in even more general terms: “There is no Order of Being as a positive ontologically consistent Whole: the false semblance of such an Order relies on the self-obliteration of the Act. In other words, the gap of the Act is not introduced into the Order of Being afterwards: it is there all the time as the condition that actually sustains every Order of Being” (238).

     

    6. Perhaps untraumatic relation that respects the rights of the self is unpopular because it has too often been the domain of socially conservative theories of market force. Yet there is nothing necessary, and a great deal that is tense, about the connection of self-respect to capitalism.

     

    7. For a defense of Freudian mourning pitched against Lacan, see Ricciardi.

    Works Cited

     

    • Badiou, Alain. Saint Paul: The Foundation of Universalism. 1997. Trans. Ray Brassier. Stanford: Stanford UP, 2003.
    • Derrida, Jacques. Memoires for Paul de Man. Trans. Cecile Lindsay, Jonathan Culler, and Eduardo Cadava. New York: Columbia UP, 1986.
    • — . Rogues: Two Essays on Reason. Trans. Pascale-Anne Brault and Michael Naas. Stanford: Stanford UP, 2004.
    • Laplanche, Jean. “Interpretation between Determinism and Hermeneutics: A Restatement of the Problem.” Essays on Otherness. Trans. Philip Slotkin. London: Routledge, 1999. 138-165.
    • —. “Seduction, Persecution, Revelation.” Essays on Otherness. Trans. Philip Slotkin. London: Routledge, 1999. 166-96.
    • Phillips, Adam. The Beast in the Nursery: On Curiosity and Other Appetites. New York: Vintage, 1998.
    • Ricciardi, Alessia. The Ends of Mourning: Psychoanalysis, Literature, Film. Stanford: Stanford UP, 2003.
    • Santner, Eric. On The Psychotheology of Everyday Life: Reflections on Freud and Rosenzweig. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 2001.
    • Zizek, Slavoj. The Ticklish Subject: The Absent Centre of Ontology. London: Verso, 1999.

     

  • Unmade Men: The Sopranos After Whiteness

    Christopher Kocela

    Department of English
    Georgia State University
    engcpk@langate.gsu.edu

     

    Maurice Yacowar is right that The Sopranos “bears the critical analysis routinely accorded good literature, drama, and films” (19). Yet critical discussion of the program so far has not considered its interest in race. This is certainly not for lack of provocation. In almost every episode, Tony Soprano invents a new epithet for the racial “others” he encounters at work and at home. He curses out an African-American traffic cop as an “affirmative action cocksucker” (S3E5) and describes his daughter’s Black and Jewish boyfriend as a “Hasidic homeboy.”1 Nor is Tony’s “racist retrograde fucking asshole personality,” to quote his daughter Meadow (S3E4), an anomaly in the series. Tony’s description of the police officer, in particular, reiterates sentiments about affirmative action and racial equality that circulate in the Soprano household during Meadow’s process of applying to college, which plays out during the entire second season of the series. One of the more memorable moments in that season is the scene in which Carmella Soprano offers Joan Cusamano, Secretary of the Georgetown University Alumni Association, a ricotta pie with pineapples in return for a letter of recommendation for Meadow. Neither Joan’s refusal to be threatened nor the fact that she has already written a letter for a “wonderful young Dominican boy from the projects” (S2E8) holds any sway with Carmella Soprano, who goes so far as to suggest a viable lie about the boy in the interest of promoting her daughter.2 Although books and articles about the series have engaged claims, like those of Camille Paglia, that the show stereotypes Italian-Americans, there has been little effort to endow the construction of racial and ethnic difference in The Sopranos with the same degree of complexity accorded its treatment of gangster cinema, psychoanalysis, or gender.3Tony’s reactions to figures like the African-American police officer are far from simple. In light of his wealth and connections to highly placed civic officials, the irony of Tony’s claims about victimization and his use of affirmative action as a term to ground that victimization speak to the way in which he negotiates his status as both a privileged white subject and an ethnic victim. Scenes like this establish a subtext that runs throughout the series, engaging cultural anxieties about the representation of whiteness in a way that helps account for the show’s popularity.

     

    A common assumption in “whiteness studies” is that in Western culture, those designated or able to pass as white experience whiteness as an unacknowledged system of privileges whose operation is difficult to recognize since whiteness appears, to them, as an “empty” cultural category. Hence to analyze the emergence and functioning of whiteness is to engage in a form of anti-racist practice.4 Recently, however, interventions in this field have taken aim at the notion that whiteness has ever been invisible, even to whites. In turn, some proponents of whiteness studies have begun to doubt their initial assumption that heightening white racial consciousness might help end racism.

     

    Ruth Frankenburg and Mike Hill have been careful to register their own changing and conflicted relationship with the subject they helped popularize. In “The Mirage of Unmarked Whiteness” (2001), Frankenburg challenges the idea that she had advanced–that whiteness is invisible–by arguing that “the more one scrutinizes it . . . the more the notion of whiteness as an unmarked norm is revealed to be a mirage or indeed, to put it even more strongly, a white delusion” (73). According to Frankenburg, despite the prevailing opinion of most theorists of whiteness, white racial consciousness has actually been on the rise for some time in the United States owing to affirmative action and the challenges put to it in the late 1980s and the 1990s. Moreover, this new racial awareness denies a facile correlation between racial self-consciousness and anti-racist sentiment among white subjects. Analyzing interviews with whites from across the United States, Frankenburg finds that most interviewees, regardless of class or location, tend to see whiteness not as a system of privilege but of victimization. Her conclusion is that many whites now exhibit a more complex and contradictory understanding of whiteness than even its theorists tend to admit:

     

    On one level white people were more conscious of themselves as white and more conscious of themselves as living and acting in a racialized world. But in these interviews, race consciousness did not correlate with antiracism. Rather, what I witnessed as I listened to these accounts was neither race cognizance nor color- and power-evasiveness, but rather a hybrid of the two, that which one might name "power-evasive race cognizance." . . . It is now possible to make two claims simultaneously. One is that African Americans and Latinos do not need the "handouts" of affirmative action because they are perfectly capable of achieving without help. The second is that when African Americans and Latinos do succeed alongside whites, this is not because of their own efforts and talents, but rather because of unfair assistance. (91)

     

    Frankenburg’s observations lend weight to Hill’s recent analysis of the romanticized “white minority” that has come to obsess both the popular and academic imagination. Hill introduces his After Whiteness: Unmaking an American Majority, with an account of a trip to a 2002 conference of the American Renaissance–a group devoted to preserving the white race on the verge of its supposed collapse into minority status. Hill makes discomfiting comparisons between the “memory of whiteness” sought by this overtly racist group and the first popular surge of whiteness studies in the late 1990s, in which “particularizing whiteness as a normative historical fiction, combined with an under-interrogated desire to see that race on the margins, carried good professional and even political currency” (3). According to Hill, the study of whiteness will never be able to surmount the politically disturbing contradictions in which it is rooted and which, in its more naïve forms, it pins exclusively on mass culture (8). For that reason, the most responsible form of whiteness studies in Hill’s view is that which examines “how the white majority’s imagined move into the past is coordinated with its thoroughly agitated status in the present” (8). This amounts to a study of “after-whiteness,” which focuses not on the invisibility or unrepresentability of whiteness as such, but on the “various forms of misrecognition that now accompany the act of racial self-regard” (12).

     

    In this essay I argue that The Sopranos interrogates the problem of white racial consciousness in keeping with the “after whiteness” theses developed by Frankenburg and Hill. Frankenburg’s notion of power-evasive race cognizance helps name and diagnose Tony and Carmella’s reactions to the African-American traffic cop and to Joan Cusamano. Their reactions recur in various forms throughout the series and help ground its portrayal of whiteness as an American fantasy whose psychological hold over the imagination depends on what Hill calls its “absent presence.”5 Through its complex treatment of Italian-American identity, The Sopranos simultaneously mourns and celebrates the advent of a lost white majority in the United States. In this it supports the claims of Valerie Babb and Matthew Frye Jacobson that television plays a foundational role in establishing whiteness as an American norm (Babb 44), but with an important qualification. Where an earlier program like Dragnet served to authorize the mainstream equation of “Caucasian” and “white” (Jacobson 97), in The Sopranos whiteness is a tool that profits a criminal if not entirely oppositional take on the American Way. The vehicle for this presentation is the show’s central protagonist, Tony Soprano, a character who is both deeply invested in, and in deep denial about, his status as a white male subject. Tony’s recurring panic attacks represent the racial anxiety which, in Kalpana Seshadri-Crooks’s Lacanian analysis, arises as the byproduct of the desire for whiteness in contemporary American culture. The promise held out by the show in the form of Tony’s on-again off-again therapy is that this anxiety can somehow be “cured”–a promise whose gradual tarnishing over the first five seasons of the series reflects the fading faith of those who have grown dubious about the political and theoretical goals of whiteness studies.

     

    Talking to the Wrong White Man

     

    In an interview for the DVD box set of The Sopranos Season One, director and creator David Chase attributes the uniqueness and appeal of the series to the fact that it tackles the domestic issues and psychological problems attached to being a crime boss. While the germ of the series, according to Chase, was the image of a mob boss undergoing psychoanalysis (a concept picked up the same year, apparently coincidentally, by the film Analyze This), the form of the show stemmed from Chase’s notion that the domestic life of the gangster was the only territory left for exploration at this point in the history of the genre. Whether or not Chase is correct about the show’s appeal, it is certainly the case that promotion of The Sopranos has consistently foregrounded Tony’s divided loyalties to family and business, from the series’ tag-line, “If one family doesn’t get him, the other will,” to the title of S5E1, “The Two Tonys.”6 Meanwhile, through numerous twists and turns in the series’ narrative (and the killing of major characters at regular intervals), Tony’s psychotherapy has remained the primary vehicle through which his divided loyalties come to light. In S1E7, Tony’s analyst, Jennifer Melfi, reads Tony’s frequent and debilitating panic attacks as evidence that he is afraid of losing his family. Despite sometimes violent reactions from her patient, Jennifer repeatedly identifies Tony’s desire to protect his family as the overriding, and paradoxical, motivation for his dangerous business practices.

     

    By foregrounding Tony’s divided self and loyalties, The Sopranos calls attention to what Pellegrino D’Acierno calls the “double bind” of Italian-American identity. According to D’Acierno, Italian-American subjectivity is conventionally portrayed as split between a weak, “good” family and a strong, “bad” family, each defined through its relationship to the American Dream. The good family betrays itself and is left powerless by its assimilation to American culture and ideals, while the bad family prospers by interpreting the American Dream through organized crime. That these two families cannot be represented without each other is key to the dominant mythic narration of American culture. Accordingly, the most powerful examples of Italian-American cinema revise this mythic narrative, often by challenging the conventions of the gangster film as a cultural blueprint for Italian-American ethnicity. In D’Acierno’s view, Francis Coppola’s The Godfather trilogy disturbs the majoritarian framework through which Italian-American identity is constructed, creating hero-figures distanced from the audience by their obvious ethnicity. Even more powerfully, Martin Scorsese’s work occupies what D’Acierno calls “the strict position of the ethnic cinema: the cinema of ‘divided consciousness’ in which the ‘cursed part’–the secret wound of ethnicity–is displayed” (567). In films like Mean Streets, GoodFellas, and Casino, this wound of ethnicity is expressed through the destruction of the patriarchal order that grounds the mythic place of the strong Italian family. Where Coppola remains committed to a “cinema of fathers,” Scorsese’s films construct a “cinema of sons” in which the family is dissolved by the brutalities of ghetto life. Here authentic father figures come to be replaced by local mob bosses or weak godfathers who cannot provide the centering influence of a Don Corleone. By challenging the mythic narration that defines Italian-American identity, Scorsese’s films create an ethnic cinema which forces its audience to enter directly into the ruined lifeworld and language of its lost children.

     

    The indebtedness of The Sopranos to the work of Coppola and especially of Scorsese has received ample critical attention. Much scholarly celebration of the show as an icon of postmodernism hinges on its nostalgic engagement with previous gangster films.7 But beyond the unprecedented attention paid by the series to the domestic side of Mafia life (a focus well-suited to its televisual medium), much of the uniqueness of The Sopranos resides in the way it interrogates the mythic two-family structure of Italian-American identity. If previous installments of the gangster genre sought to foreground the wound of Italian-American ethnicity, The Sopranos foregrounds and interrogates the (fantasmatic) wound of white racial identification that is the result of the Soprano family’s near-total assimilation into mainstream American culture. This “wound” is revealed in various forms of power-evasive race cognizance, such as Tony’s reaction to his speeding ticket, that are predicated on a perceived or threatened loss of a white majoritarian order. Unlike the very real demise of the Italian patriarchal order in Scorsese’s films, the passing of the white patriarchal order in The Sopranos is consistently portrayed as a fantasmatic loss–yet one with real effects for those who might mourn or celebrate it. The result, I suggest, is that The Sopranos sheds light on the political and economic stakes of perpetuating cultural fantasies of a lost white majority in contemporary U.S. culture.

     

    For Mike Hill, the need to analyze fantasies of a post-white world derives from the fact that such fantasies have captured progressive and reactionary poles of the American cultural imaginary. Backed by statistical trends which appear to forecast a coming “white minority,” numerous groups–including academic multiculturalists, the Promise Keepers (a Christian men’s group), and the neofascist National Alliance–describe a post-white America in which the earlier black/white dichotomy of U.S. race relations gives way to a new multiethnic or post-ethnic reality. In these formulations, the civil rights movement of the 1950s and 60s is an important statistical and political benchmark, since the drive to promote models of racial and ethnic multiplicity is often made in the name of civil rights reforms and the decline (based on official reports like the U.S. census) in white identification since that time (39). Yet for Hill the promotion of a post-binaristic, post-white national imaginary is problematic given the statistical persistence of a clear non-white/white divide where income is concerned.8 Hill asks: “What happens to civil rights-inspired forms of racial identity in the post-binaristic future intimated here? The question is crucial, since the distribution of wealth is still stubbornly sutured to a recognizably race-divided social order” (35). Hill’s answer, which is also the central argument of his book, is that the new form of identity politics encouraged by proponents of post-whiteness violates the civil rights legacy (and the ideals of the liberal state) on which it appears to rely. The “post-white analytic” developed by Hill thus seeks to place under suspicion “the idea of racial self-recognition and to link the various forms of misrecognition that accompany that act to the terminal permutations of a waning liberal state” (9; 25).9

     

    The Sopranos depicts a world in which Hill’s worst suspicions about the cultural fantasy of lost whiteness are borne out. In particular, the series frequently demonstrates how visions of a lost white majority are deliberately deployed in order to mask and perpetuate black/white economic boundaries. Several of the series’ subplots focus on the way whites manipulate nostalgia for a black and white model of U.S. race relations. Here references abound to the civil rights movement and its immediate legacy, the urban race riots of the late 1960s. In S4E7, Tony, Ralph Siforetto (one of Tony’s captains), and Assemblyman Zellman (a highly placed friend) meet in a sauna to discuss an urban housing development scam with one of Zellman’s African-American compatriots, Maurice. The business under negotiation involves the misuse of government funds designed to assist low-income, inner city families, a plan that leads to group recollections of an “earlier” period in U.S. race relations:

     

    Zellman: "Summer of '67, we were both home on break. I'm interning at the state legislature and he [to Maurice]--what were you doing?"Maurice: “Uh…East Nook Food Co-op.”

     

    Zellman: “Right. But come July–”

     

    Tony: “The Newark riots.”

     

    Ralph: “What a fuckin’ summer that was!”

     

    Zellman: “Later that year Maurice and I helped organize one of the first black voting drives.”

     

    Tony: “Maurice, uh, were you around for Anthony Imperiale? The ‘White Knight’?”

     

    Maurice: “Around? Who you think he was fightin’ against? ”

     

    Zellman: “‘Italian pride! Keep Newark white!’”

     

    Maurice: "Aspiring Klansmen, some of those boys." (S4E7)

     

    Invoking earlier, monolithic visions of whiteness in the form of Anthony Imperiale and the Ku Klux Klan, Tony and Zellman dissociate themselves from that past, calling attention to the “new” racial dynamics of a post-white world in which they and Maurice can discuss business in, of all places, a sauna. That neither Tony nor Zellman actually believes in the breakdown of a black/white racial binary is made evident later in the episode, however, when Tony instructs Zellman to hire blacks from one of Maurice’s “youth gang outreach programs” to clear out the crack houses they intend to buy. When Zellman asks Tony, “Why didn’t your guys roust ’em?” Tony responds ironically: “Oh, nice! Bunch of white guys settin’ off caps in the ghetto. That won’t attract any attention at all!” Tony’s response betrays his awareness of, and identification with, a majoritarian model of whiteness whose passing he had appeared to celebrate with Maurice. His desire not to call attention to the black/white racial binary also reveals the importance of remaining silent about the racial dynamics reinforced by his business practices–dynamics that become clear when Zellman is confronted outside one of his new properties by an African-American girl hoping for a “nice house.” In this episode, the absent presence of whiteness is expressed when privileged blacks and whites share profits at the expense of African-American children.10

     

    The subplot of S2E2 focuses similarly on Tony’s resolution of a labor dispute between an Italian-American construction company and a group of disgruntled black joint-fitters. Early in the episode, a black preacher exhorts an angry mob of African-American workers to shut down one of Masserone Brothers’ construction sites. Amplified by a megaphone, the reverend’s voice plainly evokes that of Martin Luther King, Jr. and his message locates the outrage of his listeners in the broader context of labor discrimination against blacks:

     

    The black man industrialized the North, but we're still fighting for jobs. Over twenty-five joint-fitters on this site, not a black man to be found! I'll tell you why. Black joint-fitters, like all black artisans, have been shut out of the unions, out of work while the white joint-fitter is filling his stomach! (S2E2)

     

    Despite the reverend’s impassioned rhetoric, however, we soon learn that he is in cahoots with Tony, who has been commissioned by the construction company to break up the demonstration. A later scene depicts a brutal attack on the black workers by a horde of Tony’s men, who surprise their victims while the reverend engages and distracts them. In this episode, civil rights rhetoric is employed specifically to facilitate white-on-black violence. When Tony and the reverend meet at the end of the episode to divide up their profits, we witness once again a “post-white” world in which privileged black and white men share the profits of a business whose victims are exclusively African-American.11

     

    Tony’s ability to affirm or deny his whiteness, as the situation dictates, indicates the originality of The Sopranos‘ treatment of the gangster genre and its two-family myth of Italian-American identity. Where the difference between “good” and “bad” Italian families is traditionally established as a contrast between assimilation and poverty on the one hand and ethnic difference and criminal financial success on the other, Tony’s business endeavours challenge the distinction between good and bad families by demonstrating the instrumentality of Tony’s assimilated status–his whiteness–to his criminal activities. The fact that Tony profits by deflecting attention away from his whiteness implies a fundamental continuity between the white majority and the Mafia itself, in which membership is defined by silence or omerta. In this The Sopranos seconds the analytical work of early whiteness studies by revealing that white privilege is maintained through its invisibility, enforced through silence. At the same time, by breaking down a fundamental difference between good and bad families, the series also casts new light on the conventional “ethnic wound” of Italian-American identity. That wound derives from the complex and largely disavowed historical relationship between Italian-American ethnicity and whiteness itself. As numerous theorists have observed, Italian-American ethnicity serves as a privileged site for the investigation of whiteness in the United States. Italians, more than most other European immigrants, became classified as white only gradually, after enduring much racial discrimination.12 In D’Acierno’s view, the long-established status of Italian-Americans as “atavistic Whites” explains why they continue to be constructed in popular film and television as “the Other who is not an Other,” a group “overdetermined with respect to both the majority and the other minorities” (618-19). But in The Sopranos, Tony’s ability to deploy images of a lost white majority for his own benefit demonstrates that his “wound” of ethnic difference also serves as a weapon against those more clearly marked by racial difference in contemporary American culture. The shift of focus away from the gangster’s Italian-American ethnicity to his white racial identification is particularly significant in light of the fact that, as Hill points out, it is the rise of ethnicity as a paradigm for identity that is most often singled out as proof of the end of the white majority.13 Through its treatment of Italian-American identity, The Sopranos suggests that the so-called post-white ethnicity, far from problematizing black/white racial boundaries, actually works to perpetuate them.

     

    That the celebration of ethnic difference can serve as a smokescreen for the maintenance of whiteness is a central thesis of Jacobson’s Whiteness of a Different Color: European Immigrants and the Alchemy of Race. Jacobson describes the process of “becoming-Caucasian” as the main paradigm governing the experience of immigration and assimilation for European peoples in the twentieth-century United States.14 According to Jacobson, the scientific category of a “Caucasian race” emerges in the 1920s as a means of dissolving the racial distinctions among whites that had prevailed in the American cultural imaginary up to that time. An earlier era of anxiety over mass immigration had resulted in racial differentiation between Anglo-Saxons, Celts, Hebrews, Mediterraneans, and Slavs, among others; increased contact of Northern and Western American whites with a migrating African-American population after the turn of the century changed the racial dynamic of the country in a way that helped consolidate whiteness as a cultural and racial grouping. The gradual reconsolidation of whiteness received a significant boost during the civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s, which further polarized the organization of racial difference in the United States. As a result, the earlier racial distinctions among white groups tended not only to dissolve, but to be forgotten altogether with the advent of “ethnic” difference. As Jacobson writes,

     

    ethnicity provided a paradigm for assimilation which erased race as a category of historical experience for European and some Near Eastern immigrants. Not only did these groups now belong to a unified Caucasian race, but race was deemed so irrelevant to who they were that it became something possessed only by "other" peoples. (110)

     

    The white “ethnic revival” which emerges following the civil rights movement is, for Jacobson, the clearest symptom of the naturalization of whiteness as an unmarked racial category, whose invisibility and universality depends on historical amnesia about the process of becoming-Caucasian.15

     

    The Sopranos treats white racial misrecognition most explicitly in S1E10, “A Hit is a Hit.” In this episode, Tony finds himself drawn to the country-club culture of his assimilated Italian-American neighbor, Dr. Cusamano, while also helping his Jewish business partner, Heche, fend off the potentially hostile advances of Massive Genius, an African-American hip-hop tycoon who charges that Heche’s record label in the 1950s took unfair advantage of African-American songwriters. Caught between the pull of the white suburban “mayonnaisers” on one side, and the demands of the black gangsta rapper on the other, Tony is forced to reflect on both family halves of his Italian-American identity. He is simultaneously the “last white ethnic” in the eyes of Cusamano and friends, eager to hear the ritual mysteries of the Mafia, and–from the perspective of Massive Genius–the “first White man, the one who defends turf and still has not lost his body to embourgeoisement” (D’Acierno 619). The episode culminates in two structurally similar scenes, both built around the interrogation of whiteness as a marker of racial and ethnic difference. The first is the sit-down between Massive Genius, Heche, Tony, and their respective crews, in which Massive presents his demand for $400,000 in royalties from F Note Records. Citing a study about the exploitation of African-Americans in the film industry, Massive justifies his claims by arguing that “injustices to blacks in the music business are far worse than even in Hollywood.” But Heche has very different ideas about his place, given his Jewish heritage, in the history of black exploitation. Backed by Tony, Heche tells Massive Genius: “You’re talking to the wrong white man, my friend. My people were the white man’s nigger when yours were still painting their faces and chasing zebras.” Heche’s response lays bare Tony’s habitual and strategic racial misrecognition. Heche in effect affirms and denies his status as a “white man” while obviating the issue of his personal guilt. Indeed, he does not deny his exploitation of the black songwriters (a fact he has already conceded to Tony four episodes earlier). Instead, Heche invokes the history of Jewish persecution as a shield against responsibility for any claims made against the white majority, a strategy that makes him the “wrong white man” in relation to Massive Genius’s claims for racial justice.

     

    Heche’s racial misrecognition is mirrored in a parallel scene later in the episode. This time the sit-down is between Tony and Jennifer, and the point of contention is Tony’s resistance to the comfortable lifestyle of his Italian-American neighbors, the Cusamanos:

     

    Tony: "My wife thinks I need to meet new people."Jennifer: “So?”

     

    Tony: “Come on, you’re Italian, you understand. Guys like me were brought up to think that medigana are fucking bowlers. The truth is the average white man is no more boring than the millionth conversation over who should’ve won, Marciano or Ali.”

     

    Jennifer: “So am I to understand that you don’t consider yourself white?”

     

    Tony: “I don’t mean white like Caucasian. I mean a white man, like our friend Cusamano. How he’s Italian but he’s a medigon. He’s what my old man would’ve called a Wonder Bread wop. You know, he eats his Sunday gravy out of a jar.”

     

    Tony’s distinction between “Caucasian” and “white man” speaks directly to Jacobson’s thesis regarding the history of becoming-Caucasian in the United States. The fact that Tony mentions and then refuses to consider his status as Caucasian (“I don’t mean white like Caucasian”) replays the cultural forgetting of becoming-Caucasian that makes whiteness appear a natural racial category. Moreover, Tony’s invocation of the medigon reinforces Jacobson’s notion that the discourse of ethnicity diverts attention from the historical process of becoming-Caucasian. The appeal to ethnic rather than racial difference helps maintain silence about just who it is who benefits from post-white cultural fantasies. In The Sopranos, however, the economic victors are always clear: Massive Genius and his black songwriters never get their money. Scorsese creates an ethnic cinema in which the breakdown of the Italian patriarchal order signals the doom of its lost sons; The Sopranos, in contrast, predicates the success of the “wrong white men” on manipulated fantasies of whiteness. We do not learn from The Sopranos the language of ethnic sons deprived of their Italian godfathers, but the language of racial misrecognition spoken by sons whose lost white fathers were never really their own.

     

    Whatever Happened to Gary Cooper?

     

    By subtly interrogating the relationship between Italian-American ethnicity and white racial consciousness, The Sopranos agrees with the aims of recent academic studies such as Joseph P. Cosco’s Imagining Italians and Guglielmo and Salerno’s Are Italians White?, which build on the work of Roediger and Jacobson. These texts revisit the historical construction of Italian-American identity through the lens of whiteness, examining the details of becoming-Caucasian for Italians and the reasons for the later denial and forgetting of that process. Jennifer Guglielmo’s introduction to Are Italians White? begins with this point: “Italians were not always white, and the loss of this memory is one of the tragedies of racism in America” (1). Thomas Guglielmo’s chapter in the same volume concludes that “Italian Americans’ whiteness . . . was their single most powerful asset in the ‘New World’; it gave them countless advantages over ‘nonwhites’ in housing, jobs, schools, politics, and virtually every other meaningful area of life. Without appreciating this fact, one has no hope of fully understanding Italian American history” (42-43). Cosco’s text concludes with a chapter entitled “The Fight for Whiteness,” which likewise addresses the need to attend to the history of Italian-Americans as white Americans. But while The Sopranos anticipates and lends weight to these cultural and historical studies, the series also speaks, through its emphasis on Tony’s psychotherapy, to the unconscious and symbolic structure of white racial identification. The psychoanalytic framework through which we learn so much about Tony encourages us to see his problems and anxieties as symptomatic not only of the complexities that attend Italian-American whiteness, but of whiteness in general.

     

    In this regard The Sopranos supports the Lacanian model of race developed by Kalpana Seshadri-Crooks. According to Seshadri-Crooks, race is a “structure of relations, a signifying chain that through a process of inclusions and exclusions constitutes a pattern for organizing human difference” (4). Within the structure of this signifying chain, raced subjects come to inhabit symbolic positions such as “black,” “Asian,” or “white” based on their relationship to a master signifier, Whiteness. In its function as master signifier, Whiteness holds out the (always unfulfilled) promise of wholeness to the split subject of racial difference. The symbolic logic of race is, on this reading, akin to (and based on) that of sexual difference in the Lacanian framework. But there is a crucial difference between racial and sexual difference, according to Seshadri-Crooks. Although racial difference depends upon sexual difference for its effects (20), race is not a fantasy fundamental to the subject. Whiteness, unlike the “missing signifier” of sexual difference, is purely historical and cultural (21), designating no absence or lack in the Real. Moreover, Whiteness as a master signifier is readily visible; indeed, our subjective investment in racial difference stems from its visibility, and from the fact that this visibility appears to bespeak biological essence (21). It is because of its visibility that race, much more so than class or ethnicity, withstands deconstructive and historicizing attempts to dismantle it. At the same time, it is also the visibility of race that can lead to racial anxiety when the subject unconsciously recognizes the false nature of the promises held out by Whiteness. Seshadri-Crooks describes racial anxiety as the foreclosure of desire in Lacanian terms:

     

    Anxiety is an effect, according to Lacan, that appears when there is no possibility of desire, when there is a "lack of a lack." . . . The objet a that race produces is a lethal object, its own disavowed historicity, produced out of the lack of a lack--a phobic object that tries to make the barred Other, the desire of the symbolic, exist. This phobic objet a I suggest is localized as the pre-discursive mark on the surface of the body. The effect of "nature" that race produces emerges from its anxiety, its disavowal of its own historicity. This is the peculiarity of race which is neither in the Real, like sex, nor wholly discursive, like class or ethnicity. (45-46)

     

    Faced with the realization that Whiteness offers no possibility for desire, the raced subject experiences anxiety as the recognition of the false nature of a fantasy in which he or she nonetheless continues to believe.

     

    Though Seshadri-Crooks takes pains to distinguish her Lacanian analysis from the historicizing efforts of whiteness studies, her theory helps explain the “thoroughly agitated status” (Hill 8) of white racial identification in an age where whiteness itself is constructed as a lost object of desire. Like Hill, Seshadri-Crooks is critical of the liberal consensus that encourages celebration of racial and ethnic difference; but where Hill casts suspicion on the forms of misrecognition that structure racial self-awareness, Seshadri-Crooks criticizes the celebrators of difference for contributing to the illusion that race can ever be a “neutral description of human difference” (8). She attacks, in particular, the notion that promoting and recognizing difference can counteract racism. According to Seshadri-Crooks, the current vogue for difference depends on the implicit distinction between a neutral “ontology” of race and a discriminatory epistemology or logic of racism. To maintain this distinction is to participate in the social reification of race as a fundamental, and inevitable, precondition for attaining subjectivity:

     

    Modern civil society engages in such reification because ultimately its desire is to keep the dialectic between races alive. It must thus prohibit what it terms "racism" in order to prevent the annihilation not so much of the "inferior" races but of the system of race itself. (9)

     

    In this light, contemporary fantasies about the end of whiteness are particularly symptomatic of the desire for Whiteness that is exhibited, according to Seshadri-Crooks, in racist and anti-racist discourses alike. Hill, analyzing the relationship between post-white cultural fantasies and contemporary fears about the demise of the traditional family, finds that the same desire to recognize and repair white masculine identity drives the efforts of groups (like the Promise Keepers and the neofascist National Alliance, respectively) that publicly embrace and revile America’s new multiracial reality (80). Hill devotes considerable attention to the Promise Keepers and their rallying cry for a multiracial awareness that will fill what one prominent author of the movement calls the “father-shaped void inside a man” (98).16 According to Hill, the group promulgates its post-white sensibility as an antidote for the failure to live up to traditional masculine ideals:

     

    For PK, racialized self-consciousness prefigures the recovery of an anguished father whose shortcomings are experienced as the absence of his own dad. . . . PK atones for the failures of masculinity not (or not primarily) by getting the patriarchal contract right, but by dumping whiteness in the name of a recuperated sense of manhood in a vacuous multicultural zone. The "wound of masculinity" is perceptible by a self-conscious turn to whiteness as something, rather like the father, that was never really there. (98-99)

     

    Although Hill explicitly denies the applicability of Seshadri-Crooks’s work to the forms of post-white racial consciousness he examines, I propose that a psychoanalytic account of race as driven by the longing for a master signifier of Whiteness is precisely what is needed to account for the fact that, in a group like the Promise Keepers, “white masculine difference is achieved . . . when color is the father” (Hill 100). The Lacanian model developed by Seshadri-Crooks provides the tools for understanding race as a symbolic system which “derives its power not from socially constructed ideologies, but from the dynamic interplay between the family as a socially regulated institution, and biology as the site of essences and inheritances” (17-18). So long as they reify or fail to interrogate that relationship, visions of a multiracial world after whiteness will inevitably express the fantasies of subjects who are after Whiteness in the sense of desiring the wholeness promised them by the system of race.

     

    In The Sopranos Tony consistently longs for a lost master signifier of Whiteness. That white racial Name-of-the-Father is Gary Cooper, whose absent presence hovers over Tony’s therapeutic sessions with Jennifer from the pilot episode onward. It is Gary Cooper’s image as “the strong, silent type” that Tony invokes repeatedly in order to express his sense of failed American and masculine ideals–ideals most shamefully betrayed by Tony’s own disabling panic attacks and the confessional therapy required to cure them.17 For Tony, Gary Cooper is the ultimate model of self-sufficiency, a man who “did what he had to do” without help or guidance. Tony’s nostalgia for Cooper’s silence in particular establishes him as an image of wholeness and Being outside language, in keeping with the fantasy structure of Whiteness described by Seshadri-Crooks. The foreclosure of Tony’s desire for this lost white father helps explain Tony’s panic attacks as expressions of racial anxiety, in which he comes unconsciously to recognize the disavowed historicity of his own whiteness.

     

    The most instructive example of Tony’s racial anxiety is found in S3E2, when Tony comes face to face with Meadow’s half-Jewish, half-African-American boyfriend, Noah Tanenbaum. This is the only episode to date that begins with the after-effects of one of Tony’s panic attacks. As the scene fades up on the Soprano kitchen, the camera finds Tony unconscious on the floor, a plate of gabagool partially unwrapped beside him. When Carmella comes in and attempts to revive him, his first words, “Uncle Ben,” return us to an earlier meeting with his daughter’s boyfriend. That meeting focuses on Tony’s interrogation of Noah’s racial and ethnic heritage, conducted while Meadow is out of earshot. After learning Noah’s mixed racial identity, Tony asks:

     

    Tony: "But on your application to Columbia, you didn't check Jewish, did you?"Noah: “No, they can’t ask about religious affiliation.”

     

    Tony: “What’d you check?”

     

    Noah: “African-American.”

     

    Tony: “So we do understand each other here…”

     

    Noah: “What’s your problem?”

     

    Tony: “I think you know what my problem is. … See I’ve got business associates who are black, and they don’t want my son with their daughters and I don’t want their sons with mine.”

     

    Before Meadow returns, Tony tells Noah to stop seeing his daughter, provoking a defiant “Fuck you!” from the young man. After Noah and Meadow have gone, Tony goes to the kitchen for a snack, and it is while removing items from the fridge and cupboard that he spots a box of Uncle Ben’s converted rice and collapses. There is much in this opening scene that recalls “A Hit is a Hit” and its portrayal of white racial misrecognition. The Uncle Ben’s reference recalls Christopher Moltisanti’s first words, at the start of that episode, to a black member of Massive’s crew, while Noah’s Jewish and African-American identity redraws the lines of racial and ethnic difference set down in the confrontation between Heche and the hip-hop star.18 Yet where Tony and Heche, in that earlier episode, were able to deploy racial misrecognition to their own advantage, Tony’s decision to spotlight Noah’s status as racial other leads him to defend the black/white racial boundary he had elsewhere sought to obscure. Following Seshadri-Crooks, the impetus for this defence is Noah’s visibility as a representation of the post-white, multiracial world Tony exploits to conduct so much of his business. Invoking racial difference in order to police family boundaries, Tony discovers the foreclosure of his own desire for the master signifier, Whiteness, through the unconscious recognition that he has become the “lost” white father. This moment of becoming repeats what Seshadri-Crooks calls the “disavowed historicity” of one’s symbolic construction as a raced subject. In Jacobson’s terms, Tony experiences the full weight of his historical becoming-Caucasian as racial anxiety which manifests itself a few moments later, in the form of the panic attack he suffers on seeing the Uncle Ben’s box.19

     

    Yet if Tony’s panic attacks are amenable to psychoanalytic interpretation of this kind, Tony’s own psychoanalyst consistently fails to see the racial motivations for his anxiety. Two episodes later, Jennifer explains Tony’s collapse by focusing on the gabagool that he removes from the refrigerator just before the attack. Although Tony tells Jennifer about his “frank conversation with Buckwheat,” and although he identifies, when prompted, the last thing he saw before the attack (“I saw a box of Uncle Ben’s rice–boom!”), Jennifer establishes a connection between food, sex, and violence that derives from much earlier experiences in Tony’s childhood. According to Jennifer, sliced meat and sexual violence became psychically intertwined for Tony the moment he saw his father chop off the pinky-finger of the neighborhood butcher for failing to pay a debt.20

     

    This is by no means the only time when Jennifer ignores the racial context of Tony’s attacks. Jennifer’s reading of the gabagool reinforces, through its reductionism, the explanation for Tony’s attacks she proffers as early as S1E7. In this episode, the audience sees Tony’s discovery of his father’s business through a series of flashbacks. Jennifer is only interested in those points in the flashbacks that establish the relationship between Tony and his mother. Livia’s threat that she will stick a fork in Tony’s eye if he keeps pestering her about Christmas presents represents, for Jennifer, the symbolic origin of Tony’s castration-anxiety. This anxiety is heightened later when Tony overhears Livia threatening his father that she will smother their children if he tries to leave the Mafia. In Jennifer’s reading, the therapeutic breakthrough is the connection established by these memories between Tony’s fear of castration and his fear of losing his family: “When you first started therapy, you said that you had this dream–about those ducks. They flew away with your penis; it was a bad omen that something was going to happen in your family. Is this the terrible thing?” (S1E7). Equating “loss of the penis” with “loss of the family,” Jennifer reads Tony’s panic attacks as the result of exaggerated castration anxiety.

     

    Yet what any attentive viewing of Tony’s flashbacks cannot fail to register is the fact that every domestic scene is framed by racial conflict or by the threat of such conflict. Long before the childhood scene in which Livia threatens to stick a fork in Tony’s eye, her first threat–in fact the first words she speaks to Tony during the flashback–is a warning that if he fails to catch the bus he will have to walk to school through the “colored neighborhood” (S1E7). Later, the “castration” scene itself unfolds while the television in the living room shows the Newark race riots just then taking place. And later still, when Tony steals out from his hiding place in the trunk of his father’s car to investigate his activities at the amusement park, he is accosted and threatened by three African-American boys for throwing a candy wrapper on the sidewalk. He is only saved from being beaten by the sudden arrival of the police, who scare the boys away when they raid the amusement park in search of Tony’s father and his crew. As Tony watches his father and crew forcibly removed from the amusement park, one of the gang members asks sarcastically why the police aren’t arresting the “moulinyans,” since “they’re the ones burning down Newark.” If Jennifer’s penetration into Tony’s childhood reveals fear of castration and a Medea mother to have caused his panic attacks, the flashbacks into Tony’s past suggest that racial anxiety is equally influential.

     

    Given that Tony is going to therapy because of his panic attacks, it is particularly significant that Jennifer fails consistently to recognize their racial motivations.21 Her reductive interpretations throw into bold relief the complexity of the series’ treatment of racial misrecognition and post-white cultural fantasies. On one level, her failure calls attention to the way whiteness consistently flies under a sophisticated analytical radar. At the same time, The Sopranos does not, I think, simply condemn Jennifer’s Oedipal approach, nor does it lead one to support Hill’s view that a Lacanian model of race is incapable of addressing post-white cultural fantasies. Hill contends that the racial anxiety described by Seshadri-Crooks defies historical variation and therefore cannot account for an era in which “white men are willing to give way to others” (243n19).22 But Hill’s objection, which depends on his assumption that “Whiteness as a ‘master signifier’ needs nominally ‘white’ people to operate” (243n9), ignores (as his earlier analysis did not) what happens when white people “give way” to a post-white future. For while it may be true that Whiteness depends upon the continued visibility of white people, there is nothing in Seshadri-Crooks’s model to suggest that white visibility does not change over time. On the contrary, it would seem obvious that the master-signifier of Whiteness, which is “of purely cultural and historical origin” (Seshadri-Crooks 4), must itself evolve in order to account for the changing definitions of what it means to be “white,” “Caucasian,” “black,” etc., as detailed by Jacobson and others. Moreover, the relationship between the master signifier of Whiteness and the visibility of “nominally white people” must be complicated, particularly given the links Hill establishes between the cultivation of post-white sensibilities and the desires of disenfranchised white men (like the Promise Keepers) for a “masculine familial outcome” (100). Hill assumes that all white men understand “family” in the same way, but that is not the case, as the history of Italian-American identity and its mythic narration in popular culture and cinema show. In this framework, I suggest that the picture of Freudian analysis painted by The Sopranos is illuminating not because it shows how resistant “ethnic sons” like Tony are to psychotherapy, but because it foregrounds Jennifer’s misidentification of Tony’s symbolic father. Tony’s panic attacks, like the desire for Whiteness itself, will persist without a concerted effort to “trouble the relation of the subject to the master signifier” (Seshadri-Crooks 35). In the context of the series, that means trying to answer Tony’s most persistent question: “Whatever happened to Gary Cooper?”

     

    Jennifer never takes up this question. She comes closest when she presses Tony for an ethical accounting of his criminal activities in S2E9. Tony responds with a textbook recitation of the two family myth of Italian-American identity, in which the criminal activities of the bad family are justified by the need to resist assimilation:

     

    Tony: "When America opened the floodgates and let all us Italians in, what do you think they were doing it for? ... The Carnegies and the Rockefellers, they needed worker bees and there we were. But some of us didn't want to swarm around their hive and lose who we were. We wanted to stay Italian and preserve the things that meant something to us: honor, and family, and loyalty. ... Now we weren't educated like the Americans, but we had the balls to take what we wanted. And those other fucks, the J.P. Morgans, they were crooks and killers too, but that was the business, right? The American way." Jennifer: "That might all be true. But what do poor Italian immigrants have to do with you and what happens every morning when you step out of bed?"

     

    Chris Messenger criticizes Jennifer’s “majoritarian question” for inappropriately affirming a “universalized American doxa” (267). According to Messenger, “Melfi’s native response could be used to block African American grievances at their historical and racial root in a favor of a universal ‘Americanness’ or to counter views on affirmative action” (268). But Jennifer’s response could be used in this way only if valid distinctions between the history of African-American and Italian-American discrimination in the United States were ignored–distinctions that The Sopranos takes pains to foreground repeatedly.24 The import of Jennifer’s question is not that it severs Tony’s ties to his ethnic past, but that it challenges him to see the relationship he strategically denies between himself and those white fathers–the Carnegies, Rockefellers, and Morgans–with whom he shares more than a criminal interpretation of the “American way.” Implying a specifically racial continuity between Tony and these lost white fathers, Jennifer challenges Tony to discover that his economic success as a “made man” in American culture is inseparable from his status as a made white man. But Jennifer does not push for an answer here, and Tony is allowed to be silent about his white racial identification. The result is that Tony’s relationship to the master signifier of Whiteness goes unchallenged.

     

    The effects of this relationship are nowhere more evident than in “Christopher” (S4E3), an episode devoted to the ironies of America’s post-white fantasies of itself. In this episode Tony is repeatedly harried by his consigliere, Sylvio, to help discredit Native American protestors who want to stop the Newark Columbus Day parade on historical and racial grounds. Fed up with the righteous posturing of his crew members, Tony finally takes a stand on racial and ethnic difference in the name of Gary Cooper:

     

    Tony: "Gary Cooper, there was an American. The strong, silent type. He did what he had to do. ... And did he complain? Did he say, 'Oh, I come from this poor Texas Irish illiterate background or whatever the fuck, so leave me the fuck out of it, because my people got fucked over?' ...Sylvio: “Gary Cooper, the real Gary Cooper, or anybody named Cooper never suffered like the Italians. Medigon like him, they fucked everybody else–the Italians, the Polacks, the blacks.”

     

    Tony: "If he was a medigon around nowadays he'd be a member of some victims group--the fundamentalist Christians, the abused cowboys, the gays, whatever the fuck. ... Let me ask you something. All the good things you got in your life, did they come to you because you're Calabrese? I'll tell you the answer. The answer is no. ... You got it 'cause you're you, 'cause you're smart, cause you're whatever the fuck. Where the fuck is our self-esteem? That shit doesn't come from Columbus or The Godfather or Chef-fuckin'-Boy-Ardee."

     

    Shifting attention away from historical injustice and ethnicity to the comforts of Sylvio’s life, Tony’s response is indebted to Jennifer’s earlier question, “What do poor Italian immigrants have to do with you?” But Tony calls up the spectre of white racial identification only to pass over it immediately in his celebration of an unraced, universal subjectivity. It is this fantasy of wholeness which, according to Seshadri-Crooks, is the enduring special effect of Whiteness. It is also this illusion that structures Tony’s strategies of racial misrecognition and his disabling bouts of racial anxiety. The ease with which Tony believes in a coherent, continuous identity despite his recurring panic attacks and losses of consciousness shows how hard it is to shake loose of subjective investment in prominent cultural signifiers of whiteness. Indeed, by virtue of his ability to employ fantasies of lost whiteness for his own ends while remaining painfully subject to the overmastering fantasy of racial differentiation through familial narratives, Tony Soprano himself stands as one of the most culturally visible signifiers of white masculinity in the “post-white” era.

     

    To its credit, The Sopranos encourages analysis of whiteness while offering no simple resolution to the contradictions it entails. Jennifer pronounces Tony cured of his panic attacks late in Season Four; but in “Unidentified Black Males” (S5E9) the attacks have returned and Jennifer is as blind as ever to their racial motivation. In its refusal to make good on the promise of a solution to Tony’s problem, the series reflects the false nature of whiteness as a fantasy of wholeness. At the same time, The Sopranos testifies to the enduring desire for whiteness that characterizes contemporary multiracial America. In an age in which whiteness has come to signify, for many, either a void or absence or a disadvantage relative to other ethnic and racial groups, the popularity of the series and its chief protagonist suggests its own answer to the question, “Whatever happened to Gary Cooper?” The answer is that he is alive and well, though not quite as strong or silent as he used to be.

    Notes

     

    Thanks to Randy Malamud for his encouraging words about this piece when I was considering abandoning it. Thanks also to the anonymous reviewers of PMC for their helpful suggestions.

     

    1. Please note my shorthand method for referring to specific episodes in the series: S3E5 means Season Three, Episode Five.

     

    2. Meadow shares the general Soprano attitude toward affirmative action, despite the good fight she puts up against Tony over her boyfriend, Noah, in Season Three (a point to which I will return later). In “The Happy Wanderer” (S2E6), Meadow and a friend muse over the injustice of a fellow student’s early acceptance to Wesleyan University. When her friend attributes the acceptance to the girl’s racial heritage, Meadow complains, “Please, I’m blacker than her mother.” Her friend replies, “Yeah, well, you should’ve mentioned that on your application.”

     

    3. Paglia’s complaints about the series as a “buffoonish caricature” of Italian-Americans can be found in the online articles cited hereafter. For a much more detailed treatment of stereotyping in The Sopranos, see Orban.

     

    4. Whiteness studies is too broad and diverse a field to be adequately summarized here. My brief discussion is indebted to the editors of The Making and Unmaking of Whiteness, who introduce their volume by listing various tropes that have guided contemporary studies of whiteness. The first and most prevalent of these tropes is presented under the heading, “Whiteness is Invisible and Unmarked” (10). Another way of introducing whiteness studies is to call attention to its various politically and methodologically differentiated “schools.” Among these, the New Abolitionists claim the most radical anti-racist program, encouraging the study of whiteness so as to destroy it. Two self-identified members of this group, Vron Ware and Les Back, criticize the sometimes “banal” academic effort merely to describe whiteness without challenging it: “For us it is impossible to separate the act of writing about whiteness from a political project that involves not simply the fight against racism, but also an attack on the very notion of race and obstinate resilience of racial identities” (2). In her summary of the history of whiteness studies, Mason Stokes contrasts the New Abolitionist position (represented most powerfully by David Roediger’s Toward the Abolition of Whiteness) with the “progressive” school of thought developed by Kincheloe and Steinberg, which aims at the “reconceptualization of white identity” (24) rather than at its abolition. For Stokes, both schools are guilty of “naïve utopianism” (184), and would best be supplanted with a critical approach to whiteness that seeks to unsettle and disturb rather than to repair or destroy whiteness (191).

     

    5. To take the most immediate example, consider the subplot of “Another Toothpick” (S3E5), the episode in which Tony is ticketed by the black cop. After receiving the ticket, Tony is so incensed that he asks one of his highly placed friends, Assemblyman Zellman, to have the cop demoted. Zellman obliges; but when Tony later finds the officer working at a landscaping store, his guilt leads him to reverse his earlier request. Zellman puts the wheels in motion to restore the officer’s former position and calls Tony to report on his progress. In the meantime, however, Tony has learned that Meadow’s bicycle was stolen by a “black guy” from the neighborhood around Columbia University, and his attitude toward the cop changes again. He tells Zellman, “Fuck him. Cocksucker got what he deserved.” Even then Tony’s guilt is not quieted, however, and the end of the episode finds him back at the landscaping store, offering the man an exorbitant gratuity he does not accept. The final shot of the episode shows Tony standing alone with a handful of money in a crowd of white stone fountains.

     

    6. Joanne Lacey’s speculative study of The Sopranos‘ appeal to male audiences suggests that the domestic angle, while certainly part of the series’ draw, is by no means the chief reason for its popularity, at least outside the U.S. Though Lacey interviews only British men for her study, her findings indicate that it is the series’ “stylistic signifiers” of Americanness (suits, cars, mob speak, geographical locations) that lure men to the show (99). Similarly, Dawn Johnston’s analysis of the Canadian reaction to The Sopranos–aired uncensored in Canada on CTV, a mainstream television network–suggests that it is the lack of familiarity or “un-Canadian-ness” of the show that accounts for its “ferocious and tenacious” following there (41).

     

    7. The obsessiveness with which The Sopranos engages the cinematic past embodied in the work of Coppola and Scorsese, in particular, has been one of the most talked-about aspects of the series. For Auster, “The Sopranos underscores the continued validity and contemporary relevance of the gangster genre” (15). In David Pattie’s reading of the series as a “postmodern Mafia tale,” Scorsese’s work forms the repressed unconscious of Tony Soprano and his crew, who attempt to deny the lesson of Mean Streets and Casino that allegiance to the Mafia and its antiquated codes cannot give meaning to their lives (144). And Nochimson reads The Sopranos as “the unmasking of the heretofore thickly disguised emotional subtext of gangster stories” (3) that characterizes not only the work of Coppola and Scorsese, but much earlier films like Little Caesar (1930) and Public Enemy (1931). The self-reflexivity and postmodernism of the series has been explained through other, non-cinematic frameworks as well. Lance Strate reads Sopranoland’s spatial rearrangement of New Jersey landmarks as an example of the “postmodern scene” variously described by Jameson, Baudrillard, and McLuhan (193). Steven Hayward and Andrew Biro argue that the appeal of Tony Soprano, “our postmodern, farcical Godfather,” resides in his tireless engagement with the contradictions of late capitalism (212). And Rogers, Epstein, and Reeves rely on David Harvey’s discussion of postmodernity as a period of “flexible accumulation” to argue that HBO’s marketing of The Sopranos signifies a third era in the relationship between TV and the American economy, in which “the digital revolution in distribution is again transforming what it means to watch television” (43).

     

    8. Citing census statistics found in Valladao, Hill writes: “While it may be politically advantageous (and empirically accurate) to reject the racially binaristic thinking of the 1960s civil rights era, it is nevertheless the case that blacks remain the poorest racial minority in the United States per capita, with annual incomes 20 percent below that of Latinos, and 45 percent below that of whites” (34).

     

    9. It is important to distinguish this absent presence from the “invisibility” thesis regarding the earliest stages of work on whiteness. As Hill points out, the object is no longer to reveal the existence of whiteness once thought to be invisible, but rather now to interrogate the form of conscious–but contradictory–white racial identification that attends the current fascination with the “loss” of a white majority.

     

    10. Zellman later confesses to Maurice: “Sometimes I feel like I should be punished.” This wish comes true for Zellman at the end of the episode, when Tony beats him ruthlessly for dating his former girlfriend, Irina. Tony, on the other hand, evinces no regret about what he has done. Quite the contrary, he takes his son, Anthony Jr., on a tour of his new property holdings that brings them into confrontation with some African-American drug-dealers. Schooling his son in race relations, Tony playfully throws out racial and sexual slurs until he and Anthony are forced to leave at gunpoint. Anthony’s amused comment as they drive away (“So that’s a crack ho!”) shows what he has learned from the encounter.

     

    11. Other references to the Civil Rights movement establish its importance, for the Soprano family, as a “lost” signifier of a more orderly past. Late in Season One, Tony, disturbed by Meadow’s frank discussion of sex at the breakfast table, halts her dialogue by shouting: “Out there it’s the 1990s, but in here it’s 1954!” (S1E11). That Tony points to the year of Brown vs. Board of Education as a defense against having to face his daughter’s sexuality becomes particularly important in Season Three, when Meadow brings home her African-American boyfriend, Noah Tanenbaum. In a more recent episode, Tony’s sister Janice strategically employs nostalgia for the Civil Rights movement to win the good graces of an African-American woman in her anger management class. Janice succeeds only in revealing her current racial fears:

     

    I come from a biased family, but I was different. I put all my faith and my hopes into the Civil Rights movement. I left home and I marched. And for what? So they can ride around in their SUVs blasting that rap shit? And you can't say anything 'cause they might have guns? (S5E10)

     

    12. David Roediger examines this historical development in his foundational text, The Wages of Whiteness. See also Frankenburg, White Women 37-38), Bernardi (xxi-xxii), and Jacobson, Cosco, and Guglielmo and Salerno, whose contributions are discussed below.

     

    13. Hill’s analysis, based on Davis’s Magical Urbanism, focuses primarily on Hispanic ethnicity that “functions as a kind of interdivisional racial buffer between black and white” (32).

     

    14. Jacobson’s book is regarded as the most comprehensive account of the development of whiteness as a racial and epistemological category in the United States. In it, Jacobson describes the history of whiteness in America in terms of three “great epochs.” The first of these is inaugurated by the American naturalization law of 1790, which limited naturalized citizenship to “free white persons,” or those capable of “self-government.” The second begins some fifty years later, when the original, “over-inclusive” law was revised to stem the tide of less-than-desirable (yet still “white”) immigrants. This period is defined by its creation of a series of distinct and scientifically-determined white races with an attendant hierarchy that ranked Anglo-Saxon and Irish whiteness on opposite ends of the scale of social desirability. Finally, the third epoch, defined by the process of “becoming-Caucasian,” takes shape in the 1920s in response to new, more restrictive legislation governing immigration, and to the mass migration of African-Americans to the American North and West. This era is marked by the gradual dissolution and “forgetting” of the earlier hierarchy of white races. In place of that scientific model, the new concept of “ethnicity” emerges as the preferred method of distinguishing cultural differences among whites, while race becomes the province solely of black or “nonwhite” groups (7-14).

     

    15. The frequency with which The Sopranos refers to the civil rights era is doubly appropriate. For while visions of a post-white America look to the civil rights movement as the final flowering of the black/white racial binary, Jacobson identifies the same era as that in which the whiteness of groups like Italian-Americans, previously thought to inhabit a “middle ground in the racial order”, is most firmly established (62). According to Jacobson, “non-Anglo-Saxon immigrants and their children were perhaps the first beneficiaries of the modern civil rights movement, in that the movement helped confer upon them a newly consolidated status as Caucasians in a political setting where that meant–and continues to mean–a great deal” (272). Jacobson’s analysis has spawned several recent studies of the relationship between whiteness and Italian-American identity, most notably Cosco’s Imagining Italians and Guglielmo and Salerno’s edited volume, Are Italians White? Both texts support Jacobson’s thesis that the shaping of Italian-American ethnicity took place alongside, but also helped to mask, the acquisition of white power and privilege by Italian immigrants in the United States. Guglielmo locates the historical enfranchisement of Italian-American whiteness as early as the turn of the twentieth century, at which point, “for all of the racial prejudice and discrimination that Italians faced in these early years, they were still generally accepted as white and reaped the many rewards that came with this status” (36).

     

    16. This suggestive phrase, appropriated and developed by Hill, is originally found in Means 54.

     

    17. Santo offers the best discussion of Tony’s relationship to masculine ideals. Particularly interesting is Santo’s discussion of the way in which Tony’s body image, both powerful and overweight, contradicts American middle-class standards (78-80).

     

    18. In S1E10, Christopher and his girlfriend Adriana first meet Massive Genius while standing in line at a burger joint. When approached by one of Massive’s crew members, Christopher quips, “Why’d they send you over? I asked for a burger, not converted rice.”

     

    19. The point is underscored again later in the same episode, when Meadow helps Anthony Jr. with his essay on Robert Frost’s “Stopping By Woods on a Snowy Evening.” When Meadow tells Anthony that the snow of the poem “symbolizes cold, endless white, endless nothing, death,” AJ responds: “I thought black was death.” “White too,” says Meadow.

     

    20. Jennifer’s analytical strategy here is in keeping with the methods she uses frequently to keep her therapy sessions with Tony “focused.” One of her earliest prohibitions is that, for legal reasons, Tony must refrain from discussing the criminal details of his “Family” life–a rule that, as Gabbard points out, is in strict violation of the psychoanalytic rule of free association (6). The net effect, throughout the course of Tony’s treatment, is that Tony’s anxieties, and Jennifer’s explanation of them, repeatedly boil down any extraneous “social” material to the problems of Tony’s domestic life.

     

    21. Other flashbacks to Tony’s past also reveal the significance of racial difference–particularly the black/white boundary–to Tony’s sense of guilt. S3E10 is devoted to Tony’s guilt over the killing of Pussy Bompinsiero at the end of Season 2. In this episode Tony mulls over numerous points at which he suspected Pussy may have been wearing the FBI wire that necessitated his murder. The episode opens with a flashback to 1995, during which Tony and friends watch the end of the OJ Simpson trial. A recent episode, S5E9, focuses on the return of Tony’s panic attacks after a long period (a dozen or more episodes) during which he appeared to be cured of his anxiety. Significantly titled “Unidentified Black Males,” this episode is structured around the way in which Tony and several of his cronies use racist images of black men as scapegoats for their criminal successes and failures. When Tony confesses to Jennifer that he once lied about having been attacked by black men in order to conceal one of his panic attacks, Jennifer again overlooks the racial context and explains Tony’s attacks solely in terms of guilt over the imprisonment of his cousin (played by Steve Buscemi).

     

    22. Deleuzians may point out that Jennifer’s therapy exemplifies the way in which psychoanalysis always reduces social desiring-production to the domestic triangle of Daddy-Mommy-Me. Jennifer’s Oedipalization of Tony’s ducks, her projection of castration onto the psychic terrain, and her authoritative announcement of his mother’s malady (“I say…”) enact the various interpretive and procedural crimes of which Deleuze and Guattari accuse psychoanalysis in Anti-Oedipus. In A Thousand Plateaus, Deleuze and Guattari describe a process of “becoming-minoritarian” in which the deterritorializing flow of a subject’s desire leads him or her away from a “major identity,” defined as that of “white man” or “adult male” (291). They specifically name the “mob groups of the United States” as one of those aggregates in society that, by virtue of their “nondenumerable” relation to the State, are particularly ripe for becoming-minoritarian (288).

     

    23. This is the second objection Hill raises against Seshadri-Crooks. The first (even less convincing to my mind) is that her model “provides no basis on which to describe the interactions . . . between differently colored or multiracial groups” (243n19). But the signifying chain of racial subject positions described by Seshadri-Crooks seems designed to account for just such interactions.

     

    24. S4E3 crystallizes the difference emphasized elsewhere in the series between Italian-American and African-American history. Carmella turns on the television in time to catch an episode of the daytime talk show, Montel, evidently dedicated to racial and ethnic pluralism in the U.S. Montel, the show’s African-American host, observes that “each community” has had to suffer economically for the “experiment that is the United States.” Phil, a spokesperson for Italian-American community, agrees:

     

    Phil: Take my grandparents, two simple people from Sicily, who braved the perilous middle passage--Montel: Whoa–middle passage? That’s a term for the slave trade.

     

    Spokesperson: Montel, the Italian people in this country also suffered discrimination–

     

    Montel: Earth to Phil! We're talking three hundred years of slavery here!

     

    Works Cited

     

    • Auster, Albert. “The Sopranos: The Gangster Redux.” Lavery 10-15.
    • Babb, Valerie. Whiteness Visible: The Meaning of Whiteness in American Literature and Culture. New York: New York UP, 1998.
    • Bernardi, Daniel. “Introduction.” Classic Hollywood, Classic Whiteness. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 2001. xiii-xxvi.
    • Chase, David. “Peter Bogdanovich Interviews David Chase.” The Sopranos: The Complete First Season. DVD. HBO-Time-Warner, 2000.
    • Cosco, Joseph P. Imagining Italians: The Clash of Romance and Race in American Perceptions, 1880-1910. Albany: SUNY P, 2003.
    • D’Acierno, Pellegrino. “Cinema Paradiso.” The Italian American Heritage: A Companion to Literature and the Arts. New York: Garland, 1999. 563-690.
    • Davis, Mike. Magical Urbanism: Latinos Reinvent the U.S. City. London: Verso, 2000.
    • Deleuze, Gilles, and Felix Guattari. Anti-Oedipus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia. Trans. Robert Hurley, Mark Seem, and Helen R. Lane. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1983.
    • —. A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia. Trans. Brian Massumi. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1987.
    • Frankenburg, Ruth. “The Mirage of Unmarked Whiteness.” The Making and Unmaking of Whiteness. Eds. Birgit Brander Rasmussen, Eric Klineberg, Irene J. Nexica, and Matt Wray. Durham: Duke UP, 2001. 72-96.
    • —. White Women, Race Matters. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1993.
    • Gabbard, Glen O. The Psychology of The Sopranos: Love, Death, Desire, and Betrayal in America’s Favorite Gangster Family. New York: Basic, 2002.
    • Guglielmo, Jennifer, and Salvatore Salerno, eds. Are Italians White? How Race is Made in America. New York: Routledge, 2003.
    • Hayward, Steven, and Andrew Biro. “The Eighteenth Brumaire of Tony Soprano.” Lavery 203-14.
    • Hill, Mike. After Whiteness: Unmaking an American Majority. New York: New York UP, 2004.
    • Johnston, Dawn Elizabeth B. “Way North of New Jersey: A Canadian Experience of The Sopranos.” Lavery 32-41.
    • Kincheloe, Joe L., and Shirley R. Steinberg. “Addressing the Crisis of Whiteness: Reconfiguring White Identity in a Pedagogy of Whiteness.” White Reign: Deploying Whiteness in America. Ed. Joe L. Kincheloe, Shirley R. Steinberg, Nelson M. Rodriguez, and Ronald E. Chennault. New York: St. Martin’s, 1998. 3-29.
    • Lacey, Joanne. “One for the Boys? The Sopranos and Its Male British Audience.” Lavery 95-108.
    • Lavery, David, ed. This Thing of Ours: Investigating The Sopranos. New York: Columbia UP, 2002.
    • Means, Patrick. Men’s Secret Wars. Grand Rapids: Revell, 2000.
    • Messenger, Chris. The Godfather and American Culture: How the Corleones Became “Our Gang.” Albany: SUNY P, 2002.
    • Nochimson, Martha P. “Waddaya Lookin’ At? Re-reading the Gangster Genre Through ‘The Sopranos.’” Film Quarterly 56.2 (2003): 2-13.
    • Orban, Clara. “Stereotyping in The Sopranos.” VIA: Voices in Italian Americana 12.1 (2001): 35-56.
    • Paglia, Camille. “The Energy Mess and Fascist Fays.” Salon 23 May 2001. <http://www.salon.com/people/col/pagl/2001/05/23/oil/index2.html>.
    • —. “Feinstein for President, Buchanan for Emperor.” Salon 27 Oct. 1999. <http://www.salon.com/people/col/pagl/1999/10/27/paglia1027/index.html>.
    • Pattie, David. “Mobbed Up: The Sopranos and the Modern Gangster Film.” Lavery 135-45.
    • Rasmussen, Birgit Brander, Irene J. Nexica, Eric Klinenberg, and Matt Wray, eds. The Making and Unmaking of Whiteness. Durham: Duke UP, 2001.
    • Roediger, David R. The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class. 1991. New York: Verso, 1999.
    • Rogers, Mark C., Michael Epstein, and Jimmie L. Reeves. “The Sopranos as HBO Brand Equity: The Art of Commerce in the Age of Digital Reproduction.” Lavery 42-57.
    • Santo, Avi. “‘Fat Fuck! Why don’t you take a look in the mirror?’: Weight, Body Image, and Masculinity in The Sopranos.” Lavery 72-94.
    • Seshadri-Crooks, Kalpana. Desiring Whiteness: A Lacanian Analysis of Race. New York: Routledge, 2000.
    • Stokes, Mason. The Color of Sex: Whiteness, Heterosexuality, and Fictions of White Supremacy. Durham: Duke UP, 2001.
    • Strate, Lance. “No(rth Jersey) Sense of Place: The Cultural Geography (and Media Ecology) of The Sopranos.” Lavery 178-94.
    • Valladao, Alfredo G.A. The Twenty-First Century Will Be American. London: Verso, 1996.
    • Ware, Vron and Les Back. Out of Whiteness: Color, Politics and Culture. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 2002.
    • Yacowar, Maurice. The Sopranos on the Couch: Analyzing Television’s Greatest Series. New York: Continuum, 2002.

     

  • During Auschwitz: Adorno, Hegel, and the “Unhappy Consciousness” of Critique

    Steven Helmling

    Department of English
    University of Delaware
    helmling@udel.edu

     

    As was already pointed out in Dialectic of Enlightenment, strict positivism crosses over into the feeblemindedness of the artistically insensible, the successfully castrated. The narrow-minded wisdom that sorts out feeling from knowing and rubs its hands together when it finds the two balanced is–as trivialities sometimes are–the caricature of a situation that over the centuries of the division of labor has inscribed this division in subjectivity. Yet feeling and understanding are not absolutely different in the human disposition and remain dependent even in their dividedness. The forms of reaction that are subsumed under the concept of feeling become futile enclaves of sentimentality as soon as they seal themselves off from their relation to thought and turn a blind eye to truth; thought, however, approaches tautology when it shrinks from the sublimation of the mimetic comportment. The fatal separation of the two came about historically and is revocable. . . . Ultimately, aesthetic comportment is to be defined as the capacity to shudder, as if goose bumps were the first aesthetic image. What later came to be called subjectivity, freeing itself from the blind anxiety of the shudder, is at the same time the shudder’s own development; life in the subject is nothing but what shudders, the reaction to the total spell that transcends the spell. Consciousness without shudder is reified consciousness. That shudder which subjectivity stirs without yet being subjectivity is the act of being touched by the other. Aesthetic comportment assimilates itself to that other rather than subordinating it. Such a constitutive relation of the subject to objectivity in aesthetic comportment joins eros and knowledge.

     

    –Theodor Adorno, Aesthetic Theory 331

     
    The 1944 “Introduction” to Dialectic of Enlightenment announces the book’s indictment of “enlightenment,” that it has abdicated “[die] Arbeit des Begriffs” (Horkheimer and Adorno, Dialektik 14). The German phrase–a Hegelian chestnut–is Englished as “the labor of conceptualization” in John Cumming’s 1972 translation (xiv), and as “the work of concepts” by Edmund Jephcott in 2002 (Jephcott xvii).1 Together the two translations show, as neither can by itself, the stretch of the German, which suggests both the work that concepts do, and the labor that making ourselves conscious of the problematics of the concept–“thinking about thought” (Cumming 25), “to ‘think thinking’” (Jephcott 19)–imposes on us. “The concept” is too diffuse and ubiquitous a theme in Adorno to treat here. It evokes the mind’s engagement at once with the world and (à la Hegel) with its own self-consciousness in that engagement; for Adorno, the “labor of the concept” is an imperative from first to last. I want to test the premise that for Adorno, complementary to the project of thinking about thinking–“the concept”–is an effort or struggle that I will call “the work of affects” or “the labor of affectualization.” Horkheimer and Adorno thematize this labor in their “excursus” on Odysseus and the Sirens, as a founding myth of what Adorno consistently denounces as “ataraxia“–a culture-wide affective discipline, or repression, which grounds the instrumental “domination of [external] nature” in an internalized, instrumentalizing domination of affect itself. “The need to lend a voice to suffering,” writes Adorno, “is the condition of all truth,” a premise that rejoins affect and concept, feeling and thinking, to enact Adorno’s protest against the separation of these categories–these domains of experience–in Western culture (Negative Dialectics 17-8). For Adorno, “the labor of the concept” itself involves laboring to uncover, focus, articulate, and express its properly affective elements, however repressed or distorted, fetishized or reified. Affect must be completed, “rescued,”2 even redeemed, by being concretized in the labor of, in the Hegelian formula, “apprehending it as thought”; likewise, thought–the labor of the concept–must suffer the ordeal through which alone thinking may be apprehended as feeling. Adorno urges that to “think thinking” obliges us to think our feeling, to feel our thinking–and (what our traumatic history has perhaps most inhibited in us) to feel our feeling as well.

     

    This essay explores Adorno’s “labor of affectualization” both as theorized in his arguments and as performed in his writing practice–in the modernist and self-conscious way, to adapt Gertrude Stein, that his writing is written. A touchstone throughout will be Adorno’s chief model and counter- or cautionary example, the “optimistic” authorial carriage of Hegel, whose utopian promise Adorno’s “unhappy [critical] consciousness” would reinscribe under the rubric of the “broken promise.” I hope to enlarge our sense of the function or “effect” of “style” (to call it that) in Adorno’s critical project, with reference to other figures (Hegel, Marx, Nietzsche, Weber, Freud, Heidegger) that can be “constellated” usefully with it. I conclude with a look at the 1944 “Introduction” to Dialectic of Enlightenment, in which the deliberate “difficulty” of the book is thematized as motivated by the difficulties, both intellectual and emotional, of its historical occasion (enlightenment’s calamitous devolution into the barbarism of World War Two). I also read the book’s first chapter, which enacts the program (both critical and affective) for which the “Introduction” serves as manifesto. The larger aim is to describe, evoke, and, in ways other commentators on Adorno seem to me to have missed, to account for the sheer power and voltage of Adorno’s critical output, in which thinking and writing–and feeling–seethe, and in their agitation impel each other to levels of force quite unlike anything to be found in the work of anyone else.

     

    Aesthesis and Anaesthesis

     

    Adorno’s desire to “rescue” repressed affect finds perhaps its most extreme test, a sort of limit-case, in a 1959 lecture in which Adorno speaks feelingly of “the emotional force of Kant’s Critique of Pure Reason” (30). Most readers today, I wager, will raise eyebrows at this characterization. It was apropos of Kant, after all, that Terry Eagleton joked that in the tradition of philosophical aesthetics, “the aesthetic might more accurately be described as an anaesthetic” (196)–and indeed Adorno himself characterizes Kant’s aesthetics elsewhere as “a castrated hedonism, desire without desire” (Aesthetic Theory 11). Adorno’s Kant anticipates that “heroism of modern life” (the black-suited bourgeoisie assisting in stoic dispassion, “not breaking up its lines to weep,” nor even presuming to expect a speaking role, at the funeral of its own passional energies) to which Baudelaire paid the back-handed compliment of an uncharacteristically muted mockery. Kant’s “emotional force,” that is to say, partakes of that struggle against emotion and feeling that Dialectic of Enlightenment traces back to the episode of the Sirens in the Odyssey. Eagleton’s “anesthetic” notwithstanding, for Adorno, Kant’s “emotional force” lies in the ineradicable felt force of the agon itself, the drive for “domination” of emotion and affect, given that the reified norm, in Adorno’s indignant indictment, typically cedes the victory to numbness not only in advance, but also in principle.

     

    Adorno’s project is heavily invested in an ambition to undo this anaesthesis or (Adorno’s own frequent protest-word) “ataraxia“–that is, to redeem the numbness programmatized in modern, bourgeois, enlightenment projects, whether aesthetic or scientific; or, if “redeem” seems too messianic, to “rescue” (Adorno’s own word) for “critical” and “conceptual” purpose the affective force normatively repressed in our culture’s sundering of thought and feeling. This is an ambition emphatically not to be realized by simply adding an “effect,” lending atmospherics to the substance of an argument, much less the adrenaline jolts of a moralized ressentiment. Adorno evokes the “emotional force of Kant’s Critique of Pure Reason” to prepare for the broader stipulation, a page later, that “the same, the identical theses may have completely different meanings within the general parameters, the general emotional thrust of a given philosophy” (Kant’s Critique 31). Which is to say that the “emotional thrust,” the affect and cathexis, of an argument are not some merely epiphenomenal froth upon a putatively substantive content or “theses” that might as well (or better) be considered dispassionately. No, Adorno here states explicitly that the content, the “theses,” bear different meanings according to the argument’s “emotional thrust”: the affective cathexis of the text thereby becomes determinative, even constitutive, of the text’s “meanings.” Thus the programmatic dispassion of critique generically stands revealed and indicted as an ideology, “an imaginary” conquest of fear, another instance of that “anaesthesis” or “ataraxia” that Dialectic of Enlightenment laments as an impoverishing entailment of our civilization, a bourgeois “coldness” (Minima Moralia 26), from Homer’s Sirens to Baudelaire’s “modern heroism” and beyond. If I risk putting this in tones that may seem a bit overwrought, it’s to underline the point that Adorno here renders explicit a program, for critique at large and for his own critical practice in particular, that his writing everywhere enacts.

     

    Adorno protests the analytic disjunction or (his code-word) chorismos (Greek for “separation”) of sciences, knowledges, discourses. He aims to rejoin these discourses dialectically in configurations or “constellations” whose transgression against positivist habits of categorization is much of their heteroclite, fish-and-fowl, apples-and-oranges point. For modern purposes, the milestone of enlightened chorismos is Kant, whose intervention in the “contest of faculties” was meant to produce a ceasefire, a disengagement of the combatants–in Kant’s time, philosophy and theology. Kant’s covert motive was that philosophy displace theology as arbiter among the disciplines, but his overt proposal was that the warring faculties agree to disagree: they were separate discourses, exercising different kinds of “Reason” on different, non-overlapping, problems. The outcome was not what Kant had hoped for: while philosophy and religion were engrossed in their “contest,” the real power was passing to the empirical sciences and their new, and (Adorno thought) fatally narrow canons of truth and fact. This disaster–how enlightenment thinking neutralized, indeed, reversed its own radical potential–is what Adorno meant by “the dialectic of enlightenment.” The “contest of faculties” was protracted and often covert, but as time passed the outcome was increasingly clear. For the losers (philosophy, religion, and art), the defeat was sweetened by a sequestration that allowed each of them to reign in its own highly circumscribed domain. This “enlightenment” regime tolerates aesthetic discourses as specialized disciplines on condition that they moderate or renounce their claim to “truth”; by the same token, the truth-discourses of science offer as condition (almost as guarantee) of their “truth”-value their principled refusal of any affective voltage. Implicit in this compact is that “affect” as such is without truth-value: is even, indeed, an obstacle to truth. Adorno assails these ideological premises constantly, and he ends his career, in Aesthetic Theory, with his most sustained effort to valorize art’s claim to being a kind of “truth-discourse”–in part by stipulating the conditions under which art achieves truth, in part by so reconfiguring the question that one puzzles to remember how art can ever have seemed not “true.”

     

    Aesthetic Theory labors to redeem the aesthetic by undoing the chorismos of thought and feeling that has deprived art of philosophical efficacy. Indeed, the most insistent theme of the book’s vast ensemble of theme-and-variations is that art and philosophy are phases of a continuous activity; neither is valid without the other; they need each other; they complete each other. Adorno is tireless in urging that the restoration of critical force to art involves the “labor of the concept”; but he is pretty tight-lipped about the complementary program, of restoring to philosophy (and critique, theory, science: to what he wants to restore as “truth-discourses”) something of the affective or aesthetic charge or cathexis they only illusorily renounce in any case. This reticence raises two embarrassments I want to acknowledge here. The smaller one is that Adorno’s reticence about affect produces, absent argued discriminations from him, some slippage in my account between “affect” and such terms as “feeling,” “cathexis,” and “suffering.” On this I can only beg your forebearance, and hope my speculations earn their keep. The other embarrassment is more substantial: if Adorno means to “rescue” affect, then why is “affect,” as a theme, so repressed in his work? Why isn’t he more explicit about it? The answer I’d most like to give is that Adorno counts on the high affective voltages of his writing to make the point, as if coming right out and saying it would be a gaffe on the order of explaining why a joke is funny. Modernism generally plays down affect, in ways sometimes to be read as a kind of (mock-) ataraxia (Céline), sometimes as a kind of restraint (e.g., “impersonality”) meant actually to heighten affect, but generally as a refusal or critique of the excesses of so much nineteenth-century art (academic painting, Chopin, Wagner–too many examples). Adorno shares in that critique, and I would say his work risks an emotionalism that most tight-lipped moderns refuse. I suppose, too, that Adorno shied away from making the case explicitly for fear of its being mis-taken to mean that philosophy is a “merely subjective” expression, that is, “aesthetic” in precisely the diminished senses that Adorno means to protest and redeem in his dialectical reinvention of it in Aesthetic Theory. Adorno regularly protests against the “merely subjective” gambit, as a reductive psychologism; in Adorno’s own account of the subject/object relation, there is no such thing as the “merely subjective” because the very condition of subjectivity is its dialectical engagement with the objective. (For Adorno, “the concept” is the function of this engagement, the medium or mediation of the subject’s dialectic with the objective.)

     

    In any case, the implication of the affects in the “truth-discourses” is ubiquitous in Adorno–for example in his surprisingly frequent assimilations of philosophy (et al.) to music: in the very title of Philosophy of Modern Music; in the resonances with Hegel in the Beethoven fragments (see any of the numerous references in the book’s Index); and in quotations like this one, from the early (1932) essay, “On the Social Situation of Music”:

     

    Music will be better, the more deeply it is able to express–in the antinomies of its own formal language–theexigency of the social condition and to call for change through the coded language of suffering. . . . The task of music as art thus enters into a parallel relationship to the task of social theory. . . . solutions offered by music in this process stand equal to theories. (Essays on Music 393)

     

    But the premise is put more globally in many places–as in this, from the late (1961) essay, “Opinion Delusion Society”:

     

    The moment called cathexis in psychology, thought’s affective investment in the object, is not extrinsic to thought, not merely psychological, but rather the condition of its truth. Where cathexis atrophies, intelligence becomes stultified. (Critical Models 109)

     

    Or, as he writes elsewhere, “the need to lend a voice to suffering is the condition of all truth” (Negative Dialectics 17-8). And in what is undoubtedly his most-remembered utterance–“To write poetry after Auschwitz is barbaric” (Prisms 34)–Adorno might seem to limit the argument, by citing an atrocity that threatens to beggar all affect, indeed, all expression–which would have to mean, all critique as well. For surely Adorno’s anxiety about poetry after Auschwitz encompasses anxiety about the continuance of critique and philosophy after Auschwitz as well–a way of putting it that helps uncover the utopian wishfulness in the famous assertion that “philosophy lives on because the moment to realize it was missed” (Negative Dialectics3). But those who deplore what they take to be the hair-shirt defeatism or melodramatizing “unhappy consciousness” of the “after-Auschwitz” remark would do well to ponder Adorno’s own comment a decade and a half later:

     

    I once said that after Auschwitz one could no longer write poetry, and that gave rise to a discussion I did not anticipate . . . [I]t is in the nature of philosophy–and everything I write is, unavoidably, philosophy, even if it is not concerned with so-called philosophical themes–that nothing is meant quite literally. Philosophy always relates to tendencies and does not consist of statements of fact. . . . it could equally well be said . . . that [after Auschwitz] one must write poems, in keeping with Hegel’s statement in his Aesthetics that as long as there is an awareness of suffering among human beings there must also be art as the objective form of that awareness. . . . [The question whether one can write poetry after Auschwitz should rather be] the question whether one can live after Auschwitz. . . . [I]n one of the most important plays of Sartre . . . a young resistance fighter who is subjected to torture . . . [asks] whether or why one should live in a world in which one is beaten until one’s bones are smashed. Since it concerns the possibility of any affirmation of life, this question cannot be evaded. And I would think that any thought which is not measured by this standard, which does not assimilate it theoretically, simply pushes aside at the outset that which thought should address–so that it really cannot be called a thought at all. (Metaphysics 110-1; cf. Negative Dialectics 362)

     

    This passage brings together a number of themes I want to foreground here: the evocation of high ambition, or vocation, or doom (“everything I write is, unavoidably, philosophy”); the adviso that in philosophy “nothing is meant quite literally”; the rootedness of art and philosophy alike in “an awareness of suffering,” and in the duty to objectify (in the Hegelian sense) that suffering; the ultimate question of “the possibility of any affirmation of life,” tellingly evoked by way of Sartre, rather than the (at the time) more fashionable, certainly more affectively subdued, mot on suicide from Camus’s Myth of Sisyphus. And indissociable from these thematics is the affect that the passage mobilizes on behalf of that thematics–mobilizes, or indeed communicates, and I mean “communicate” in the sense not of transmission from sender to receiver, but of a making-common, of communion, between writer and reader, and in that sense the evocation of “an objective form” of “that awareness [of suffering among human beings].”

     

    Adorno’s writing, indeed, in the largest sense, his project, involves an affective investment–that “labor of affectualization,” or “work of affects”–and to that extent his project is something like “aesthetic” in the radically enlarged senses of Adorno’s own Aesthetic Theory. Adorno’s aesthesis is quite the reverse of the glamorous “strong pessimism” and “tragic” ecstasies in which Nietzsche affects to find art’s “redemption by illusion.” All such exaltations of strength and tragic heroism Adorno disdains as “imaginary consolations”; his own ideation tends rather to abjection–and not as the elective asceticism so (ambivalently) conjured by Nietzsche, but as the traumatic burden imposed on us by history, a burden of anguishes in which critique inevitably participates, which it can only attempt, however impossibly, to “work through”:

     

    Unquestionably, one who submits to the dialectical discipline has to pay dearly in the qualitative variety of experience. Still, in the administered world the impoverishment of experience by dialectics, which outrages healthy opinion, proves appropriate to the monotony of that world. Its agony is the world’s agony raised to a concept. (Negative Dialectics 6)

     

    The concept of agony must be, must be concretized as, must be made (in the writing, in the reading) agonizing–and agonistic. If Wittgenstein famously sneered that the concept of sugar is not sweet, Adorno consistently retorts, in effect, that the concept of suffering ought surely to hurt. Indeed, given the implication of sugar in the development of the Atlantic slave trade, the American plantation system, the development of banking, credit, and other fiduciary devices in the inauguration of capitalism, I would expect Adorno to urge that the concept of sugar must be very bitter indeed to the critical intelligence that is mindful to “constellate” the concept, including the brutal history, with the sensual and quotidian spatio-temporality of your mocha latte. The proposition that “the concept of sugar is not sweet” is true only in a trivial (and trivializing) sense; “agony raised to a concept” can only be a lie if in the raising conceptualization makes itself into an analgesic against the agony. The very phrase protests the habit of thinking that conceptualization “raises” painful material above (away from) suffering: on the contrary, in Adorno the agony is what “the concept” raises itself to.

     

    “Agony Raised to a Concept”

     

    Hence, in “lending a voice to suffering,” critique itself must be painful. We might call this Adorno’s “after-Auschwitz” imperative, with the stipulation that in Adorno’s work this critical affect long pre-dates Auschwitz–not to mention that two of Adorno’s most poignant books (Minima Moralia and Dialectic of Enlightenment) were composed, literally, “during-Auschwitz.” Dialectic of Enlightenment scorns the official optimisms and triumphalisms of modernity’s ideological cheerleaders–from the “revolutionary” scenario of the Stalinist left through the meliorist grand narrative of liberalism to the apocalyptic fantasias of fascism–since it was in pursuit of these diversely ideological happy endings that so much horror was unleashed. Whatever their other conflicts, it was the policy of all three camps that the needs of morale-management (propaganda) must cast critical questioning and truth-telling of any kind as “defeatism” and “pessimism”–reminder enough that critical “unhappy consciousness” like Adorno’s was, in his own lifetime, quite the reverse of ivory-tower indulgence. In the context of this optimism/pessimism force-field, Adorno’s citation of Hegel as advocate for an awareness of human suffering is telling, because it was Hegel’s “optimism” as much as Marx’s that underwrote the official optimism of Soviet Marxist-Leninism. For many, especially after the War, Hegel’s sanguine view of human history seemed, especially in light of Hegel’s professional success post-1816, a “false consciousness” or worse, a Panglossian dishonesty. Adorno often chides Hegel on not dissimilar grounds (“the guaranteed paths to redemption [are] sublimated magic practices” [Jephcott 18]); the Right Hegelians did, after all, have a case.3

     

    I think it’s fair to say that every critique or reservation Adorno mounts of Hegel involves this issue: the ideological delusions, the imaginary consolations, the false consciousness, the bourgeois “coldness” (Minima Moralia 26) of Hegel’s “happy consciousness.”4 There is for Adorno a “darker” Hegel–a Hegel of repressed-always-returning “unhappy consciousness”–and Hegelian precept and Hegelian example figure everywhere in Adorno’s work. The vocation of the concept, the dialectic, mediation, contradiction, negation; the imperative to rethink historically the un- or trans-historical Platonic-Aristotelian “hypostases” of hallowed philosophical tradition; the deconstruction (if you’ll permit the anachronism) of the hallowed metaphysical binary of appearance and reality, noumenon and phenomenon; the insistence on the philosophical dignity of the latter (that phenomena have, contra Plato, a “logos” and that there is, in consequence, a phenomeno-logy): these and many other Hegelian motives attest to Adorno’s large investment in Hegel. Not for nothing does Adorno observe, in one of the Beethoven fragments (#24): “In a similar sense to that in which there is only Hegelian philosophy, in the history of western music there is only Beethoven” (Beethoven 10).

     

    For Adorno as for Hegel, philosophy/critique is no ivory-tower exercise for a “disinterested” elite, but rather a labor in the service of humankind. Both write in the long “physician to an age” tradition, which makes “unhappy consciousness” part of the illness to be cured: this is the programmatic impulse registered in the serenity of Hegel’s own textual voice, which has so often seemed to the politically conscious unduly “optimistic”–as if Hegel looked on the horrors of the French Revolution and the Napoleonic wars with a smile of unflappable composure. Adorno’s concern lest such textual effect, or affect, be taken as a merely “subjective” expression of the author has its analogue in Hegel’s own cautions about the solicitations of “unhappy consciousness.” Hegel, we should remember, writes in the historical moment when “happiness” first became charged with political and social meanings and emotions. Thomas Jefferson made its pursuit an inalienable human right in an age when Rousseau, Lessing, Schiller, Wordsworth and many others dared imagine a “sentimental” or “aesthetic education” in which the promise of cultivated pleasures would supplant corporal punishment as incentive to learning, indeed, to self-making. (Compare the crucial role Hegel assigns in the Phenomenology to Bildung, between “ethics” [Sittlichkeit] and “morality” [Moralität].) It was after all the age of Schiller’s “play,” of his Ode “An Freude” so stirringly set to music by Beethoven (and now the anthem of the European Union), of the utopian visions of Fourier, Saint Simon, Robert Owen. For these and other figures of the great Revolutionary age, the thrilling prospect here was of “happiness” (or the pursuit of it) as a collective, popular, democratic endowment or “right”–no longer the elite privilege exclusive to those fortunate enough to be philosophers, as it was for Plato, Aristotle, the Stoics, Epicureans, and after (for all of whom eudaimonia was, again, a pursuit heavily invested in dispassion).

     

    Hegel of course knows that happiness, especially collective human happiness, is easier said than done: how, in an age of revolutionary and counterrevolutionary violence, to keep from despairing over your morning newspaper–this is precisely the problem with which Hegel grapples in the famous “slaughterbench of history” passage in his 1830 lectures on The Philosophy of World History. Hegel doesn’t merely own that history is a nightmare; his further aim is to prescribe for the demoralization that historical consciousness entails. Hegel notes first the simplest defense-mechanism–self-congratulation on having escaped the carnage:

     

    we draw back from the intolerable disgust with which these sorrowful reflections threaten us, into the more agreeable environment of our individual life–the Present formed by our private aims and interests. In short we retreat into the selfishness that stands on the quiet shore, and thence enjoy in safety the distant spectacle of “wrecks confusedly hurled.” (21)

     

    But the other temptation, the more dangerous one, Hegel seems to imply, anticipating Nietzsche, is ostentatious despair of the breast-beating and hand-wringing sort. Such “sentimentalities” (as Hegel calls them) can become self-perpetuating, for

     

    it is not the interest of such sentimentalities, really to rise above those depressing emotions; and to solve the enigmas of Providence which the considerations that occasioned them, present. It is essential to their character to find a gloomy satisfaction in the empty and fruitless sublimities of that negative result. (21; see also 34-5)

     

    Only Terry Eagleton still chides Adorno’s “during-Auschwitz” despair as “defeatism,” but to many others today it can still seem to be precisely such a kind of critical “unhappy consciousness”: at best a merely personal whining, at worst a kind of moral Pecksniffery, in either case a source of (Hegel) “gloomy satisfactions” that can become compulsive or addictive in the fashion most recently theorized (“Enjoy your symptom!”) in Slavoj Zizek’s ingenious reinventions of Lacan, or protested in accents of Nietzschean brio in the “kynicism” of Peter Sloterdijk. Adorno, as it happens, anticipates these very objections in a fragment in Minima Moralia (written contemporaneously with Dialectic of Enlightenment, in the last year of World War Two):

     

    Subjective reflection, even if critically alerted to itself, has something sentimental and anachronistic about it: something of a lament over the course of the world, a lament to be rejected not for its good faith, but because the lamenting subject threatens to become arrested in its condition and so to fulfill in its turn the law of the world’s course. Fidelity to one’s own state of consciousness and experience is forever in temptation of lapsing into infidelity, by denying the insight that transcends the individual and calls his substance by its name. (16; on the following page the “name” is spelled out: “society is essentially the substance of the individual.”)

     

    I take “good faith” here to be ironic: Adorno is accusing “such sentimentalities” (as Hegel calls them) of something very like a Sartrean “mauvaise foi,” a moralized or psychologized version of Rousseau’s “amour-propre,” a (dubiously) “good faith” that Adorno wants to turn, like a Nietzsche in reverse, into a “bad conscience.” What gives critical “unhappy consciousness” its validity is that it belongs to “the matter at hand,” and to the critique of it, not merely to the subjectivity of the critic.

     

    Some qualifications are necessary here: Hegel posits “unhappy consciousness” (Phenomenology 111-38) to diagnose precisely the sort of moral addiction or compulsion outlined above. He presents it as coincident historically with the advent of Christianity in the Mediterranean world, and as confluent with Greco-Roman Skepticism and Stoicism. For Hegel, “unhappy consciousness” expresses a relation to some “beyond” that is inaccessible in this world; it thus assumes an “abstract negation” of this-worldly attachments, and of the very possibility of this-worldly happiness as such. For this specific but chronic historical-spiritual disorder, Hegel believes that the fullness of history has, in the modern age, at last enabled a philosophical remedy, which the Phenomenology prescribes: a critical self-consciousness that will redeem the promise of this-worldly happiness by the practice of “determinate negation.” Hegel distinguishes between the two kinds of negation, “abstract” versus “determinate”: “abstract negation” is negation wholesale, allowing for no discriminations of quality; it thus enjoys the all-or-nothing force of merely quantitative judgment, and entoils itself in all the regressions of “bad infinity”–a formula anticipating the Thanatos of the implacably punitive super-ego diagnosed by Freud. “Determinate negation,” by contrast, is qualitative: it negates (criticizes) some particular state of things, and with a particular concept of some better state of things to replace or “sublate” it. “Determinate negation” thereby contributes to the coming-into-existence of a better world.

     

    The later Hegel was wont (as his younger self was not) to portray this process in providential Christian terms. Christianity originated in the “abstract” (or “symbolic”) and Asiatic consciousness of ancient Judaism, but by virtue of its long and shaping experience in Western history–the Hellenization that assimilated it with art and philosophy, the Romanization that politicized it and accommodated it to the needs of statecraft, and the Germanization that suffused it with the spirit, even the libido, of freedom–Christianity so evolved as to realize, in modern times, the qualitative fulfillment or “incarnation” of what had originally been its merely “abstract” promise: the realization, from the Asiatic premise that “one is free,” through the classical aristocracy of “some are free,” to the democratic ideal emerging in the revolutionary events of Hegel’s own lifetime that “all are free,” that the state should represent all citizens.

     

    To the extent that Hegel intends “unhappy consciousness” as a diagnosis or symptomatics of a malaise specific to the mood or mode of “abstract negation,” it might seem exactly the wrong phrase to apply to the textual effect or affect of Adorno’s critical project, which always seeks to “objectify” its claims, to refuse any construction of them as “merely subjective.” But the passage just quoted makes clear that the distinction between “subject” and “object” is one that Adorno’s writing practice, no less than his arguments in such essays as “On Subject and Object” (Critical Models 245-58), effectively refutes–for the passage not only diagnoses the malaise in question, but confesses its own infection as well. “The lamenting subject” suffers this malaise or “unhappy consciousness” will he or nill he–“even if [especially if?] critically alerted to [him]self.” Where Hegel proposed a rationale for overcoming “unhappy consciousness” and attempted to realize it as an effect or affect in his philosophical writing, Adorno more conflictedly insists that the despair of the critic cannot and should not be so complacently “overcome” in the critique: it is stuff and substance of “the matter in hand,” of the problems critique addresses. To claim to have transcended or “sublated” “unhappy consciousness” is for Adorno a false consciousness, “an imaginary solution to a real contradiction.”

     

    Hegel’s “Happy Consciousness”?

     

    For Adorno, clearly, the premise of Hegel’s “optimism” is generally circulated too simple-mindedly. In every chapter of the Phenomenology, after all, the human race, groping after happiness, relapses into ironically inventive and original new forms of “unhappy consciousness.” Indeed, the narrative of Hegel’s Phenomenology is scarcely less insistent than the Bible itself that moral misery is both chronic and productive for humankind, from Genesis 3’s access of shaming knowledge, or knowledge-as-shame, to Paul’s “I had not known lust, except the law had said, Thou shalt not covet” (Rom. 7:7), and John of Patmos’s “Revelation” of the fury of divine vengeance. In the Bible, “consciousness” is regularly projected as both effect and cause of pain, fear, suffering and anguish of spirit–“For in much wisdom is much grief; and he that increaseth knowledge increaseth sorrow” (Eccles. 1:18). Greco-Roman culture does the same, from the tears of Achilles and Priam, the family curse driving the Oresteia, and the fated suffering of Oedipus to the lachrymae rerum of Vergil. Greek philosophy projected a relief from such suffering, and in the narrative of Hegel’s Phenomenology, “Reason” makes its “first, and therefore imperfect, appearance” with “the beyond” of the “supersensible world” (87-8), a passage allegorizing the advent, in Socrates and Plato, of the high philosophic tradition. The elite subculture of ancient Greek “philosophy” was strongly invested in overcoming affective unhappiness, and often philosophy seems virtually “identifiable” with eudaimonia, a “happiness” whose condition is liberation not merely from unhappy affects, but from affect as such. In the Plato-and-Aristotle tradition, affect itself is unhappy, and the eudaimonia of the philosophers is projected precisely as antidote or narcotic (Eagleton’s “anaesthetic”) against the vagaries of affect rather than as a redemption of happiness in any affective sense.

     

    Viewed through the historical lens of Hegelian “unhappy consciousness,” the Greek discovery of what Hegel calls “the supersensible” appears as too complacently oriented to the apatheia of “the beyond”; on Hegel’s showing, not until Christianity humanized the transcendent as “God” incarnate, and abjected itself before this God as a slave before its master, could unhappiness provide “Reason” with its proper (because at last duly cathected) challenge, that of overcoming unhappiness and abjection as such. Greek “Reason” was de-anthropomorphized; it could not thus appear as “master” in relation to the philosopher-“slave”; only as projected in human form can God, or “Reason,” inspire the kind of unhappiness that becomes consciousness in the first place. To say that in Hegel’s Phenomenology it is Reason that incarnates itself in human form is to indicate Hegel’s most fundamental reinscription of Christianity. “Reason is the slave of the passions”: Hume’s aphorism, read Hegel-wise, may illuminate my point here, stipulating of course that “the passions” are the unhappy ones. Hegel projects “Reason” as the slave destined, in abjection to the master, first to conceive and finally to attain an “independent [and “happy”] self-consciousness” that the master will never know. Try to project this allegory onto the Greek philosophical tradition, and you get a notably chillier picture: something like Plato’s Republic, with the philosophers as “guardians” in serene service to Logos itself as represented by, but precisely not personified or incarnated in, the philosopher-king, spinning the ideological fictions necessary to keep the benighted populace happily in the dark of the benignly ideological cave. Not for Plato and Aristotle, elite beneficiaries–“masters”–of a “some are free” society, any consciousness or idealization of the self as slave. Only in Diotima’s allegory of love in the Symposium does ancient Greek “philosophy” approach an abjected self-idealization, and an “unhappy consciousness” that is dynamic and productive, because affective, in anything like Hegel’s way.5 How telling that its name should be “love.”

     

    So much, on Hegel’s showing, for “the first, and therefore imperfect appearance of Reason.” By contrast, at the close of the “unhappy consciousness” section, Hegel stages for “Reason” a more consequential second coming. The closing paragraph dramatizes the unhappy consciousness’s search for “relief from its misery” (Phenomenology 137); its very last sentence announces the advent to consciousness of “the idea of Reason.” What immediately follows, the next unit of the text, is the section (about a fifth of the Phenomenology ) called “Reason.” In the “unhappy consciousness” section, the alienations of “the beyond” are entoiled in early Christianity’s abjected sense of sin and guilt ([Spirit’s]”action . . . remains pitiable, its enjoyment remains pain” [138]), and the search for a “relief” from such “miseries” involves the “sublation” of such antithetical categories as action and obedience, guilt and forgiveness, particular self-surrender and universal will, by the ministrations of a “mediator,” a word whose antithetical connotations for a Protestant (Christ/priest) Hegel leaves in play, evidently to register the ambivalence of the Christian legacy. The driving force in Hegel’s narrative is “the negative,” the “unrest” and “counterthrust” associated with the not-at-all Platonic/Aristotelian theme of “freedom”: markers of Hegel’s determination to portray the very conflictedness of his World-Spirit history–and the affective no less than the logical extremity of its painful contradictions–as the agonizing but creative ordeal from which “the idea of Reason” first emerges in a form sufficiently “dialectical” to meet (or inaugurate) the challenges of the human story that Hegel wants to tell. Only as incited by affect (“unhappy consciousness”) does (Hegelian) “Reason” effectively enter, and change, history.

     

    The Hegelian grand narrative projects the fulfillments of Spirit as still far off, as “not yet,” and so qualifies Hegel’s supposed “optimism.” The “slaughterbench of history” passage amply attests to Hegel’s own “mental torture” at the state of the world, the misery against which the “optimism” of his writing, style as well as substance, attempts something like an exorcism, a performativity in the spirit of “fake-it-till-you-make-it,” a veritable therapy for the Weltgeist at large, anticipating “joyful sciences” from Nietzsche and William James’s “healthy-mindedness” to Wilhelm Reich, Norman O. Brown, and the self-esteem or “recovery” movement of today. One of Hegel’s own most striking ideograms (or “constellations”) for this project is reserved for the climactic lines that conclude the Phenomenology where the “Calvary of absolute Spirit” is juxtaposed to the secularized image of the sacramental chalice of communion from Schiller’s “Ode to Friendship” (493; for shrewd comment on Hegel’s misquotations of the Schiller, see Kojève 165-8). Here what Hegel had called in the 1802 “Faith and Knowledge” “the speculative Good Friday, which used to be [considered] historical” (qtd. in Kaufmann 100), meets, if not quite a speculative Easter, at least a speculative chalice of the wine that, for Hegel, should not merely betoken, but should actually be the communion of Spirit with, or better, as Human Consciousness, Reason, and Spirit as such. The Cross first, then the Resurrection: this Christian ur-narrativization of the evil/good, damned/saved binary re-enacts itself in Hegel’s paradigmatic assumption that happy consciousness can only be–and eventually will be–wrested from the unhappy kind. This is the ordeal Hegel calls “the labor and the suffering of the negative,” an ordeal he pictures, indeed, as Spirit’s harrowing descent into hell, to own or become death itself, to risk its “utter dismemberment” as the necessary condition of “finding itself”:

     

    this is the tremendous power of the negative; it is the energy of thought, of the pure “I.” Death, if that is what we want to call this non-actuality, is of all things the most dreadful, and to hold fast what is dead requires the greatest strength. . . . But the life of Spirit is not the life that shrinks from death and keeps itself untouched by devastation, but rather the life that endures it and maintains itself in it. It wins its truth only when, in utter dismemberment, it finds itself. . . . Spirit is this power only by looking the negative in the face, and tarrying with it. This tarrying with the negative is the magical power that converts it into being. This power is identical with what we earlier called the Subject. (Phenomenology 19)

     

    Spirit’s near-death experience lends itself to our thematics of the “labor of affects”: overcoming ataraxia in a liberation or re-animation of affect, as fundamental to, even constitutive of Spirit’s project, and its eventual reward–a project proleptic of many nineteenth- and twentieth-century reinventions of heroism as a psychological quest-ordeal, from Wordsworth and Coleridge, Baudelaire (“Voyage à Cythère”), Browning’s “Dark Tower” to Eliot’s The Waste Land, from the sensationalisms of Delacroix and Géricault to Nietzsche’s “strong pessimism” and Wagner’s grandiose dooms, to Freud (Everyman an Oedipus of anguishing self-inquiry) and Mann and Valéry. And, of course, Adorno. Any such list risks silliness, but it seems to me that Hegel’s supposed “optimism” has too long obscured his place in the range of figurations and applications of “tarrying with the negative.”

     

    Diagnosticians of Critique

     

    “Unhappy consciousness,” then, is a chronic human problem, something like, if not a “human nature,” then a chronic foible of our “species-being.” But there is a more (so to speak) parochial manifestation of the problem, the “unhappy consciousness” very specifically of critique. Adorno indicts critique for shirking the “labor of the concept” with a plangency, an “unhappy consciousness” palpable and audible in the very tone and voice of his prose, in a way to forbid the forgiving thought that critique’s fault has been merely a kind of laziness, or stupidity; the further premise that the labor of conceptualization implies also a “labor of affectualization” evokes deficits more morally cathected, deficits of honesty and of courage as well. It is a prominent theme in Dialectic of Enlightenment that “enlightenment” congratulates itself for its courage in facing a demythologized world stripped of the comforts of traditional illusions, but has proven itself to be motivated, no less than “myth” itself, by a drive to master and/or deny “fear,” to achieve an “imaginary” comfort or self-assurance in face of a world more complicated and threatening than enlightenment thereby dares to acknowledge.

     

    Hegel makes similar observations, though (usually) more as satiric jabs at common-sense philosophizing than as Adorno’s lamentation over culture-wide pathologies. Hegel, indeed, diagnoses every possible reason for what we might call a “resistance to philosophy”–fear of a death-like “loss” of the self in “doubt and despair” (Phenomenology 18-20, 49-51), “shame” at confronting the intellectual challenge and the “alien authority” of the new (35), “the conceit that will not argue” (41), narcissistic “enjoyment” in (or fixation on) one’s own unwittingly tautological “explanations” (94, 101). The one obstacle that does not occur to Hegel is the reader’s potential intellectual incapacity: Hegel writes not only as a writer/thinker utterly undaunted by the prodigious complexities his inquiry generates for itself, but as if in entire confidence that any reader not debilitated by the moral deficits just mentioned will be fully capable of following where Hegel leads. (I will confess to moments of thinking this the most extravagantly utopian of Hegel’s many dizzying “optimisms.”) When Hegel notes that “a fear of falling into error sets up a mistrust of Science,” he is referring to the enlightenment program, since Bacon and Descartes, of arriving at truth by eliminating all error and illusion: a skeptical, Occam’s-razor approach predicated on the hope that when error has been pared away, the remainder will be truth. But Hegel advises that we should “mistrust this very mistrust”:

     

    Should we not be concerned as to whether this fear of error is not just the error itself? Indeed this fear takes something–a great deal in fact–for granted as truth . . . [e.g.,] certain ideas about cognition as an instrument and as a medium, and assumes that there is a difference between ourselves and this cognition. Above all, it presupposes that the Absolute stands on one side and cognition on the other, independent and separated from it, and yet is something real; or in other words, it presupposes that cognition which, since it is excluded from the Absolute, is surely outside of the truth as well, is nevertheless true, an assumption whereby what calls itself fear of error reveals itself rather as fear of the truth. (Phenomenology 47)

     

    Hegel goes on to diagnose what appears as merely intellectual error in psychological terms, as a vanity and insecurity vitiating the intellectual courage of the inquirer. (Hegel becomes something of a psychologist of the foibles specific to intellectuals, an impulse and an interest Adorno continues.) Hegel indicts this unwitting “fear of the truth” as rationalizing an “incapacity of Science,” as indeed “intended to ward off Science itself, and constitute an empty appearance of knowing.” What Hegel calls “natural consciousness” (empiricism, that is, “sense certainty” elevating itself to a scientific claim) resists the “path” of the Notion (a.k.a. “the labor of the concept”) because “the realization of the Notion, counts for it [natural consciousness] as the loss of its own self” (Phenomenology 49). “The road can therefore be regarded as the pathway of doubt, or more precisely as the way of despair”–shades here of “tarrying with the negative” (19)–and “natural consciousness,” economizing its experiential investments to maximize pleasure and minimize pain, shrinks from the discomforts of such a path. But for Hegel, this despair and doubt are part of the “necessary progression and interconnection of the forms of the unreal [“natural”] consciousness [that] will by itself bring to pass the completion of the series” (50). Hegel goes on to outline, in effect, a therapy of Geist in its struggles with such despair and doubt, with the “anxiety” that attends them, with the “sentimentality” that resorts to a wishful optimism or eudaemonism against them, with the “conceit” that will tempt Geist to fortify its “vanity” in the face of such threats of “loss of self.” Hegel ends with the promise that the “unrest” of thought will eventually overcome the “inertia” these despairs produce, to renew the quest for truth or “the Absolute” (51-3).

     

    For Adorno, Hegel’s concluding promise rings false because Hegel speaks as if it were not a “broken promise” in the here-and-now world. Hegel’s genial and confident tone, in effect, belittles the resistance to philosophy–as if to laugh us out of our intellectual timidity–and offers its own brio as, so to speak, a down-payment on the world-historical promise of eventual redemption and happy consciousness. By contrast, Adorno, most of all in Dialectic of Enlightenment, means to frighten us into new awareness: not only of our very real peril, in the age of industrialized total war, but of the numbness and despair with which we have so far confronted it–or rather, contrived not to confront it. What Hegel satirizes as merely local or personal resistances or failures within the discipline of philosophical inquiry, Adorno diagnoses as a culture-wide pathology, whose lethal potential is all too evident in the age of Auschwitz and Hiroshima.

     

    Fear and Enlightenment

     

    The relevant response to that lethal potential is fear. In Dialectic of Enlightenment, fear is both a key theme and an overarching effect. In Adorno’s philosophical and critical tradition, fear, among the principal components of “unhappy consciousness,” has held a special, even a rather glamorous, place. In Hegel’s master/slave narrative, the “struggle for recognition” surmounts nature only if life is at stake in the struggle. For the slave who buys life at the cost of bondage, the trauma of mortal fear in combat remains the necessary condition of the subsequent achievement of “independence,” “self-consciousness,” and an instigating conception of “being-for-self.” Nietzsche similarly finds an authenticating experience of “pure terror,” “original pain,” and the like as the sine qua non of (just what wimpy modernity has closed its eyes to) “tragedy”; absent such experiences of terror, there arises (has already arisen) what Francis Fukuyama calls, following Kojève’s famous splenetic “end of history” footnote (158-62, n6), the “last man” problem: the fear that, should utopia ever arrive, humankind, delivered at last from all mortal challenges, will devolve into a thumb-sucking limbo of material complacency and moral insignificance. This anxiety motivates the conflicted attachment of so many to violence, as a guarantee (in ways René Girard diagnoses) of the values lost upon the “last man.” To be sure, anxieties lest the revolution happen non-violently would seem to be overblown. But the prospect that revolution might banish suffering and unhappiness altogether arouses ambivalence. Even Marx, in the most utopian of the 1844 manuscripts, the section called “Private Property and Communism,” avows that come the revolution, not all suffering will end, but only the “alienated” kind: “for suffering, apprehended humanly, is an enjoyment of self in man” (87). We need our fear, to make ourselves heroic.

     

    Further ideological uses of a glamorized fear also figure in the more individualized inflections of these themes running from Kierkegaard to Heidegger and early Sartre, in which fear is the guarantor of spiritual maturity and courage, a sort of macho philosophique, an openness of the self to moral extremities of fear and anxiety, refusal or innocence of which would be inauthenticity or “mauvaise foi.” In Kierkegaard, although the “religious” is the valorized other of the merely “aesthetic” life–Kierkegaard’s version of the “last man” vacuity–the political itself appears as, categorically, aesthetic: an evasion of the more challenging fears and tremblings that Kierkegaard projects as the exclusive (why not say) “enjoyments” of the most authentically lived life. Similarly in Heidegger, a courageous “being-towards-death” individuates and valorizes the existential Dasein against the massed, faceless, inauthentic “they” (“das Man“); compare Lacan’s grammatologized and historicized version of the story of the devolution of “modern man” from subject-“je” into object-“moi.” Adorno was prescient in complaining that such rhetorics resonated all too readily with the political vulgarizations of the cheerleaders for Thanatos (“Viva la muerte!”) and the SS Übermenschen flouting death’s-head insignia, encouraged by Himmler in explicitly Nietzschean language (“self-overcoming,” etc.) to withstand the urgings of conscience that would impede them in their heroic task of massacring the innocents.

     

    For Adorno, by contrast, “the goal of the revolution is the elimination of anxiety. That is why we need not fear the former, and need not ontologize the latter” (Complete Correspondence 131). For me, indeed, one of the most attractive things about Adorno is his visceral refusal of any such glamorization of fear, not least because the “violence” of which some intellectuals speak so grandiosely is often merely figurative–indeed, sheerly “imaginary.” Hegel’s “tarrying with the negative” (“to hold fast what is dead requires the greatest strength”) becomes in Adorno the more muted formula, “the embittering part of dialectics” (Negative Dialectics 151). Not for him the accents of Zarathustrian bravado, snook heroically cocked at the void. Adorno is more like Freud (and, with qualifications, Marx) in conceiving fear as a humiliation, a non-elective ordeal imposed on us by the brutality of our historical circumstances, a suffering that may or may not elicit heroism from some of the sufferers, but that is sure to damage and debase, not to ennoble, most of its victims. Like Freud, Adorno distrusts rhetorics that align the experience of fear with moral grandeur or spiritual profit, including those, like the “last man” anxiety, that put the case negatively. For Adorno, indeed, to posit the debasement of the “last man” as an argument against utopia would be ideological delusion: as if the “last man” deprivations weren’t already epidemic in the nightmare of our “administered world.” The motive Adorno most readily shares with Lacan, though Adorno’s moral plangency is at the farthest possible remove from Lacan’s knowing Schadenfreude, would be precisely his alarm at the masochistic human addiction to misery, to sentimentalizing rhetorics of amor fati, to the problematic neatly summarized by Zizek’s sarcastic injunction “Enjoy your symptom!” and instantiated by Kierkegaard, Nietzsche, Heidegger, and Kojève). Like Lacan, again, Adorno aligns this “weakening of the ego” with a “neutralization of sex,” a “desexualization of sexuality” (Critical Models 72-5) that oddly joins Marcuse’s “repressive desublimation” with de Rougemont’s extension of the Nietzschean “last man” lament to Eros. About the administered world’s “castrated hedonism, desire without desire,” Adorno’s diagnosis would be very much the Lacanian shake of the head at having given way on desire (Aesthetic Theory 11). (One recalls here Weber’s “iron cage,” “sensualists without heart,” etc., in the peroration to The Protestant Ethic.)

     

    So Adorno affects no pose, à la Kierkegaard, Nietzsche, and Heidegger, of facing down the abyss from which the rest of us cower away in denial; nor, on the other hand, does he make as if to smile it away, as Hegel does. If Adorno’s critical “unhappy consciousness” avoids the Scylla of Hegelian “optimism,” it equally steers clear of the Charybdis of (self-regardingly) “strong pessimism[s]” of the anti-utopian type so often mobilized in critiques of modernity. Adorno’s anxieties about modernity are not Huxleyan, but Orwellian, conjuring not the pampered “last man” whom Nietzsche so haughtily disdains, but rather the brutalized “administered subject” whose abasement before the domination of a “rationalized” world is achieved at the price of a “weakening of the ego” to produce the ironically named “authoritarian personality,” disciplined and conditioned in the regimes of the workplace and the routines of commodified pleasure as managed by the culture industry, a colonizing and exploiting appropriation, “for others,” of all “spirit,” of all subjecthood.

     

    The 1944 “Introduction”

     

    Written during the darkest days of World War Two, while Horkheimer and Adorno were refugees in the U.S., the Dialectic of Enlightenment manifests the “unhappy consciousness of critique” as a deliberate cathexis of fear in writing. Keeping the date of composition in mind–late 1943 to early 1944: “during Auschwitz”–the book aims to arouse the fear narcotized in enlightenment chorismos, the “division of labor” which assigns feeling and thinking to different agencies (art and science) to the detriment of both. (“The narrow-minded wisdom that sorts out feeling from knowing and rubs its hands together when it finds the two balanced is–as trivialities sometimes are–the caricature of a situation that over the centuries of the division of labor has inscribed this division in subjectivity” [Aesthetic Theory 331]). Horkheimer and Adorno project the ataraxia that enlightenment makes programmatic as foundational to the “dialectic of enlightenment” the book means to diagnose. Later in his career, Adorno frequently avowed the ambition to “rescue” this or that ambition, program, or value that modernity is in danger of forgetting; the project of excavating the “emotional force” of Kant’s philosophy (above) is an example, but it is a dim echo of the much more urgent, larger-stakes effort in Dialectic of Enlightenment to reawaken the energy of terror against which the enlightenment has deludedly, compulsively numbed itself. Fear is not merely the “textual effect” or affect of Dialectic of Enlightenment, but also the “motivation” of its thematic or indeed thetic burden, announced in the book’s opening sentences:

     

    Enlightenment, understood in the widest sense as the advance of thought, has always aimed at liberating human beings from fear and installing them as masters. Yet the wholly enlightened earth is radiant with triumphant calamity. Enlightenment’s program was the disenchantment of the world. It wanted to dispel myths, to overthrow fantasy with knowledge. (Jephcott 1)

     

    The book will go on to argue–or I had better say, to evoke, agitatedly, breathlessly, and reiteratively, in a way to enact its thematic of the deadlock or “standstill” that has reversed the developed world’s “progress” into “regress”–that so far from having “liberated [ourselves] from fear,” our very fear of fear, our anxious repression of our cultural and historical anxieties, has left us enslaved to fear every bit as much as the primitive trapped in the cycle of compulsive rituals that palliate the terror of human impotence in a terrifying world. Enlightenment prides itself on having escaped that cycle, but this very pride has become an illusion and a denial, a “sympathetic magic” against dreads cognate with those that entrap the primitive; the devolution of philosophy into positivism and technology has made of “scientific method” a denial of the unknown, an ethos that assimilates the unknown to the known, the new and the different to the “same old same old.”

     

    Hence our aborted “enlightenment,” “triumphant calamity,” progress reverting to barbarism, in obedience to an as-if fated “compulsion to repeat.” Hence “the curse of irresistible progress is irresistible regression” (Jephcott 28). The fear of fear itself has driven enlightenment to an illusory exorcism of fear, made this impulse its analgesic, its will to deny, in short, its “imaginary victory” over fear, a freedom from fear the more delusional, and (therefore) the more compulsive, the more terror threatens to engulf it. The social and other dislocations of modernization produced turmoil because the new is frightening–and it’s a collective reflex in societies engulfed by rapid development to try to master collective fear by refusing the new. Whatever affronts or perplexes or challenges enlightenment’s canons of domestication arouses “fear,” which enlightenment promptly and preemptively represses. “The cause of enlightenment’s relapse into mythology is to be sought . . . in the fear of truth which petrifies enlightenment itself” (Jephcott xvi).

     

    What the book argues about fear, repression, and the anxiety of the new, it also enacts in the writing. Against the backdrop of World War Two, the contrast of Horkheimer and Adorno’s authorial carriage with Freud’s is a useful handle. Freud’s “stoic” composure–the shocking disclosures delivered in tones of measured calm; the outrages to common sense and morals rendered only the more stinging for the lucidity of the delivery; the scandalized “resistances” to his work which Freud anticipates, and serenely takes as confirmation of it–all this is at the furthest remove from Dialectic of Enlightenment, whose prose is overwrought, urgent, and (often) recklessly obscure. And deliberately, self-consciously so, as we can read in the book’s 1944 “Introduction,” a manifesto in justification of the book’s obscurity and difficulty. The argument evokes and coordinates three axes of “difficulty,” each motivating, and motivated by, the others: the psychological difficulty of our traumatic history, past, present, and future; the intellectual difficulty of the philosophic-critical tradition whose materials the argument mobilizes; and the darkly enigmatic carriage of the self-consciously, deliberately difficult prose style of Dialectic of Enlightenment itself.

     

    Dated “May 1944,” just days before the allied landings in Normandy, and reprinted without change in subsequent editions and translations, the “Introduction” insists that the “difficulties” of the text are not to be set aside, that they are bone and blood of the book’s argument and intended effect, indeed, of its project and its problem: that they are “motivated,” programmatic, in ways the authors outline, “make thematic,” in the “Introduction” itself. If the text proper enacts or performs–the mot juste here is suffers–the difficulties of “the matter in hand,” the “Introduction” more explicitly reflects on them, and thus initiates the challenge of the text. From almost the opening sentence, the difficulties of the project are foregrounded:

     

    The further we proceeded with the task the more we became aware of a mismatch between it and our own capabilities. What we had set out to do was nothing less than to explain why humanity, instead of entering a truly human state, is sinking into a new kind of barbarism. We underestimated the difficulty of dealing with the subject . . . . (Jephcott xiv)

     

    The echo of Rousseau’s famous lament–“man,” born free, lives everywhere in chains–announces an attempt “to explain why” this should be so; the following sentence similarly conjures with the eleventh thesis on Feuerbach in a way to suggest, Marx’s provocation notwithstanding, that “interpreting” the world is quite difficult enough, even in default of changing it, and assumes (what Marx can only rhetorically have seemed to question) that there is continuity, not antithesis, between interpreting the world and changing it. In any case, “consciousness” is not a problem Horkheimer and Adorno are prepared to dismiss:

     

    We underestimated the difficulty of dealing with the subject because we still placed too much trust in contemporary consciousness. While we had noted for many years that, in the operations of modern science, the major discoveries are paid for with an increasing decline of theoretical education, we nevertheless believed that we could follow those operations to the extent of limiting our work primarily to a critique or a continuation of specialist theories. Our work was to adhere, at least thematically, to the traditional disciplines: sociology, psychology, and epistemology. The fragments we have collected here show, however, that we had to abandon that trust. . . . in the present collapse of bourgeois civilization, not only the operations but the purpose of science have become dubious. The tireless self-destruction of enlightenment hypocritically celebrated by implacable fascists and implemented by pliable experts in humanity compels thought to forbid itself the last remaining innocence regarding the habits and tendencies of the Zeitgeist. (Jephcott xiv)

     

    What had initially looked to be a set of “specialist” problems (“sociology, psychology, and epistemology”) turns out to challenge “philosophy” itself–and to challenge it not only on its wonted ground of “theoretical” awareness but also, more radically, on the higher-stakes ground of politics, culture, science, and the very fate of civilization, grounds on which philosophy has wanted to maintain a detached “innocence” that, Horkheimer and Adorno charge, even the most willfully “innocent” can no longer pretend is tenable. The urgency of the crisis is to be read in the very texture, the very “fragmentary” quality, of the text we are about to read: we might have expected that the move from specialist disciplines to the discipline of disciplines, philosophy, would entail an integration and comprehensiveness denied the specialisms (or rather, that the specialisms renounce on principle); instead, Horkheimer and Adorno’s “philosophical” effort to overcome the fragmentation of intellectual culture can itself yield only “fragments.” In the context of 1944, a phrase like “the tireless self-destruction of enlightenment” might have suggested images from front pages and newsreels of bombed-out cities, whole cultures reduced to rubble, to “fragments.” As we’ll see, Horkheimer and Adorno diagnose enlightenment as a rapaciously “analytic” (that is, atomizing, separating, distinction-making) habit or drive, or driven-ness, of thought that has already, in the name of science, fragmented the field of intellectual labor from within. Enlightenment’s divvying-up of disciplinary turf, modernity’s settlement of the “contest of faculties” thematized by Kant, this “innocence,” this renunciation of the larger, integrated, theoretically aware or “self-conscious” view that opens itself to the largest problems of the culture, is a large part of the problem, a major symptom–indeed, the pathology itself–of the “dialectic of enlightenment” Horkheimer and Adorno aim to diagnose and to prescribe for.

     

    The effort “to explain why” the world is in such dire straits obliges philosophy to overcome its wonted (ideological) “innocence,” to estrange or defamiliarize habits of thinking and of language long since turned ideological:

     

    If public life has reached a state in which thought is being turned inescapably into a commodity and language into a celebration of the commodity, the attempt to trace the sources of this degradation must refuse obedience to the current linguistic and intellectual demands before it is rendered entirely futile by the consequence of those demands for world history. (Jephcott xiv-xv)

     

    This seems a very “period” modernist or avant-garde disavowal of received conventions, but also a warning–for “even the most honorable reformer who recommends renewal in threadbare language reinforces the existing order he seeks to break by taking over its worn-out categorial apparatus and the pernicious power-philosophy lying behind it” (Jephcott xvii). Renewal of our debased language will involve expression and thinking, will contravene conventional cultural “demands” that are both “linguistic and intellectual”; the antinomy long dominant in Western critical discourses between the “textual” and the “thetic” is to be collapsed, even something like “deconstructed,” not only in the argued theory but even more in the self-consciously difficult writing practice of Dialectic of Enlightenment.

     

    But in dissenting from “current linguistic and intellectual demands” here, Dialectic of Enlightenment declares a crucial difference from (even implies a critique of) avant-gardism as usual, for in the modern arts, the search for new and uncorrupted expressive means typically identifies the “concept,” generically, as the enemy, and mobilizes against it in the name of the “concrete” particular, whose redemptive quidditas or “authenticity” the familiarizations of intellect have allegedly habituated and debased. (This axiomatic–why not call it an “ideology”?–replicates itself, of course, in many philosophical texts, and hence some of the Frankfurt School’s particular “existentialist” bêtes noirs, e.g., Heidegger, Jaspers, Scheler.) The twentieth-century arts, too, want to reclaim “truth,” but usually by circumventing the very conceptuality Horkheimer and Adorno set in place as a sine qua non of their project and conceiving “truth” aesthetically, as “immediate [that is, unmediated] experience.” From the Hegelian viewpoint of Horkheimer and Adorno, “mediation” simply is “the labor of the concept”; its repudiation, in the arts as in the empirical sciences, is itself an important symptom (Adorno’s frequent name for it is “nominalism”) of the predicament of modernity–that is, of the “dialectic of enlightenment”–that their book means to expose and indict. And redeem or “rescue,” in large measure, again, by the “labor of the affects,” that is, affectualizing “the labor of the concept” itself.

     

    “Mythic Fear Turned Radical”

     

    I want now to risk a very lengthy quotation that will display these difficulties, and a few new ones, together. It is one of the many projections in Dialectic of Enlightenment of the arc from prehistory to the present, from animism to enlightenment, and it enacts the “progress/regress” motif in the paradoxical gesture of a narrative whose point is to enact the failure of its own progress, to display the inextricability of progress and regression even at the risk of seeming to identify terms whose non-identity would seem to be the very condition of “dialectic” itself. So we have a thematic burden carried less in the details of what the sentences state or argue, than in the formal character of a passage that conducts itself as a quasi- or (even) pseudo-narrative. Crucially, the theme–the failure of progress, the regression to primitive unreason–is charged with dread by reason of the very cryptic-ness of its strange oracular utterance, its broad-brush laying about with complex and loaded terminologies whose meanings or connotations are not clarified or delimited, and above all its rhythm, its air of driven and breathless haste:

     

    The murky, undivided entity worshipped as the principle of mana at the earliest known stages of humanity lived on in the bright world of the Greek religion. Primal and undifferentiated, it is everything unknown and alien; it is that which transcends the bounds of experience, the part of things which is more than their immediately perceived existence. What the primitive experiences as supernatural is not a spiritual substance in contradistinction to the material world but the complex concatenation of nature in contrast to its individual link. The cry of terror called forth by the unfamiliar becomes its name. It fixes the transcendence of the unknown in relation to the known, permanently linking horror to holiness. The doubling of nature into appearance and essence, effect and force, made possible by myth no less than by science, springs from human fear, the expression of which becomes its explanation. This does not mean that the soul is transposed into nature, as psychologism would have us believe; mana, the moving spirit, is not a projection but the echo of the real preponderance of nature in the weak psyches of primitive people. The split between animate and inanimate, the assigning of demons and deities to certain specific places, arises from this preanimism. Even the division of subject and object is prefigured in it. If the tree is addressed no longer as simply a tree but as evidence of something else, a location of mana, language expresses the contradiction that it is at the same time itself and something other than itself, identical and not identical. Through the deity speech is transformed from tautology into language. The concept, usually defined as the unity of the features of what it subsumes, was rather, from the first, a product of dialectical thinking, in which each thing is what it is only by becoming what it is not. This was the primal form of the objectifying definition, in which concept and thing became separate, the same definition which was already far advanced in the Homeric epic and trips over its own excesses in modern positive science. But this dialectic remains powerless as long as it emerges from the cry of terror, which is the doubling, the mere tautology of terror itself. The gods cannot take away fear from human beings, the petrified cries of whom they bear as their names. Humans believe themselves free of fear when there is no longer anything unknown. This has determined the path of demythologization, of enlightenment, which equates the living with the nonliving as myth had equated the nonliving with the living. Enlightenment is mythical fear radicalized. The pure immanence of positivism, its ultimate product, is nothing other than a form of universal taboo. Nothing is allowed to remain outside, since the mere idea of the “outside” is the real source of fear. (Jephcott 10-11)

     

    This passage illustrates the fundamental–and entirely deliberate–narrative contradiction of Dialectic of Enlightenment, for the momentum of the passage, its energy or, so to speak, body-language as one reads, is narrative–we are reading a story–and yet it is a rum question at the close what, if anything, has been narrated. The passage ends much as it began–enlightenment ends where animism began–in fearful denial of the new or the “outside”; here as elsewhere, what is narrated is the failure of the narrative to achieve narrativity, that is, to accomplish the development, to unfold the new, which would be the sine qua non of narrative, the crucial change or “event” (outcome), the indispensable thing-to-be-narrated in the first place. The burden of this (specifically narrative) “performative contradiction” is that “the curse of irresistible progress is irresistible regression” (Jephcott 28)–and the non-transitive steady-state syntax of that sentence, subject and predicate joined by the present-tense copula, could stand as emblem of just what the narrative’s progress/regress enacts, or rather prevents being enacted. A particularly cryptic crux is the word “tautology,” here anticipating Adorno’s later assault on “identity thinking.” In the passage, “tautology” is not, to be sure, simply identifiable with “identity,” but acts as something like the surrogate of identity–of the retro- or primary identity of the origin (arché), not of the ultimate identity (telos) of the “Absolute.” As actant, in other words, “tautology” appears here as the fated antagonist of “language,” of “separation,” of apprehension of “the Other,” of non-identity, and of “dialectical thinking” itself: at the recurrence of “fear,” all achieved differences relapse, as if in obedience to the downward pull of a gravitational field, back to the ground of “tautology” again.

     

    But Horkheimer and Adorno want to preserve the Hegelian narrative as well as to cancel it; hence, near the middle of the passage, the agitating appearance of “language,” “concept,” and “dialectic” come onstage and momentarily seem, as narrative actants, capable of breaching the closure of “tautology,” the regime from animism to enlightenment, and of enabling a truly narrative movement of change. “Tautology” figures as their nemesis, the ruin of all that they would seem to promise. From the primitive awe of the spirit-name and its “linking horror to holiness,” the mere utterance of which becomes “expression” and then “explanation,” there arises a rudimentary anticipation of “the division of subject and object,” and hence the very Hegelian sense that “language expresses the contradiction that it is at the same time itself and something other than itself, identical and not identical. . . . [thus] speech is transformed from tautology into language.” It is as much from the interaction of these terms as from any extant notion we might have of their meaning that we infer what “tautology,” “language,” “dialectic,” and so on, connote here, what role they play in the “night of the world” drama unfolding on the page.

     

    We note the entry here of “contradiction,” a key term in Frankfurt School discourses, and of the problematic of “identity/non-identity” Adorno will later elaborate in Negative Dialectics. In this passage, the next term to agitate the text is “dialectic” itself, here staged as the condition of a redemption of the “concept” from its demotion to “the unity of the features of what it subsumes,” a nominalist formulation that reduces the “concept” to a mere enabling fiction. Against such nominalist dismissals of “the concept,” the text goes on to retroject what Adorno elsewhere calls “the kinetic force of [the] concept” (Philosophy of Modern Music 26) as Hegel “dialectically” reimagined it, back into antiquity, asserting that the concept “was . . . from the first, a product of dialectical thinking, in which each thing is what it is only by becoming what it is not.” The language of “dialectic” and “becoming” here summons the highest Hegelian vocation of the concept and of philosophy, which sets what can be thought against, and as the critique or “negation” of, what merely is, as a volitional element in the temporal stream (or narrative) of “becoming.” Having introduced the terminology, and the promise, of the dialectic, the passage now reverts to program, to stage the miscarriage of that promise: for “this dialectic remains powerless as long as it emerges from the cry of terror, which is the doubling, the mere tautology of terror itself.” (“Emerges from”: enlightenment may suppose it has surmounted the primal terror, but it has merely repressed it, and thus, unconsciously, prolonged it.) The passage then moves to enlightenment, which seeks to escape the “tautology of terror” by “demythologization,” by a systematic conquest of the source of fear, the unknown, and its conversion to knowledge–but this impotent dialectic continues despite itself, and unwittingly, to “duplicate” the “tautology of terror” rather than to undo it.

     

    That some such reversal or catastrophe befalls the enlightenment program, the general drift of the passage makes clear–though neither narratively nor, so to speak, syllogistically, is the exact course of this miscarriage spelled out. Rather there follows a sequence of problematic assertions, and oddly it is in the more obscure of these that the extent and irony of the failure emerge most clearly–in, for instance, the most challenging sentence here, which is also the shortest: “Enlightenment is mythical fear radicalized” (Jephcott 11). It happens this is a sentence (“Aufklärung ist die radikal gewordene, mythische Angst” [Horkheimer and Adorno, Dialektik 32]) that I prefer in Cumming’s translation: “Enlightenment is mythic fear turned radical” (16). Both translations preserve the etymological and other connotations of “radikal” in the German, but that buzzword makes harder rather than easier the question of what the sentence might mean. For the politically left reader Horkheimer and Adorno address, the first connotations of “turned radical” would be of progress, of “radicalization” as a desirable conversion or development: something has advanced from a complacent, muddled superficiality, has been “made conscious,” has been made political: radicalized. So far, the sentence might be read as endorsing the very ideology of enlightenment that, the context makes clear, the authors are in fact attacking.

     

    Another first-take reading, not incompatible with the first, might read “radicalized” or “turned radical” to suggest something like an eruption or explosion of mythic fear, as if announcing a sudden and transforming release of affects hitherto repressed and held in check–and of course the sudden unblocking of long-repressed energies is a familiar figure for revolution. But again, context counsels otherwise–the “universal taboo” is clearly a universal repression–so “radicalized” or “turned radical” clearly must mean something else: must mean, indeed, virtually the opposite: must mean something like, “enlightenment is primordial fear precisely not bursting up into expression from below, but on the contrary driven downward, back to the fundamental, to the roots.” “Radicalized,” in short, might mean “repressed”–the reverse of its usual connotation. The most apposite model I can adduce here is Freud’s account of trauma in section IV of Beyond the Pleasure Principle, according to which frightening stimuli “invade” the sensorium, which responds with a defensive “hypercathexis” the paradoxical aim of which is to achieve an “anticathexis,” by means of which the floods of overwhelming stimuli can be “mastered” and “bound,” and rendered thus “quiescent.” (Freud is elaborating here the “compulsion to repeat”–a model whose pertinence to Dialectic of Enlightenment seems the more compelling for going unmentioned by the authors.)

     

    And yet, having worked through the twists and turns above, not “cancelled” but “preserved” in all this conflictedness of suggestion and connotation against context and larger thought-rhythms, there persists some residue, some still-utopian potential, of the first reading: that enlightenment is indeed, or may somehow again be, a radicalization of mythic fear in the sense projected in the “labor of affectualization,” in effect the program of Dialectic of Enlightenment itself: to awaken the fear, terror, angst, dread that “the dialectic of enlightenment” has so far narcotized and repressed, and draw from the jolting accesses of affect thereby released a newly radicalizing energy that will make of “the unhappy consciousness of critique” an engine of advance and of the new, rather than a pitfall, a syndrome–an ataraxia–of defeat and repetition.

     

    This “and yet,” I want to argue, is the “dialectical” condition and/or effect of Adorno’s so affective and affecting prose. His challenge is as much moral and emotional as intellectual: as much about confronting fear–as immediate affect, as mediated concept, as meta-fear: the fear of fear itself–as about meeting the interpretive and cognitive challenges of a tough text in the daunting tradition of Hegel-and-Marx and after. This text, both in the writing and in the reading, enacts or suffers what it argues: the imperative labor of facing, in thought and in feeling, the Angst that has paralyzed thought and feeling both. The difficulty of the prose is meant to inflict this Angst on the reader, this “labor and suffering of the negative.” But–“and yet”–it is meant to agitate as well anxiety’s antithetical or dialectical other, hope–however unemphatic in the argument, however merely implicit in the movement, of the text.

     

    Most of my description here has made Dialectic of Enlightenment sound like a very despairing book–extravagantly, floridly despairing. It is indeed a text answering to Harold Bloom’s fine formulation, “an achieved anxiety” (96). But of course Horkheimer and Adorno do not mean to incite affects of fear for their own sake; that would be “mimesis” of the merely ideological kind–mere “repetition” of “symptom,” not critical negation. On the contrary, their “immanent critique” intends a “working-through” that must begin by making the traumas and anxieties of World War Two available to consciousness, even at the cost of terror, as indispensable prerequisite to any breach of the paralyzing captivity in which modern consciousness has languished. Adorno intimates as much in an unwontedly straightforward passage from a 1967 essay, originally a radio talk, called “Education after Auschwitz”:

     

    anxiety must not be repressed. When anxiety is not repressed, when one permits oneself to have, in fact, all the anxiety that this [after-Auschwitz] reality warrants, then precisely by doing that, much of the destructive effect of unconscious and displaced anxiety will probably disappear. (Critical Models 198)

     

    Hence the paradoxical “textual effect” (or affect) of Dialectic of Enlightenment, that what might seem Horkheimer and Adorno’s ne plus ultra of despair nevertheless achieves a kind of “relief” in what seems at first merely to repeat the very affects from which relief is sought. Only after an evocation of the pain and fear that have paralyzed us can there be any release of affective energies whose freeing might augur possibilities more hopeful: that there remain potentials of consciousness (thought and feeling, agony and concept, eros and knowledge)–potentials, in short, of critique–still to be mobilized. The critical is not yet–“not yet”–the utopian, nor is the promise (Stendhal’s promesse du bonheur) quite vouchsafed, let alone realized, its “broken”-ness repaired. Nevertheless, for all its extremities of Angst and terror, Dialectic of Enlightenment manages to arouse hopes that Freud or Weber would dismiss with a sadder-but-wiser shake of the head.

     

    Critique and/as Utopia

     

    I want to close with further consideration of how this happens–this “labor of affectualization,” this dialectical transubstantiation of despair into something like hope. The example above derived “hope” as something like a negatively stated motif inferable from what looks to be on its face a very dark passage indeed. I want now to locate such effects in, and ascribe them to, the compositional form or rhythm of Horkheimer and Adorno’s text: in the climax of chapter 1 of Dialectic of Enlightenment. We have been looking so far at passages from that program chapter of the book, passages–“Enlightenment is mythic fear turned radical,” e.g.–that have evoked the evil, the “triumphant calamity,” of the “dialectic of enlightenment.” For more than three quarters of its length, the chapter has diagnosed the “repression” of fear under whose pall enlightenment has sleep-walked into terror and evoked the fear itself to undo that repression. At a determinate point (we will look at it shortly) the text introduces, then prosecutes, its case for the necessity of critique–“thought” itself–as the only possible relief of our predicament. But from this sanguine argument, I want to elicit something more elusive: what I might call an intimation of the utopian, or (perhaps better) a “utopia-effect,” that is less argued in the book’s propositional content or logic (the Bilderverbot against picturing utopia remains in force), than enacted in its verbal energy, and even more in the book’s larger structural rhythms, its “through-composition,” to inflect the musical term with some of the connotations Adorno’s usage lends it, what he elsewhere calls the “agency of form” (Notes on Literature 114).

     

    The peroration, in the very last paragraphs of the chapter, reprises the motif of “thought” and its agency here evoked as “revolutionary imagination” and “unyielding theory”:

     

    The suspension of the concept, whether done in the name of progress or of culture, which had both long since formed a secret alliance against truth, gave free rein to the lie. In a world which merely verified recorded evidence and preserved thought, debased to the achievement of great minds, as a kind of superannuated headline, the lie was no longer distinguishable from a truth neutralized as cultural heritage. But to recognize power even within thought itself as unreconciled nature would be to relax the necessity which even socialism, in a concession to reactionary common sense, prematurely confirmed as eternal. In declaring necessity the sole basis of the future and banishing mind, in the best idealist fashion, to the far pinnacle of the superstructure, socialism clung all too desperately to the heritage of bourgeois philosophy. The relationship of necessity to the realm of freedom was therefore treated as merely quantitative, mechanical, while nature, posited as wholly alien, as in the earliest mythology, became totalitarian, absorbing socialism along with freedom. By sacrificing thought, which in its reified form as mathematics, machinery, organization, avenges itself on a humanity forgetful of it, enlightenment forfeited its own realization. By subjecting everything particular to its discipline, it left the uncomprehended whole free to rebound as mastery over things against the life and consciousness of human beings. But a true praxis capable of overturning the status quo depends on theory’s refusal to yield to the oblivion in which society allows thought to ossify. It is not the material preconditions of fulfillment, unfettered technology as such, which make fulfillment uncertain. That is the argument of sociologists who are trying to devise yet another antidote, even a collectivist one, in order to control that antidote. The fault lies in a social context which induces blindness. The mythical scientific respect of peoples for the given reality, which they themselves constantly create, finally becomes itself a positive fact, a fortress before which even the revolutionary imagination feels shamed as utopianism, and degenerates to a compliant trust in the objective tendency of history. As the instrument of this adaptation, as a mere assemblage of means, enlightenment is as destructive as its Romantic enemies claim. It will only fulfill itself if it forswears its last complicity with them and dares to abolish the false absolute, the principle of blind power. The spirit of such unyielding theory would be able to turn back from its goal even the spirit of pitiless progress. Its herald, Bacon, dreamed of the many things “which kings with their treasure cannot buy, nor with their force command, [of which] their spials and intelligencers can give no news.” Just as he wished, those things have been given to the bourgeois, the enlightened heirs of the kings. In multiplying violence through the mediation of the market, the bourgeois economy has also multiplied its things and its forces to the point where not merely kings or even the bourgeoisie are sufficient to administrate them: all human beings are needed. From the power of things they finally learn to forgo power. Enlightenment consummates and abolishes itself when the closest practical objectives reveal themselves to be the most distant goal already attained, and the lands of which “their spials and intelligencers can give no news”–that is, nature misunderstood by masterful science–are remembered as those of origin. Today, when Bacon’s utopia, in which “we should command nature in action,” has been fulfilled on a telluric scale, the essence of the compulsion which he ascribed to unmastered nature is becoming apparent. It was power itself. Knowledge, in which, for Bacon, “the sovereignty of man” unquestionably lay hidden, can now devote itself to dissolving that power. But in face of this possibility enlightenment, in the service of the present, is turning itself into an outright deception of the masses. (Jephcott 32-4)

     

    At the top of this final paragraph there is some wordplay in the German (Indem er für alle Zukunft die Notwendigkeit zur Basis erhob und den Geist auf gut idealistich zur höchsten Spitze depravierte, hielt er das Erbe der bürgerlichen Philosophie allzu krampfhaft fest [Horkheimer and Adorno, Dialektik 58]) that is better captured in the Cumming than in the Jephcott translation: “By elevating necessity to the status of the basis for all time to come, and by idealistically degrading the spirit for ever to the very apex, socialism held on all too surely to the legacy of bourgeois philosophy” (41). The play of “basis” and “apex” indicts equally both the “realism” of bourgeois self-preservation and the materialism of “official” Marxist-Leninism, and does so most dazzlingly by way of its witty (geistreich) reversal of the usual terms of the figure: bourgeois and socialist thought alike have “elevated” necessity to the “basis,” and “degraded” spirit (Geist) to the “apex.” For good measure, Horkheimer and Adorno characterize this officially “materialist” gesture of Stalinist orthodoxy as “idealist.” Consciousness as volatile as that seems almost to revoke its own “unhappiness” by sheer force of its wit: or at least, putting thus in play (or standing on its head) the cliché pyramid-image for the tired materialism/idealism shibboleth, such wit twists materialism’s all-too-righteous and literal-minded tail.

     

    Still, utopian consciousness isn’t given its head; these critical gestures are checked throughout by the reassertion of our ideological condition (turning now to the Jephcott translation): “By subjecting everything to its discipline, [enlightenment] left the uncomprehended whole free to rebound as mastery over things against the life and consciousness of human beings.” But the reversion works both ways, in what had by now begun to manifest as a regular rhythm of ideological condition alternating with revolutionary possibility: “But a true praxis capable of overturning the status quo depends on theory’s refusal to yield to the oblivion in which society allows thought to ossify.”

     

    This prose enacts the unremitting agon of a heroically “unyielding theory” against the powers of what the passage licenses us to call “domination uncomprehended”: in the passage’s own terms, the agon is against “the suspension of the concept”; in the Hegelian terms Horkheimer and Adorno evoke throughout, their struggle is for a renewal of “der Arbeit des Begriffs,” the “labor of the concept.” But “the oblivion in which society allows thought to ossify” is a deficit not merely of intellect, but of feeling as well: ataraxia, apathy, anaesthesis, asceticism, “coldness,” Odysseus roped to the mast, the rowers with ears deliberately, technologically deafened against song. The passage fuses concept and affect when it includes diagnosis of the affects, and of the disease or debilitated psychology or “learned helplessness” of the affects, that its own dialectical “labor” means to “work through,” redeem, overcome. Horkheimer and Adorno seek to adapt categories of individual psychological analysis to the domain of the social; more audaciously than Freud–here their alignment is rather with Hegel–they also mean to prescribe, for the social psychology of the “damaged life,” a “labor of concept and affect” that offers some deliverance from “unhappy consciousness.” As in Hegel there is the premise that “unhappy consciousness” results when people are alienated from their own powers and creations, which they can no longer recognize as their own (“the mythical scientific respect of peoples for the given reality, which they themselves constantly create”): resentment against what we take to be an externally “given reality” becomes at once shame at our impotence to change it and guilt at our debilitated desire to do so. In Horkheimer and Adorno’s social diagnostic, “guilt” is not the irredeemable liability with which wisdom resigns itself to (at best) merely coping; rather, “the fault lies in a context which induces blindness,” in a resignation to complicity in collective miseries that paralyzes the very energies that might undo the self-perpetuating structure of collective injury. “That might undo”: sounds utopian? It can sound no other way, in an “administered world” in which we have guiltily relinquished our power, in which our deluded guilt converts our Promethean potentialities into self-contempt and abjected, defeated passivity before “the way it is”: what Fredric Jameson, following Gunther Anders, calls the “Promethean shame” (315). This is an abjection cognate with that which Horkheimer and Adorno decry above, in which “even the revolutionary imagination feels shamed as utopianism, and degenerates to a compliant trust in the objective tendency of history.”

     

    In the energy of Horkheimer and Adorno’s prose, there is a “making conscious” as much affective as conceptual. “Consciousness without shudder,” we have quoted Adorno as saying, “is reified consciousness.” The implication is that unreified consciousness, full subjectivity, involves affect as well as cognition. If consciousness ensued (as in Hegel) from mere perception and sensation–of “shudder,” for example–“What later came to be called subjectivity, freeing itself from the blind anxiety of the shudder, is at the same time the shudder’s own development; life in the subject is nothing but what shudders, the reaction to the total spell that transcends the spell” (Aesthetic Theory 331). In this “self-transcending” work Adorno sees something very different from Aristotelian catharsis, prototype of the instrumentalization of affects whose culmination is the culture industry. Adorno opposes catharsis, if that would mean simply the neutralization of affect, the de-cathexis of what had been cathected: as he says elsewhere, “[Aristotelian] catharsis is a purging action directed against the affects and an ally of repression” (238). In Adorno’s model, the “shudder” persists in, indeed it simply is, “the reaction to the total spell that transcends the spell. ” It is both the spell and its transcendence. Just such casting-and-transcending of the “spell” under which enlightenment has lain numbed is the textual effect I have wanted to elicit in Adorno–a “labor and suffering of the negative” that “joins eros and knowledge” (331), affect and concept, and not merely evokes, but enacts, what such labor, sufficiently impassioned, can actually make of “the unhappy consciousness of critique.”

     

    Notes

     

    1. Citations of the Cumming translation of Dialectic of Enlightenment appear hereafter as “Cumming”; citations of the Jephcott translation appear hereafter as “Jephcott.” Note here also a recent translation of “Excursus I” of Dialectic of Enlightenment: “Odysseus or Myth and Enlightenment,” translated and with an introduction by Robert Hullot-Kentor, in New German Critique 56 (Spring-Summer 1992): 101-42.

     

    2. On the motif of “rescue” (“Rettung“) in Adorno, see Rolf Tiedemann’s note in Kant’s Critique 239 n4.

     

    3.

     

    Hegel’s conception of life was so philosophical that conservatism, revolution, and restoration, each in its turn, finds its justification in it. On this point the socialist Engels and the conservative historian Treitschke are in agreement; for both recognize that the formula of the identity of the rational and the real could be invoked equally by all political opinions and parties, which differ from one another, not as to this common formula, but in determining what is the rational and real, and what is the irrational and unreal . . . All the wings of the Hegelian school variously participated in the revolution of the nineteenth century, and especially in that of 1848. It was even two Hegelians who wrote in that year the vigorous Communist Manifesto. But the formula common to all of them was not an empty label; it stood for the fact that the Jacobinism and crude naturalism of the century of the “enlightenment” were henceforth ended, and that all men of all political parties had learned from Hegel the meaning of true political sense. (Croce, What is Living 67)

     

    Contrast Croce’s dry irony in those final words with the affective extremity driving the theme in Dialectic of Enlightenment.

     

    4. For Hegel as a philosopher of happiness, see Forster 11-125.

     

    5. At this point I intended to insert a qualification to the effect that my account here of “Reason” as a sort of narrative actant would apply only to the Phenomenology, and not to Reason’s profile elsewhere in Hegel; I meant to cite in particular the notorious Panglossian aphorism–“What is rational is actual, and what is actual is rational”–from the opening of the Philosophy of Right and Hegel’s response to outraged critics of it in the Encyclopedia Logic 6 and 7–but imagine my surprise to find, in both places, asides on Greek Philosophy confirming my hunch (see Philosophy of Right 10 and Encyclopedia Logic 28-31).

     

    Works Cited

     

    Works by Adorno

    • Adorno, Theodor W. Aesthetic Theory.Trans. Robert Hullot-Kentor. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1997.
    • —. Beethoven: The Philosophy of Music. Trans. Edmund Jephcott. Ed. Rolf Tiedemann. Stanford: Stanford UP, 1998.
    • —. The Complete Correspondence, 1928-1940. Trans. Nicholas Walker. Ed. Henri Lonitz. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1999.
    • —. Critical Models. Trans. Henry W. Pickford. New York: Columbia UP, 1998.
    • —. Essays on Music. Ed. Richard Leppert. Berkeley: U of California P, 2002.
    • —. Kant’s Critique of Pure Reason. Trans. Rodney Livingstone. Ed. Rolf Teidemann. Stanford: Stanford UP, 2001.
    • —. Metaphysics. Trans. Edmund Jephcott. Ed. Rolf Teidemann. Stanford: Stanford UP, 2000.
    • —. Minima Moralia. Trans. E. F. N. Jephcott. London: Verso, 1974.
    • —. Negative Dialectics. Trans. E. B. Ashton. New York: Continuum, 1973.
    • —. Notes on Literature. Vol. 2. Trans. Shierry Weber Nicholson. New York: Columbia UP, 1992.
    • —. Philosophy of Modern Music. Trans. Anne G. Mitchell and Wesley V. Blomster. New York: Continuum, 1994.
    • —. Prisms. Trans. Samuel and Shierry Weber. Cambridge: MIT P, 1981.
    • Horkheimer, Max, and Theodor W. Adorno. Dialectic of Enlightenment. Trans. John Cumming. New York: Continuum, 1972.
    • —. Dialectic of Enlightenment. Trans. Edmund Jephcott. Stanford: Stanford UP, 2002.
    • —. Dialektik der Aufklärung. Gesammelte Schriften. Vol. 3. Theodor W. Adorno. Ed. Rolf Tiedemann. Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, 1996.

    Other Works Cited

    • Bloom, Harold. The Anxiety of Influence. New York: Oxford UP, 1973.
    • Croce, Benedetto. What is Living and What is Dead in the Philosophy of Hegel. Trans. Douglas Ainslee. London: Macmillan, 1915.
    • Eagleton, Terry. The Ideology of the Aesthetic. Oxford: Blackwell, 1990.
    • Forster, Michael N. Hegel’s Idea of a Phenomenology of Spirit. Chicago: U of Illinois P, 1998.
    • Freud, Sigmund. Beyond the Pleasure Principle. Trans. James Strachey. Norton: New York, 1961.
    • Hegel, G. W. F. The Encyclopedia Logic: Part I. Trans. T. F. Geraets, W. A. Suchting, and H. S. Harris. Indianapolis: Hackett, 1991.
    • —. Phenomenology of Spirit. Trans. A. V. Wallace. Oxford: Oxford UP, 1977.
    • —. Philosophy of History. Trans. J. Sibree. Buffalo: Prometheus Books, 1991.
    • —. Philosophy of Right. Trans. T. M. Knox. London: Oxford UP, 1952.
    • Jameson, Fredric. Postmodernism, Or, The Cultural Logic of Late Capitalism. Durham: Duke UP, 1991.
    • Kaufmann, Walter. Hegel: Reinterpretation, Texts, Commentary. Doubleday: Garden City, 1965.
    • Kojève, Alexandre. Introduction to the Reading of Hegel. Trans. Raymond Queneau. Ithaca: Cornell UP, 1980.
    • Marx, Karl, and Friedrich Engels. The Marx-Engels Reader. Ed. Robert C. Tucker. 2nd ed. Norton: New York, 1978.
    • Weber, Max. The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism. Trans. Talcott Parsons. Scribner’s: New York, 1958.

     

  • Interface Realisms: The Interface as Aesthetic Form

    Søren Pold

    Multimedia Studies and Comparative Literature
    University of Aarhus
    pold@multimedia.au.dk

     

    Until now, digital arts have largely been understood to belong in traditional genres or forms of art: we are said to have electronic literature, net.art, or electronic, techno music. Sometimes interesting discussions have arisen concerning the very ontology of digital art, and questions such as whether net.art should be seen within the tradition of the visual arts or as a form of literature connecting it to the different traditions and questions regulating these arts.1While it is not my intent to disconnect digital art from traditional art, or to argue for the irrelevance of the traditional forms of art, I will in the following establish the interface as an aesthetic and critical framework for digital art.

     

    The interface is the basic aesthetic form of digital art. Just as literature has predominantly taken place in and around books, and painting has explored the canvas, the interface is now a central aesthetic form conveying digital information of all kinds. This circumstance is simultaneously trivial, provocative, and far-reaching–trivial because the production, reproduction, distribution and reception of digital art increasingly take place at an interface;2 provocative because it means that we should start seeing the interface as an aesthetic form in itself that offers a new way to understand digital art in its various guises, rather than as a functional tool for making art (and doing other things); and, finally, far-reaching in providing us with the possibility of discussing contemporary reality and culture as an interface culture.

     

    In what follows I pursue these three lines of thought in order to outline the interface as an aesthetic form. I start by taking a brief look at the explorations of the interface undertaken in the fields of engineering and computer science in order to sketch out the traditions that dominate the design, functionality, and cultural conceptions of the interface. In these traditions, realism is the keyword–not a realism found in aesthetic tradition, but a realism that stems from the pragmatic urge in engineering to deal with the physical world. I then confront this realism with aesthetic realism and the question of how digital artworks can be seen as a reflection on and reaction to this. Finally, I analyze a computer game (Max Payne), a net.art game modification (Jodi’s SOD), and a software artwork (Auto-Illustrator) to show how they engage with the interface and what they make us see through and in it.

     

    The Engineered Image

     

    The graphical user interface (GUI) as we know it does not stem from an aesthetic tradition, but from an engineering tradition that has paradoxically tried to get rid of it. Until recently it has largely been understood in technical terms and developed in engineering laboratories. Important starting points were Ivan Sutherland’s first graphical, interactive interface in Sketchpad (1963), Douglas Engelbart’s Online System NLS (1968), which introduced information windows and direct manipulation via a mouse, and Alan Kay’s development of the desktop metaphor and overlapping windows.3

     

    Human-Computer Interaction (HCI) research continues this engineering tradition. From the beginning, HCI aimed to increase the “user-friendliness” and “transparency” of the interface and over the years has involved cognitive sciences, psychology, ethnographic fieldwork, participatory design, etc. A leading usability expert, Don Norman, explains the desire to eliminate the interface in “Why Interfaces Don’t Work”:

     

    The real problem with the interface is that it is an interface. Interfaces get in the way. I don’t want to focus my energies on an interface. I want to focus on the job. . . . An interface is an obstacle: it stands between a person and the system being used. . . . If I were to have my way, we would not see computer interfaces. In fact, we would not see computers: both the interface and the computer would be invisible, subservient to the task the person was attempting to accomplish. (209, 219)4

     

    Making the interface, its expression, and materiality more functional and transparent has been key to interface design and the accompanying academic discipline, HCI. In the broader cultural and social understanding of the computer, the tendency has been to understand the interface as transparent, preferably invisible, in order to produce a mimetic model of the task one is working on.5 Interfaces should be intuitive and user friendly, should not “get in the way” or otherwise be evident or disturbing. This has led to development of the ideals of direct manipulation and the WYSIWYG (What You See Is What You Get) slogan for the GUI, which became a leading sales argument for the Apple Macintosh from the mid-1980s.6 Perhaps the apotheosis of the transparent, invisible interface was Virtual Reality (VR), which was widely believed to be the next interface paradigm from the mid-1980s to about the mid-1990s, when it gradually lost steam. In the dominant perceptions of VR, the interface should be all encompassing and three-dimensional, and the user should be surrounded by an immersive, total simulation. The interface would thus simultaneously disappear and become totalized. Currently, some researchers in the field believe that the future of the interface lies in pervasive computing and augmented reality, envisioned as a new version of the all-encompassing interface, while others have more modest expectations.

     

    The Realisms of the Interface

     

    If the computer and the interface really had become truly invisible and transparent, computers would mingle almost seamlessly with the world as we know it–perhaps making it a bit “smarter.” If this were true, digital technologies would probably not have any paradigmatic effect on culture and aesthetics since they would not make a marked difference, but of course reality has proven otherwise, and we can now begin to acknowledge the massive cultural and aesthetic impact of digital technologies. It is my view that we can acknowledge this impact through digital art: how the interface changes what and how we see, how we experience and interact with reality, and how this reality is reconfigured through the computer. Digital art in general shows us the role of the interface and the significance of the interface as an aesthetic, cultural, and ideological object. Through reflexive and self-reflexive moments and strategies, digital art foregrounds the interface in ways that traditional software normally does not. Consequently, digital art becomes an important witness to the changes the computer has brought and is still bringing to our societies. Digital art and aesthetics can also help inform the HCI research field with regards to cultural and aesthetic aspects of the GUI.7

     

    In Interface Culture (1997), Steven Johnson argues that the interface is the most important cultural form of our time, comparing it to postmodern cultural and aesthetic forms. Johnson argues that we live in an interface culture, and that the shift from analogue to digital is “as much cultural and imaginative as it is technological and economic” (40). Lev Manovich develops this idea with his notion of the cultural interface, and artists, conferences, journals, and designers have started taking up the interface and its cultural, aesthetic impact.8

     

    What is an interface? The purpose of the interface is to represent the data, the dataflow, and data structures of the computer to the human senses, while simultaneously setting up a frame for human input and interaction and translating this input back into the machine. Interfaces have many different manifestations and the interface is generally a dynamic form, a dynamic representation of the changing states of the data or software and of the user’s interaction. Consequently, the interface is not a static, material object. Still it is materialized, visualized, and has the effect of a (dynamic) representational form. In this way, digital art corrects the ideal of transparency. Instead of focusing only on functionality and effects, digital art explores the materiality and cultural effects of the interface’s representationality. What are the representational languages of the interface, how does it work as text, image, sound, space and so forth, and what are the cultural effects, for instance, of the way it reconfigures the visual, textual or auditory? How does the interface reconfigure aesthetics and what does it do to representation, communication, and, in continuation of this, the social and the political? These are all important questions regarding the aesthetics of the interface, but one should not leave out the engineering roots of the interface, both in order to understand the full context and consequences of interface art and in order to see how digital art can feed back into its development. Therefore, postmodern and poststructuralist aesthetic theories should be balanced with the pragmatic realism of the engineers.

     

    Interfaces are often implemented as window screens with keyboards and mice, the so-called WIMP devices (Window Icons Menus and Pointers), but other information displays and interaction devices are of course possible, from different interface designs to different input and output devices such as VR helmets and gloves, the ambient displays and devices imagined within the domains of hybrid architecture, ubiquitous computing, augmented reality, pervasive computing, and so on. The interface aims to give us insight into the machine and its dataflow and can thus be understood as a realistic representation along the lines of the engineering tradition outlined above. It is most likely the predominant form of realism in contemporary culture, both conceptually and stylistically; however, it is far from naïve realism. As Johnson writes,

     

    put simply, the importance of interface design revolves around this apparent paradox: we live in a society that is increasingly shaped by events in cyberspace, and yet cyberspace remains, for all practical purposes, invisible, outside our perceptual grasp. Our only access to this parallel universe of zeros and ones runs through the conduit of the computer interface, which means that the most dynamic and innovative region of the modern world reveals itself to us only through the anonymous middlemen of interface design. (19)

     

    This suggests a different understanding of the interface’s realism than is suggested by the transparency ideal and WYSIWYG. The interface is, as suggested by the quotation from Johnson, rooted in an active and dialectical relationship between reality and representation, the interface entering in front of–or perhaps more correctly instead of–an increasingly invisible reality.9 Here we are closer to aesthetic realism–for instance, literary realism, which is not based on a naïve mimetic faith in the possibility of reproducing or depicting reality, but rather on a loss of immediate reality with the rise of urbanity, capitalism, and modern media. Consequently, aesthetic realism in broad terms represents an active and constructive reaction to a heterogeneous, mediated, complex, and symbolic reality.10

     

    The interface aims to visualise invisible data. It is a new kind of image originating in an engineering tradition and can be understood as an extension of instruments like radar and scientific tools, which do not represent any analogue image of reality but rather sheer data.11 As formulated by Scott deLahunta, the interface is “more information than likeness; more measurement than representation.” Consequently, realism is the dominant representational mode of the interface, even though it is a complex, informational, and postmodern realism.12 In the following, I shall point out three rather different kinds of interface realism: illusionistic, media, and functional realism. They are not mutually exclusive but are often coextensive and combined–for example, as layers in the same interface. The realist agenda is set by the engineering tradition; I will discuss how the three artworks reflect this realism from three different perspectives. Consequently, I shall argue that these artworks offer a realist perspective, even though at least some of them might not look traditionally realistic at first glance.

     

    Illusionistic Realism: First-Person Shooter

     

    Illusionistic realism drives the computer game industry and the demand for improved resolution and graphics, more realistic scenery, and better sound cards. In addition, the interfaces of computer games have developed toward a real-time generated 3D space, which is often seen from the perspective of the player and/or his or her avatar in the game. Since Wolfenstein 3D (1992) and Doom (1993), the First-Person Shooter (FPS) genre has developed into the Third-Person Shooter sub-genre, in which the avatar becomes a character with a personal story and a fictional perspective.

     

    The FPS perspective is in certain respects the apotheosis of the illusionistic interface. It derives from simulations and VR in its enactment of “the subjective, point-of-view aesthetics that our culture has come to associate with new media in general” (Bolter and Grusin 77). As Bolter and Grusin say, the representation strives toward immediacy.13 The FPS not only inherits the visual perspective, but also the ideologies that come with VR, which can be described as a super-individualized and apparently omnipotent linear perspective–a visualization of the bourgeois free individual.

     

    Traditionally, the FPS perspective is determined by the shooting range of impressive, phallic guns. The player perceives and interacts through oversized guns whose gendered implications are obvious. Indeed, the FPS genre can be said to overstate and in some cases even invert the ideal of the free bourgeois individual; one striking example of this is the gridlocked noir detective of the computer game Max Payne (2001)–a game marketed as “realism to the max.”14 However, the illusionism of the game is gradually reversed to offer an experience of mediated perception.

     

    The game’s narration starts at the very ending, and the player has to struggle for hours to reconstruct the plot in order to return successfully to this ending. As is typical of the genre, the main character and player-avatar, Max Payne, is caught in a stratified maze controlled by drug lords and corrupt police, and only a combination of clever tactics and desperate shooting will get him out, after which he is trapped in the next level. The player is caught in a space and a plot that are clearly controlled by others–by the mobsters and the urban spaces on the level of the plot and by the cybernetic game engine on the structural level.15 In this sense the cyber-noir narrative of Max Payne is a reversal of the ideals of interactivity as a way of setting the user free and giving him or her control.

     

    A closer analysis of Max Payne supports this view, which I shall elaborate in order to show how the experience of the interface is also a narrative experience. Max Payne seems almost like a comment to the heated discussion around the functioning of narrative in computer games.16 As mentioned, the game starts at the ending, and the player has to move back in story time in order to (re)construct the plot.17 The plot follows classical Aristotelian or Hollywood standards with three acts–a beginning, middle, and end–a point of no return, and increasing narrative tension. The story–and the game play–appears at first to be about exploring, enacting, and reconstructing a plot that is static, in the past tense, linear, and prescripted. Already through this immediate first level of the narrative it becomes clear that the game does not aim to fulfill the notions of interactivity. In any case, the player does not interactively control the plot; rather the game only allows the user to investigate and carry out an already firmly established plot. Just as the game inverts the ideologies of mastery and the sovereign individual inherent in the first-person perspective, it also runs counter to the libertarian notion that interactivity empowers the user. Rather than controlling the story, the player is trapped by the plot.

     

    The narrative serves more or less as a frame or motivation for the game play, but this is not all it does. Already in the third chapter of part one, a second meta-narrative layer is introduced. We know the ending and we are also quickly introduced to the usual clichés of Hollywood narration: the sudden destruction of the family idyll, the strong narrative conflict–even the weather is horrible in order to emphasize the sinister setting. In this sense we are less primarily engaged in the narrative; instead, the game designates the narrative as a cliché. All the signs of Hollywood narrative in an extreme, clichéd,noir version get thicker and thicker until they more or less get in the way, in the sense that they point toward narrative structure in general rather than support a particular narrative. In chapter three we are told that we are now “past the point of no return,” and the construction of the narrative is consequently laid out so explicitly that the game could easily be interpreted as a self-conscious intervention in the ongoing debate about the roles of narrative in computer games. Narrative becomes an effect to which the game alludes self-consciously and which it puts on but does not fulfill in the deep Aristotelian way imagined by the proponents of interactive narrative, such as Janet Murray. Instead narrative is only a surface or skin; it does not attempt to become hegemonic or to account for and relate to all aspects of the game, but, like postmodern novels and cinema, it alludes to narrative, quotes it, and deconstructs it, without fully enacting it. If narrative is a grand master-scheme that secures coherence, Max Payne at once enacts and challenges it.

     

    Hence, the game engages a meta-narrative that is explicitly conscious of its noir genre, even pointing out intertextual references: chapter three is called “Playing it Bogart” and other later references include “Noir York City.” Max Payne describes himself as someone who “had taken on the role of the mythic detective, Bogart as Marlowe, or as Sam Spade going after the Maltese Falcon.” Indeed, the main character, Max Payne, slowly reveals himself as just a narrational character–a role or a function in the narrative–which is highlighted by the symbolism of his name. Already in the beginning we are told to go back “to the night the pain started,” and in chapter three Max Payne enters a hotel “playing it Bogart,” while the “cheap mobster punks” there make fun of his name (“it’s the pain in the butt” and “pain to the max!”). It is no coincidence that Max Payne inherits a noir style, which from its outset was a media hybrid. Already in the noir cinema and novels of Raymond Chandler, noir was clearly a media hybrid of filmed novels and cinematic literature often set in a thoroughly cinematographic Los Angeles.18

     

    Through the overt character of the noir detective Max Payne we enter into what can be seen as the third level of the narrative, which is the mediated story or the story of mediated perception and recognition. Here we are closer to the story level, the game play, and how it mediates between the plot and the telling of the story. First we recognize the role that media such as newspapers, radio, and television play in creating a bridge between the plot and the story. Through various news clips we discover that the police are chasing Max Payne. Second, it is obvious that Max Payne is often hindered in seeing and sensing by darkness, fire, dream sequences, or drugs, which point out the mediated perception of the FPS by exaggerating the normal navigational difficulties.

     

    In this story of mediated perception, Max Payne is our senses, and he can endure a maximum amount of pain (if we just remember to grab some pain killers on the way), though his pain is only mediated by a red bar in the interface and narrated by his voice and through his frequent deaths–the ultimate failure of the story, after which the player has to reload a saved game and start the scene again. This mediation of Payne’s pain demonstrates the very perspective of the FPS game, at once mediated and illusionistic. The beginning of the third act, where Max Payne is drugged, shows this particularly, since the perspective is strangely widened and the movements slow down–defamiliarizing effects which emphasize and therefore demonstrate the machinery of the normal game perspective or interface.19

     

    The interface thus supports and becomes an important part of the story of mediated perception. The apparent immediacy of the illusionistic FPS interface is gradually but effectively turned into a hypermediated experience through the difficulties of navigating and seeing in the space of the game. This hypermediated experience is addressed explicitly in the first chapter of part three. In a graphic novel sequence in the drugged beginning of the third act, Max Payne first realizes that he is a character in a graphic novel and, in a strange, defamiliarizing repetition, that he is nothing but an avatar in a computer game: “Weapon statistics hanging in the air, glimpsed out of the corner of my eye. Endless repetition of the act of shooting, time slowing down to show off my moves. The paranoid feel of someone controlling my every step. I was in a computer game.”

     

    Figure 1: Max Payne Deconstructing the Illusionism
    Screenshot taken from the video game Max Payne.
    Max Payne is a trademark of Rockstar Games, Inc. ©2001 Rockstar Games, Inc. All rights reserved.

     

    Like the noir genre in general, Max Payne performs, as the Los Angeles-based cultural historian Norman M. Klein says, a “transformational grammar,” turning the utopian notions it enacts into their opposites (80). Consequently, we should categorize Max Payne as illusionistic media realism–realism that simultaneously engages in illusion and is a self-reflexive exploration of its own representational techniques and media. Max Payne is more than illusion. One gradually sees the media, techniques, aesthetics, and genres of the game in a process whereby it, though still engaging in illusion, gradually reveals itself as a self-reflexive and genre-conscious art form.

     

    Media Realism–Murder in the Museum

     

    The multimedia computer was introduced at the beginning of the 1990s as the result of an almost iconophilic belief in the power of “natural,” “universal,” and “intuitive” images. The advent of net.art can be regarded as a reaction to the iconophilia of the computer industry–as some sort of digital iconoclasm. Jodi, one of the pioneering groups of net.artists (recently the first net.artist to be canonized by a retrospective gallery exhibition[20]) is constantly aiming at demystifying the images on the screen through their works, showing the codes behind the screen and revealing the normally hidden flow of codes that the user interaction causes. In what often look like beautiful crashes, they show the symbolic and coded flipside to the interface.[21]

     

    Figure 2: Jodi’s Sod
    Image used with permission of the artist.

     

    Since the year 2000, Jodi has made a series of game modifications. If the mediated and hypermediated quality of Max Payne comes into view gradually through its illusionistic interface, Jodi’s FPS game modifications focus directly on the mediation–so much so that it is sometimes hardly possible to see the game at all. In one of their first games, Sod, the usual dungeons from the FPS classics Wolfenstein and Doom are changed to abstract white rooms, with geometric figures and patterns instead of Nazis and monsters.[22] “Murder in the museum” is what one could call their modification of the classical FPS to the white cube of the museum. The walls have been stripped of their textures, and what turn out to be doors between the various rooms look like one of the major works of abstract art, Malévic’s Black Square. The player is located in a suprematist, black-and-white art museum with a finger on the trigger. It is possible to navigate this abstract space, though it is impossible to see the walls; sometimes they are actually transparent. The basic FPS characteristics are still intact–the player navigates spaces and attacks or is attacked by enemies (appearing as two triangles)–but the experience is rather different from that of more traditional games. Jodi has dropped the illusionistic texture, thereby emphasizing that both space and interaction are based on abstract codes, algorithmic structures, and cybernetic interaction.

     

    In the case of Sod, reducing the computer game to geometry and algorithms comments on the illusionism in traditional games. However, it can also be seen as a comment on the debate about the value of computer games, a debate that recalls the conservative resistance to comic strips, rock ‘n’ roll, youth culture, and so forth. Sod is Wolfenstein stripped of its Nazi violence, turned into abstract art and placed in a “safe” context: the art museum. It is the computer game as “Art.” In this way Sod mocks the art world and high art; Jodi’s ironic modification also pays homage to computer games and gaming culture. Jodi do not turn their backs on popular game culture, but rather explore it, investigating its form and tactics; they do not stay in an autonomous art-related medium, but rather turn the aesthetics of the computer into art.

     

    Figure 3
    Figure 3: Jodi’s A-X
    Image used with permission of the artist.

     

    After Sod, Jodi made Untitled Game, a series of abstract computer games based on Quake, another classic FPS.[23] The series ranges from games taking place in an abstract system of coordinates, flickering moiré interfaces, glitch-like remixes of the original game to games that simply print the code controlling the interface on the screen instead of executing it. All these games can be considered critiques of the naïve illusionism that governs much of the computer graphics and computer games industries. But perhaps what is more interesting is how they demonstrate the elements of the interface, strip off the texture, and show the abstract geometry of digital space–how they demonstrate the materiality and mediality of the interface. The players often lose their orientation, but in turn they are given a unique experience of an abstract, modern, informational, and cybernetic space, an experience which in many ways gets closer to the computer and the functioning of the interface by creating a distance to the illusion. Jodi’s games point toward a sort of computer game that goes beyond the illusionistic, uses the interface as an instrument, and plays with its materiality. The interface, contrary to much HCI wisdom, does get in the way and become an obstacle–in fact, the interface is the experience and what you see is what you get!

     

    Media realism in net.art is often dominated by formal investigations; nevertheless, it is still realism in the sense that it deals with perception and sensation at the interface, though from a starting point directly opposed to the illusionistic realism described above. Whereas illusionistic realism starts with our senses and with the way sensation has been addressed in earlier media such as the cinema, and then collides with the forms and potential of the interface, media realism starts with the medium and then tries to show how it collides with our senses, knowledge, cultural forms, and expectations.

     

    Functional Realism–Don’t Push this Button

     

    Besides the visual dimensions of illusionary realism and media realism, there is another, more active dimension of realism that becomes especially important for computer users.[24] Functional realism in HCI regards the computer and its software as tools, as something “ready to hand.”[25] This functional perspective has produced software we use every day without thinking consciously about it. In general, usability engineering is about designing interfaces so we can use them instead of focusing on them. With functional realism we are perhaps closer to the engineering heart of HCI than with the more cultural and entertainment-related illusionistic realism. Functional realism is about control and functionality rather than illusion and immersion.

     

    Frieder Nake, one of the pioneers of computer graphics, perceives the computer as an instrumental medium that we use as a tool while communicating with it as a medium. This constant shifting between the instrumental use and the communicational and representational functions of the medium is inherent to most computer applications. Even computer games and net.art have an instrumental dimension related to navigation, interaction, and functions such as “save,” “open,” or “print.” Functional software tools also have representational dimensions, often as an intrinsic part of the very metaphor(s) behind the software design.

     

    It would be easy to dismiss the functional dimension of the computer as irrelevant to art and aesthetics, or to take belief in the power of representations for naïve realism–a belief that aesthetic theory routinely deconstructs. Still, functional realism is part of the computer interface, of its conceptualization, its visual aesthetics, and our understanding of it. Following Nake’s concept of the instrumental medium, we can see the computer as a new kind of machine that mediates the instrumental or functional and functionalizes the representational medium. This dual quality is turned into a standard mode of expression–for example, in digital images on the web and in multimedia that, besides their representational character, are embedded with hidden buttons, objects, and scripts.

     

    The functional interface and the functions of software have been investigated in art-related projects, especially in the emerging genre of software art. Digital artists have of course always used software, but in continuation of net.art’s media-realistic investigation into the very medium of the networked computer, digital artists have started working with software as an artistic medium. According to Cramer, software as an art form has some roots in conceptual art and early experimental software development. In 1970 the art critic Jack Burnham curated an exhibition called “Software” that included both conceptual art and experimental software. Cramer claims that this was the first conceptual art show, but it also included a prototype of Ted Nelson’s hypertext system, “Xanadu,” apparently the first public demonstration of hypertext. In both software art and conceptual art, the artist primarily creates the frame for an artwork, the concept. However, in software art, the concept (programming) includes both notation and execution–in other words, both the concept and its potential implementation (see Cramer, “Concepts, Notations, Software, Art”).[26]

     

    Besides having roots in conceptual art and literature, software art is a development of tendencies within net.art.[27] Artistic web pages were first executed in ordinary browsers like Netscape and Internet Explorer; around 1997 net.artists started to include in their artistic work the software that showed their pages. Some net.artists started working with web browsers, an early and significant example being I/O/D’s The Web Stalker, which has had several successors.[28] Software art is already established through annual festivals like the Read_Me festival curated by Olga Goriunova and Alexei Shulgin.

     

    One of software art’s groundbreaking works is Adrian Ward’s Auto-Illustrator (2000-2003), which investigates how software as an apparently functional tool also serves as a representational structure that influences culture, aesthetics, and art.[29] Auto-Illustrator demonstrates how the instrumental is also mediated, according to Nake’s understanding of the computer as an instrumental medium. It is a complete and fully functional drawing program that uses generative algorithms to draw autonomously as it responds to interaction with the user. In one feature, the user places a number of “bugs” on a drawing and adjusts their parameters while they draw autonomously. When the user draws circles, squares, and lines, she or he also turns out to cooperate with the software, which instead draws childish faces, childish houses, and twisted lines, respectively, according to adjustable parameters. In addition, the drawing can be manipulated, as in traditional drawing software, by a number of filters and plug-ins, but here these have their own autonomous will. For example, some filters such as “generate instant results” or those called “nq297p” create objects according to quasi-random generative procedures.[30]

     

    Figure 4: Adrian Ward’s Signwave Auto-illustrator
    Image used with permission of Adrian Ward, <www.auto-illustrator.com>.

     

    Auto-Illustrator is not radically different from ordinary software, since it uses the standard control interface of the modern GUI. It originated as a parody of Adobe interfaces from Illustrator and Photoshop. Ward explicitly criticizes the radically different interfaces so often seen in digital artworks for being as beside the point: “I want to express myself using the medium of consumer-based application software, which is why Auto-Illustrator doesn’t have a radical interface” (118). Auto-Illustrator follows the standard user interface guidelines, and even its strangest functions appear as tools and filters, like those found in more traditional software. Auto-Illustrator demonstrates an alternative to the way functionality is dressed up as a mere tool in ordinary software. It suggests that functionality includes all kinds of aesthetic and representational choices that are normally hidden under the tool metaphor. It demonstrates the representational character of the instrumental, and that the artist working with specific software has severely limited his or her potential for expression, but it also points out that mainstream software is limited in its potential for creativity because it has to stay within the range of the tool metaphor.

     

    Auto-Illustrator paves the way for a discussion of the ways the tool works as a representational and aesthetic structure, a discussion that potentially reconfigures the whole field around artist, tool, and artwork. As Ward expresses it, “if a plug-in can be authored that reproduces that trendy graphical effect that everybody loves, how does this impact upon the role of the graphic designer, and thus how does one treat the software that produced the design? Who is the designer? The user, or the author of the code?”[31] In this way, Auto-Illustrator questions the implied perceptions in ordinary software of the user as the active artist/author and of the software itself as a passive tool. In digital art, specific software and software-hardware combinations play an enormous role–imagine digital photography without Photoshop, electronic music without Steinberg’s Cubase or the products of Roland, hyperfiction without Eastgate’s Storyspace, or multimedia without Hypercard, Director, or Flash. This software conceptualizes the user and the material with which users work.[32]

     

    Auto-Illustrator challenges the traditional conceptualizations of user, object, and software. The user is normally conceptualized as active and in control, but could just as well–and perhaps often more in line with the actual truth–be conceptualized as reactive and partly controlled, as in many computer games, where the interface is more opaque and difficult to control. The material with which the user works is most often metaphorized as something well-known and relatively stable–for instance, paper, a photograph, a canvas–but could also be more dynamic, algorithmic, cybernetic, and emergent, as in Auto-Illustrator or browser art such as The Web Stalker or Feed. And, finally, the software, which often stages itself as passive, supportive, and neutral, could instead be active, interfering, and creative. This may be what qualifies Auto-Illustrator as an artwork.

     

    In the “preferences” palette, one can find the very button that best expresses the intention of Auto-Illustrator. The “preferences” palette is perhaps the most sacred place on the interface (apart from the “deep level” of code which is “behind” the interface and thus normally not visible). Through the “preferences,” “settings,” or “control panels,” it is possible to manipulate the very staging of the interface–its colors, language, interaction menus, file handling, warning messages, and so on. It is here that one is allowed to personalize the software and change passwords, here that the author or producers of the software to some extent make the staging of the interface explicit. The preferences section is a small peephole into the backstage area, but it is also where the relations between author, software, and user are defined, though of course within strict limits. It is not possible to change everything, and often one cannot find the setting that controls an annoying feature one wants to change.

     

    In Auto-Illustrator, apart from actually choosing “annoying mode” or choosing to “mess up palettes” in the “interface” section of the “preferences” palette, it is possible to enter the “psychosis” section, where the “Important–Don’t push this button” button is located. Here Auto-Illustrator addresses the very ontology of software interfaces. By choosing “Psychosis” the user is already well out of line, and, in fact, the “Don’t push this button” button highlights the normally repressed schism between the functional-instrumental and the mediated in Nake’s definition. What is often a repression of the representational and mediated nature in traditional software interfaces is turned into an expressive psychosis here.

     

    Figure 5: Preferences Palette in Signwave Auto-Illustrator
    Image used with permission of Adrian Ward, <www.auto-illustrator.com>.

     

    Focusing on this button helps clarify the schism of the instrumental medium. A button indicates a functional control, by means of which something well defined and predictable will happen; the fact that it is often rendered in 3D simulates a physical, mechanical cause-and-effect relationship. Of course, we know that the button is in fact a symbolic representation and as such a mediation of a functional expression, but we nevertheless see and interpret it as something that triggers a function. It is a software simulation of a function, but normally this simulation does not point toward its representational character, but acts as if the function were natural or mechanical in a straight cause-and-effect relation. Yet it is anything but this: it is conventional, coded, arbitrary, and representational, and as such also related to the cultural. As manufacturers of technological consumer goods from cars and hi-fi equipment to computer hardware and software know, buttons have aesthetic qualities and respond to a desire to push them. This could be a desire for control, but perhaps it is also and primarily a tactical desire. Buttons and knobs are supposed to feel good–one can even read car reviews that criticize the buttons and controls of cars for their cheap “plastic” feel. In Auto-Illustrator this button’s desire to be pushed is paradoxically heightened and pinpointed by the text “Don’t push this button.” One could say that by its apparent denial of functional purpose the button tempts our desire for the functional experience of tactical control and mastery–a strong ingredient in the aesthetics of the interface, even when denied.

     

    When the button is pushed, functional realism is cancelled and the interface is itself turned into something that resembles an opaque net.artwork. Text in palettes is turned into gibberish code, windows are moving and sounds are beeping, and the clear distinction between the data and the program, which is necessary in order to sustain the illusion of functional software, is cancelled.[33] This button delineates a borderline between the functional interface and modernist representational aesthetics. Here a new critical, functional art arises within the instrumental medium of the computer–not as an optimistic compromise but as a rupture between two clashing modes: the representational mode of art and the functional interface. When pushed, the rupture is radicalized, the schism is turned into sheer psychosis, the functional into pure art. Consequently, one should not push this button, because it destroys the delicate balance between the functional and the representational in Auto-Illustrator, between seeing its interface as a tool and as a “pure” representational art form.[34]

     

    What are the aesthetical, cultural, and ideological ramifications of functional aesthetics? How does it influence our experience and perception, and what does it do to the arts?[35] The very object of the artwork is once again questioned by such artistic experiments. How does the artwork actually work in a political and cultural economy? The myth of the autonomous work of art is increasingly difficult to sustain–a fact which also makes digital art, net.art and software art somewhat difficult to discuss and sell, though Auto-Illustrator has chosen to use the contested model of proprietary software, and sells licenses to the software.[36] Functional realism as demonstrated by Auto-Illustrator critically highlights central issues in the GUI and in the computer as an instrumental medium. It is about functional changes in the media, aesthetics, and the arts–and about changes in the very concept of functionality itself.

     

    The Realisms of the Interface

     

    I have maintained that the interface should be regarded as a cultural and aesthetic form with its own art–digital art that goes under the names of net.art, software art, computer games–but I could have included electronic literature that deals with relations between the code and the interface or between the work, the text and the network. A good example of the former is <www.0100101110101101.org>, of the latter Christophe Bruno’s <www.iterature.com>. In addition, questions about cultural aspects of the interface are also raised in contemporary techno-culture and techno music, notably in genres like laptop music. For example, the musician Markus Popp argues that we should understand music as software, in terms of the software processes used to produce it (Popp).

     

    Furthermore, I have discussed contemporary realism, since realism is important to the industry, HCI research, and broad cultural conceptions of the computer. I have pointed out that there is more than one realism, that realism is not only naïve illusionism, nor can it be reduced to What You See Is What You Get. As I have argued, one actually sees different things through these different perspectives, although they are clearly related and cannot be fully isolated. Furthermore, my three categories of realism aim beyond the safe borders of the autonomous artwork: illusionistic realism aims beyond pure representation toward immersive simulation, media realism beyond the visual surface toward the imperceptible and unreadable code, and functional realism beyond the artwork as self-contained and disinterested toward a functional aesthetics of the instrumental medium.

     

    Realism is ultimately about seeing and reaching reality–a reality that is not something alien “out there” but that consists of media and to a certain extent is constructed with the use of media. This construction of reality through media is both conceptual, as when media functions as models of understanding reality, and directly physical, as when media becomes embedded in the infrastructure of postmodern reality.[37] In its most stringent form, realism puts the very concepts of art and the real at risk simultaneously, so it is encouraging that some of the heated discussions of computer games, net.art and software art have concerned how–or if–one should look at this as art. What are the boundaries of net.art and software art? This discussion has been given impetus by the awarding in 1999 of the Ars Electronica’s Golden Nica prize to the open source operating system Linux in the category of net.art.[38] But when dealing with the interface from a realistic perspective, perhaps the most pressing questions are where the interface is, what it looks like, and how and what it makes us see. Is the interface a moving target we are hunting down in dark corridors of first-person shooters? Is it the opaque digital materiality of Jodi’s game modifications? Or is it hidden in the playful interaction of Auto-Illustrator?

     

    Part of the answer is that the interface is a continually developing forms for functional and artistic practices, a moving target artists will keep following and exploring, just as artists have explored the canvas or writers the codex. The materiality of the interface is gradually being rendered visible, readable, audible, navigable, and so forth. Interface aesthetics contributes most to the development of the interface by making sure that it does not become “invisible,” transparent, “subservient to the task,” as Don Norman claimed in 1990, that it does “get in the way” and is explored as a form, a language, an aesthetics. Interfaces are made for interaction and thus keep adjusting to accommodate actual users and uses. For this reason we can never fully grasp the interface as a form, but are compelled to pursue its various and ever-changing appearances.

     

    Notes

     

    This article is the product of discussions and research carried out with Lars Kiel Bertelsen and Olav W. Bertelsen and has benefited from discussions at the occasions where it has been presented. Stacey M. Cozart has helped with linguistic corrections. Thanks also for extremely valuable comments and corrections from reviewers at PMC, which have helped improve this article.

     

    1. In visual arts, questions concerning the art institution and its connections to museology are important, while from a literary perspective questions concerning writing versus code and the functions of authors and readers are important. For the museology perspective, see Dietz. For the literary perspective, see Cramer, “Free Software as Collaborative Text” and “Software Art.” I have explored the literary perspective in several Danish articles and in “Writing the Scripted Spaces.” Within the field of computer games, heated discussions have arisen around the relevance of a narratological approach versus an emerging ludological approach to computer games, the latter aiming at establishing the computer game as an art form of its own.

     

    2. There are many combinations of analogue and digital techniques, where parts of the work–its production, storage, distribution, and modes of reception–still take analogue forms, even though other parts are digitized. Furthermore, and perhaps more importantly, differences exist between the ways digital techniques have influenced the ontology and cultural economy of artworks, even within a particular art form. Consider for example the differences between commercial pop/rock and techno music: the digital has only slowly led to substantial changes in most mainstream musical forms, whereas in techno and dj-culture the very ontology of the musical work has changed.

     

    3. The development of hypertext and hypermedia should be mentioned, notably the work of Vannevar Bush and Ted Nelson. See Wardrip-Fruin and Montfort, which collects many of the key historical texts.

     

    4. Madsen has used this quotation in her interesting attempt to consider the interface as an art form.

     

    5. See, for instance, Laurel.

     

    6. See, for instance, Macintosh Human Interface Guidelines, chapter 1, on Direct Manipulation, WYSIWYG and metaphors; a new version for Aqua can be found at <http://developer.apple.com/techpubs/macosx/Essentials/AquaHIGuidelines/>. See also Schneidermann, 485-498, in Wardrip-Fruin and Montfort.

     

    7. See e.g. Bertelsen and Pold.

     

    8. A current example is Switch 18, “Interface: Software as Cultural Production”; see <http://switch.sjsu.edu/nextswitch/switch_engine/front/front.php?cat=44>.

     

    9. Latour and Hermant theorize and document how modern urban reality becomes increasingly invisible, though it is continuously visualized.

     

    10. See, for instance, “Panoramic Realism,” my article on the realism of Honoré de Balzac. Johnson compares the interface as a cognitive map to “the great metropolitan narratives of the nineteenth-century novel,” though he mainly compares it with Dickens (18).

     

    11. Cf. both Manovich and Elkins.

     

    12. Johnson is referring to the interface as a postmodern media form which inherits characteristics such as intertextuality, eclecticism, and fragmentation, but the interface is also variously opposed to general notions of the postmodern. At least it suggests a strong technological, functional, and instrumental dimension of the general postmodern culture. Still, it is interesting to re-read one of the defining articles of the postmodern, Fredric Jameson’s “Postmodernism, or, the Cultural Logic of Late Capitalism,” in light of the interface. Jameson hesitatingly illustrates the postmodern by “the distorting and fragmenting reflexions of one enormous glass surface to the other” with explicit reference to the dominant role of computers and reproduction in postmodernity (79). The year Jameson published his article (1984), Apple released its first Mac OS. Perhaps this “convergence of contemporary critical theory and technology”–to repeat the subtitle of George P. Landow’s Hypertext–offers the possibility to update and reconfigure our notions of the postmodern.

     

    13. The dichotomy of immediacy and hypermediacy was set up and developed by Bolter and Grusin (1999). See 78-84 for a summary of the criticism of linear perspective in the tradition deriving from Panofsky.

     

    14. Max Payne was a huge success for the game development company Remedy, based in Espoo, Finland. A sequel, Max Payne 2: The Fall of Max Payne, was released in 2003.

     

    15. On tactical and strategic ways of being in space, see de Certeau, especially XLIV ff. and 139 ff.

     

    16. See, for instance, Aarseth, Juul, and Ryan. Aarseth and Juul are leading opponents of the general academic trend of discussing games as narratives. Instead they emphasize the ludic ontology of games, pointing to the importance of game-play, choice, and ergodics and quests. While they have a point in criticizing narrative hegemony as it is carried out, for instance, in the ideal of “interactive fiction/story” and in many narratological game analyses, Ryan articulates a more balanced (though also critical) version of narrative traits in digital media.

     

    17. The game is explicit about this construction. The internal first-person narrator, Max Payne, states that “this is how it ended,” and later says that “to make any kind of sense of it I need to go back three years . . . Back to when the pain started.”

     

    18. This is especially explicit in Chandler’s The Little Sister.

     

    19. In addition, the game interface itself remediates other media to a large extent, and it is thus a perfect example of Manovich’s cultural interface category (62-115)–the plot is largely told through a photo realistic graphic novel complete with frames and text bubbles. The game play is, as in many other computer games, interrupted by cinematic sequences using montage and spectacular camera movements, but the game play is itself inherently cinematic in nature. Basically one sees the scenery through a camera behind and above the avatar, but there are also cinematic effects that can be enabled by the player. In particular, the “bullet-time” and “shoot-dodging” slow-motion effects are important for the player’s tactics.

     

    20. An exhibition complete with a printed catalogue, in which Cramer argues that “if the contemporary art system were not fixated on displays–whether of opulent visuals or of political correctness–and on material objects to be sold, Jodi might be recognized as the most important artists of our time” (Baumgärtel and Büro).

     

    21. See, for example, the net.artworks at <http://404.jodi.org> and <http://oss.jodi.org>, especially the executable files that can be downloaded.

     

    22. Sod is a modification of Wolfenstein 3D; it is available from <http://sod.jodi.org>.

     

    23. On the culture of making new levels of and versions or modifications to an original game engine, see Trippi and Huhtamo.

     

    24. It is not entirely new to claim a connection between representation and outward action in realism and realistic theories such as speech-act theory and some aspects of dialectic materialism and so on.

     

    25. Heidegger distinguished between objects that are “ready to hand” and “present at hand,” the former functioning seamlessly as tools (like a hammer) withdrawn into the activities in which one is engaged–a distinction that has played an important role in HCI through Winograd and Flores’s introduction in 1986 (cf. Dourish).

     

    26. The “Software” exhibition is documented with a reprint of the original catalogue in Wardrip-Fruin and Montfort, 247-257.

     

    27. Cramer follows Henry Flynt in arguing that “concept art is a kind of art of which the material is language,” and consequently that “software can be seen and read as literature.”

     

    28. The Web Stalker can be downloaded from <http://bak.spc.org/iod/>. Other examples of browser artworks are Mark Napier’s Feed, Riot and Shredder (<http://potatoland.org/>), and Maciej Wisniewski’s Netomat (<http://www.netomat.net/>).

     

    29. Auto-Illustrator won the Transmediale 2001 price for Artistic Software and received an honorary mention at Ars Electronica in 2001. At the time of writing, the current version is 1.2 (Windows).

     

    30. Filters work through plug-ins that can be written and installed independently by the user or by a third-party producer.

     

    31. See “About Auto-Illustrator” in the documentation that comes with Auto-Illustrator 1.2. For example, in Adobe Photoshop there are filters that more or less automatically create painterly effects or glass mosaics from a given image. Auto-Illustrator also demonstratively criticizes the pointlessness of many of the automated effects. A good example is the mocking “stupid and pointless” filter in Auto-Illustrator, which in fact does nothing at all and takes a long time doing it.

     

    32. See Albert, who discusses the author function in Auto-Illustrator. He also discusses the way traditional net.art interposes between media producers and media consumers, while software art interposes between software producers and media producers, thus higher up in the chain of production: “the most influential position is clearly that of the software programmer, and the most obvious point for intervention is there, between the software producer and the media producer.”

     

    33. Other net.artworks that reflect this aesthetic include works by Jodi, especially the OSS series of software that can be downloaded from <oss.jodi.org>.

     

    34. See also Albert’s re-phrasing of Mathew Fuller’s “not-just-art” concept, a concept Fuller developed for I/O/D’s Web Stalker, and that Albert argues is more fitting to Auto-Illustrator. Fuller writes about Web Stalker as not-just-art in the sense that “it can only come into occurrence by being not just itself. It has to be used” (43).

     

    35. When my five-year-old son sees an image on a computer screen he clicks on it like a maniac in order to enter or execute it. By default he sees digital images as interfaces with hidden links and functionality in addition to seeing them as representations.

     

    36. Even here it uses the medium of consumer-based application software, as Ward has pointed out, and not a radical alternative such as the open source model, though parts of Auto-Illustrator such as the plug-ins are in fact quite open and invite co-authorship.

     

    37. Embedded computers and media are currently discussed within the research fields of pervasive computing, augmented reality, mobile handheld devices, etc. However, our urban environment is not media saturated exclusively because of future technologies. See e.g. Latour and Hermant.

     

    38. Among others, the net.artist and software art curator Alexei Shulgin has argued against seeing Linux as art, claiming that it is functional software while net.art is non-functional, an argument Cramer rightly rejects as “late-romanticist” in “Free Software as Collaborative Text.” See also the discussion on the Nettime Mailing Lists after the prize was awarded under the thread “Linux wins Prix Ars due to MICROSOFT INTERVENTION.” The pressing question seems to be whether art can embrace the functional dimensions of software or whether art has to be dysfunctional in order to maintain a critical distance.

     

    Works Cited

     

    • Aarseth, Espen. “Beyond the Frontier: Quest Games as Post-Narrative Discourse.” Narrative Across Media. Ed. Marie-Laure Ryan. Lincoln: U of Nebraska P, 2004.
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    • Huhtamo, Erkki. “Game Patch–The Son of Scratch.” Switch 12 (July 1999). <http://switch.sjsu.edu/nextswitch/switch_engine/front/front.php?artc=119>.
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    • Juul, Jesper. “Games Telling Stories? A Brief Note on Games and Narratives.” Game Studies 1.1 (July 2001) <http://www.gamestudies.org/0101/juul-gts/>.
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    • “Linux Wins Prix Ars due to MICROSOFT INTERVENTION.” Online discussion. 6 Sep. 1999. Nettime Mailing Lists. <http://amsterdam.nettime.org/Lists-Archives/nettime-l-9909/msg00038.html>.
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    • Nake, Frieder. “Der Computer als Automat, Werkzeug und Medium und unser Verhältnis zu ihm.” Menschenbild und Computer. Selbstverständnis und Selbstbehauptung des Menschen im Zeitalter der Rechner. H. Buddemeier (Hrsg.) Bremen: Universität Bremen, Medienkritische Reihe 3, 2000. 73-90.
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    • —. “Writing the Scripted Spaces–Understanding Writing In A Digital Context.” Unpublished essay, 1998. <http://imv.au.dk/~pold/publikat/scripted.pdf>.
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    • Wardrip-Fruin, Noah, and Nick Montfort, eds. The New Media Reader. Cambridge: MIT P, 2003.

     

  • Being Jacques Derrida

     

    Mario Ortiz-Robles

    Department of English
    University of Wisconsin, Madison
    mortizRobles@wisc.edu

     

     

    Review of: Jacques Derrida, Without Alibi. Ed. and trans. Peggy Kamuf. Stanford: Stanford UP, 2002.

     

    Without Alibi, a collection of five essays written by Jacques Derrida in response to various provocations both in France and in the United States, is not without its own alibis. It is, first of all, a book that came into being at the suggestion of Peggy Kamuf, one of Derrida’s most reliable American translators, and, in this case, also his editor, compiler, and virtual collaborator. As Derrida tells us in his foreword–or alibi of a foreword, sandwiched as it is between the editor’s preface and the translator’s introduction–the book is “more and other than a translation” since it is “countersigned” by Kamuf. In her own telling, the collection seeks to trace the “movement of response and engagement” that characterizes the reception of Derrida’s work in the United States and his own critical reaction to that reception. Kamuf’s collection is, in this sense, Derrida’s American alibi, or “elsewhere” (“alibi” in Latin), an apt description of the act of translation and a compelling prescription for an ethics of authorship, or of countersignature as performance, that the book can be said to be enacting. It is in this regard tempting to group Without Alibi together with other collaborative works Derrida published late in his life. I am thinking here of the very different and very differently conceptualized collaborations he performed with a number of French women, Elizabeth Rudinesco (For What Tomorrow…), Catherine Malabou (Counterpath), Hélène Cixous (Veils and Portrait of Jacques Derrida as a Young Jewish Saint), and Anne Dufourmantelle (Of Hospitality).

     

    Unlike these books, Without Alibi is a peculiarly American product, and not only because it is, as Derrida puts it, a “native” of “America,” referring no doubt to the fact that the book was published in America by an American university press without, as it were, a French alibi. Indeed, there is no “French original” to this book, even if all five essays were written in French and four were delivered, in French, as lectures before audiences in both France and the United States. The fifth, “‘Le Parjure,’ Perhaps: Storytelling and Lying,” which was the only piece originally destined for publication, was written for a volume commemorating the work of his “friend and eminent colleague” J. Hillis Miller. Two of the lectures (both of which have appeared in print elsewhere) were also delivered with a specifically American alibi: “Typewritter Ribbon: Limited Ink (2)” was first read at a conference held in 1998 at the University of California, Davis, on Paul de Man’s posthumously published Aesthetic Theory, and “History of the Lie: Prolegomena” was presented at the New School for Social Research in New York as part of a series commemorating the work of Hannah Arendt. To use a designation elsewhere explored by Derrida, the book has thus been thoroughly “copyrighted” in America (and copyrighted, at least materially in this instance, by the trustees of Stanford University, which Kamuf calls a “great university” and which, incidentally perhaps–a professional alibi?–sponsored the conference at which Derrida delivered “The University Without Condition,” the only essay in Without Alibi not to have appeared in print before). America is thus, in this collection, one of the most persistent alibis for the labor of translation and editing and collaboration and even copyright Kamuf so ably performs. Being Jacques Derrida’s “elsewhere,” Kamuf does an admirable job of bringing together five texts that, in their different ways, trouble the conditions of production that have brought them together in the first place. And if, as Kamuf writes in the introduction, the “essential trait” shared by all five essays is the notion of sovereignty, then we can say that it is American insofar as, today, sovereignty can be given the name “America” even as it actively, and without alibi, claims it as its own copyright.

     

    The book is peculiarly American for another reason. Its “essential trait” may well be a different sort of collaboration or about a different sort of copyright. Derrida’s complex, often critical, at times openly hostile, and ultimately fruitful collaboration with the work of J.L. Austin (particularly How to Do Things with Words, the lectures Austin delivered at Harvard), and speech act theory more generally, becomes a compelling alibi for the choice of essays in this collection. I may be seen to be using the term “collaboration” somewhat loosely here: Derrida’s critique of Austin, whose performativity as an intervention is too often allowed to go unnoticed, could hardly be said to entail a working together, or co-labor. In addition, the far from collaborative, and, indeed, belabored, debate that took place in the 1970s between Derrida and John R. Searle, who seemingly took upon himself the task of responding for and in the name of Austin to Derrida’s initial critique, revolved on one of its axes around the question of copyright and the incorporation of various collaborators, real or virtual, into a single legal identity, a “Limited Inc,” as it were. Yet, as the essays in Without Alibi demonstrate with their citational and iterative use of performativity, the term “collaboration” can be understood in the active sense of “working with” others, a joint intellectual labor that, to use Austin’s catchy phrase, does things with words. In the spirit of Derrida’s treatment of ethics and responsibility in his later work, this co-labor may be said to entail an engagement with or response to the call of the other as the horizon of performative force. The word “collaboration,” of course, trembles under the weight of its political history and, especially, of that of Paul de Man’s wartime writings, an act that remains categorically “without alibi,” no matter what revanchist purposes they have served his detractors. Derrida’s patient, arduous, and no doubt painful response to de Man’s wartime writings–one of whose moments or occasions is the essay “‘Le Parjure,’ Perhaps: Storytelling and Lying” that appears in this volume–is, at least in part, articulated by his understanding of what it is to do things with words: a co-labor responsive to the other’s call. Indeed, de Man’s own reading of Austin–a reading to which Derrida returns in “Typewriter Ribbon: Limited Ink (2)”–has so many points of contact with Derrida’s reading that one can only imagine it as a collaborative effort, an act of interlocution that was in no small measure responsible for initiating or inaugurating what came to be “deconstruction” in America. Derrida’s long-standing engagement with the United States critical scene and with the reception of his work by the American academy can in this same sense be profitably thought of as a collaborative critique of performativity.

     

    It is this general critique of performativity, I want to suggest, that makes the Kamuf/Derrida collaboration in Without Alibi particularly valuable at a time of increased resistance to theory and perhaps to non-coercive forms of collaboration. At one level, many of the topics or themes Derrida pursues in his essays pertain to explicit performative speech acts of the sort Austin isolated, such as lying, promising, making excuses, professing, confessing, and producing alibis of all sorts, and, at another, many of the concepts Derrida treats, such as the signature, responsibility, the event, citizenship, the death penalty, and mondialisation, are formulated from within his critique of Austin. At yet another level–and this is where collaboration nears performative efficacy–the collection itself encapsulates the history of Derrida’s engagement with the United States critical scene, a history that, in Kamuf’s selection at least, is linked to a general critique of the performative. Two of the essays in Without Alibi, for instance, look back upon the work of some of Derrida’s most important collaborators (as in co-workers or sometime colleagues) in the United States (whether American or not): “‘Le Parjure,’ Perhaps: Storytelling and Lying” is written for a collection of essays for J. Hillis Miller, but deals with a fictional account (Henri Thomas’s novel Le Parjure) of what may be read as Paul de Man’s life before arriving in the United States; “Typewritter Ribbon: Limited Ink (2)” traces some of the most salient motifs of de Man’s reading of Rousseau’s Confessions as an occasion to revisit Derrida’s reading of Austin and Searle’s critique of this reading as it appeared originally in “Limited Inc a b c.”

     

    All five essays, in fact, perform or enact this critique, such that, more than the “essential trait” of the collection, one could say that performativity is its “alibi” since performativity, in Derrida, never really achieves the systematicity of a method nor even the thematic density of a concept metaphor. A discursive modality that categorically resists allegorization, the performative precipitates, prompts, and provokes narrative effects through discrete acts of speech but never itself becomes a central organizing principle. In her illuminating introduction, “Event of Resistance,” Kamuf characterizes Derrida’s return to Austin in the essays as a response to the tendency (perhaps especially, but not exclusively, evident in the United States) of taking “performativity” to be a transformative empowerment. Precisely because these cultural theories of performativity rely on the conventionality of speech acts to create the appearance of social inevitability, Derrida asks us to reconsider and resist the all-too-neatly reflexive notion that the performative produces the event of which it speaks. As he writes in “The University Without Condition”: “where there is the performative, an event worthy of the name cannot arrive” (234).

     

    As these examples illustrate, Without Alibi forcefully reminds us why Derrida was initially drawn to Austin’s formulation of the performative and why he found the various attempts at formalizing the latter’s discovery highly problematic. First of all, insofar as Austin’s isolation of the performative was the formalization of an always already existing force of language that, while operative, had never been named, we can consider the confusion between constative and performative utterances (that is, between statements that can be said to be true or false and locutions that actually do something by being uttered) as a particularly significant instance of the sort of ideological obfuscation Derrida termed “logocentrism” and whose critique–call the necessary course it took “deconstruction”–was in itself as “great” an “event” as he claims Austin’s discovery of the performative to have been. For Derrida, Austin’s formulation of the performative shatters the traditional concept of communication since the performative is found to be, as act, a nonreferential force of language that categorically resists the notion of speech as the transference of a given semantic content oriented towards truth. And it is precisely the nonreferential aspect of performative speech acts that was initially of most interest to Derrida and can even be said to have set the conditions of the possibility of his critique of Austin since it is the latter’s failure to take account of the general applicability of his own discovery that destabilizes the oppositions he wishes to formulate (constative vs. performative; parasitic vs. non-parasitic uses of language; happy vs. unhappy performatives; etc.).

     

    The political and intellectual stakes of Derrida’s critique of performativity are certainly very high. In the “History of the Lie: Prolegomena,” for instance, he speaks of the “performative violence” of state law:

     

    When performatives succeed, they produce a truth whose power sometimes imposes itself forever: the location of a boundary, the installation of a state are always acts of performative violence that, if the conditions of the international community permit it, create the law . . . . In creating the law, this performative violence--which is neither legal nor illegal--creates what is then held to be legal truth, the dominant and juridically incontestable public truth. (51)

     

    The very real events that performative speech acts can and do effect within institutional frameworks rely for their efficacy on a particular misreading or, in a vocabulary Derrida seldom has any use for, ideology, both in the sense that the performative is often confused with the constative (insofar as an act is read as a true or false statement) and in the sense that it is naturalized as an evident or obvious fact with no history of its own. For Derrida, it is not enough to identify the force of the performative and formalize its features (a task, in any case, undertaken with admirable clarity by Austin himself). One must also be alert to the instability of the performative/constative distinction and be ready to live with the constant oscillation between the two as the condition of possibility of responsible action.

     

    In “Psychoanalysis Searches the States of Its Soul: The Impossible Beyond of a Sovereign Culture,” the last essay in Without Alibi, Derrida explores this oscillation within the institutional confines of psychoanalysis, proposing nothing less than a new revolution in psychoanalytic reason in the spirit of a States General of Psychoanalysis. Of the three states or orders he isolates, it is the performative to which he ascribes the role of “inventing and reinventing” the institutional, normative, procedural “laws” of psychoanalysis in contradistinction to the theoretical or descriptive order of knowledge we associate with the constative. But it is only when psychoanalysis begins to contemplate the impossible coming of an event worthy of its name that the distinction falls apart and, in the face of unpredictable alterity, the orders of power (constative) and of the possible (performative) are “put to rout.” In practical, should we say academic, terms, the stakes of this form of deconstructive practice are also taken into account, not least because the “event” of Austin’s originary formulation is, as Derrida reminds us, an “academic event” in the first place. Thus, in the sixth of the seven theses or “professions of faith” with which Derrida concludes “The University Without Conditions” (in a manner, one need perhaps not add, that is itself performative), he has this to say concerning the humanities of tomorrow: “It will surely be necessary, even if things have already begun here or there, to study the history and the limits of such a decisive distinction [between performative acts and constative acts] . . . This deconstructive work would not concern only the original and brilliant oeuvre of Austin but also his rich and fascinating inheritance, over the last half-century, in particular in the Humanities” (233).

     

    Without Alibi has the great merit of exposing us to a significant part of that inheritance through Derrida’s specific engagements with Austin and through the rich history of what I have called these essays’ “collaboration.” Derrida’s reading of Austin and the many debates, commentaries, and countersignatures this reading has inspired over the years can, I think, be singled out as one of the events that helped launch and entrench deconstruction in America. Its force as event might serve as a reminder or emblem of the stakes involved in conceptualizing the performative: it can revolutionize the intellectual landscape. To call Derrida’s critique of performativity “American” is then also to point towards a certain performative violence that, in the service of institutional truth or of legal expediency (read: copyright), has been done to the humanities, generally making them less hospitable to collaboration, countersignature, deconstruction–in short, to theory.

     

    It would therefore be naïve to characterize Peggy Kamuf’s countersignature in Without Alibi as a “performance” of Derrida or of deconstruction. Naïve because it is not a matter of choice or intention to utter certain speech acts, and, in so doing or saying, to transform ourselves into an “other.” We do not have that choice, since the performative/constative distinction turns out to be, more than a discursive modality, the very condition of possibility of language doing or saying anything at all. Being Jacques Derrida, one realizes after reading Without Alibi, is a far more difficult task than performing a critical role (that would be, perhaps, just an alibi for responsibility); it is an impossibly collaborative event towards which Kamuf bravely makes the leap as though to salute a stranger who only gets stranger with each subsequent exposure.

     

  • Saint Paul: Friend of Derrida?

    Robert Oventile

    English Division
    Pasadena City College
    rsoventile@pasadena.edu

     

    Review of: Jennings, Theodore W., Jr. Reading Derrida/Thinking Paul: On Justice.Stanford: Stanford UP, 2005.

     

    Contemporary intellectuals interested in progressive and even militantly leftist possibilities within religious thought have turned increasingly to the letters of Saint Paul. Should one concede Paul–himself a notable casualty of Empire–to the Right, whether it take the form of theocratic boosters of a global Pax Americana or any other? Paul’s letters have thus become a crucial site for a political renegotiation of religion that has opened new paths of inquiry for thinkers such as Giorgio Agamben, Alain Badiou, and Slavoj Žižek. All three have engaged with Paul in order to reformulate and to extend abiding political and theoretical concerns. Agamben argues that Walter Benjamin’s allusions to Paul’s letters signal a vital relation between Benjamin’s and Paul’s respective understandings of messianic time: a Benjaminian Paul becomes newly readable as addressing how one lives life in the state of exception. For Badiou, Paul emerges as “a poet-thinker of the event” (2). Paul’s uncompromising fidelity to the “Christ-event” and his articulation of the “discourse of truth” that the event underwrites makes Paul the template “for a new militant figure” (23, 6, 2). And, in league with Badiou, Žižek finds in Paul “an engaged position of struggle, an uncanny ‘interpellation’ beyond ideological interpellation” that cuts through liberal multiculturalism, pragmatic reformism, and desire stalled in transgression to allow for a “community (or, rather, collective) of believers” that is “held together not by a Master Signifier, but by fidelity to a Cause” (112, 138, 130).

     

    Equally important to this turn to religion is Jacques Derrida’s Specters of Marx, a text that worked to reassess Marx’s judgment of religious belief as ideology, and that has thus played an important role in the “return” of some on the academic left to religion. Indeed, over the last decade and a half, Derrida has intensively queried religion and religious texts, arguing that any renewed left project must come to terms with both the messianic promise implicit in Marx and the autoimmune complications of the messianic in the Judaic, Christian, and Islamic traditions. Yet, unlike Agamben, Badiou, and Žižek, Derrida refrains from offering either an explicit re-evaluation of Paul’s letters or an endorsement of a “left” Paul. On the contrary, Derrida directly aligns Paul’s discourse on veiling and unveiling with the history of “truth as onto-logical revelation” that Derrida works to transcend (“Silkworm” 83). Given Derrida’s relative reserve on the subject, is a rapprochement between Paul and Derrida conceivable? Are there Pauline aspects to Derrida’s texts and deconstructive logistics available in Paul’s letters? Should we add Derrida to the growing list of thinkers for whom Paul is a political friend?

     

    Theodore W. Jennings’s Reading Derrida/Thinking Paul: On Justice works to answer just such questions. Jennings wants to show how Derrida’s writings can illuminate Paul’s Letter to the Romans and, more specifically, the apostle’s various claims about justice. Jennings argues that Derrida and Paul resonate intriguingly with one another because both share a passion for justice and for thinking through the various aporias that the pursuit of justice entails. Jennings’s chapters juxtapose Paul and Derrida on law, violence, gift, faith, hospitality, and pardon in order to make sense of that resonance.

     

    Jennings convincingly elaborates a number of striking parallels between Paul and Derrida. For instance, Jennings argues that Derrida’s claims in “The Force of Law” about the ways in which justice necessarily exceeds law give us a new way to understand Paul’s distinction in Romans between law and justice. For Derrida, justice exceeds law as law’s condition of (im)possibility; Jennings reads Paul as relating law to justice in a similar manner. This reading brings Paul much closer to Derrida’s focus on justice as a crucially political question.

     

    The English-language tradition of theological commentary on Romans tends to understand Paul as concerned with a personal, moral uprightness as opposed to politics as such. To loosen this tradition’s hold, Jennings argues that while the terms in Romans that stem from the Greek root dik– (dikaios, dikaiosune, dikaioo, dikaioma, dikaiosis, etc.) tend to appear in English as words related to the idea “righteousness,” these terms are better translated as variations on the word “justice.” Take the following example from Romans: “Do not put your members at sin’s disposal as weapons of wickedness [adikias], but . . . offer your members to God as weapons of uprightness [dikaiosunes]” (Romans 6:13). The translation of adikias as “wickedness” and of dikaiosunes as “uprightness” (or as “righteousness” [NRSV]) obscures what Jennings identifies as Paul’s emphasis on an opposition between justice (dikaiosunes) and injustice (adikias). Jennings thus retrieves Paul as a specifically political thinker who, in writing on the relation between justice and injustice, offers an account of political life under empire.

     

    This retrieval continues with Jennings’s claim that in Romans Paul addresses both Mosaic Law and Roman law as complexly related to and yet finally distinct from the event of justice. The Paul obsessed with beating down the Mosaic Law (Torah) might, in other words, be a caricature bequeathed to us by such theologians as Martin Luther, who depicts Paul as having “a contempt for the Law of Moses” and as elaborating a violent theological devaluation of the Law as starkly opposed to Christian grace (241). Luther’s Paul ominously declares, “the Law must be crucified,” foreshadowing Luther’s Against the Jews and Their Lies, in which Luther recommends that Christians burn synagogues and forbid rabbis, “under threat of death,” from teaching (245; qtd. in Hall 45). Contra Luther, Jennings finds a more subtle Paul who works instead to define grace as the law’s supplement: without grace, law cannot realize justice. Like Derrida, Paul interrogates the relation of justice to law in general, however much Paul’s letters focus on the commandments Moses brought down from Sinai. For Paul as well as for Derrida, law executes justice. Justice only has a chance if law exists (justice’s occurrence depends on institutions of law acting upon demands for justice); yet law inevitably falls short of and even thwarts justice. On the one hand, law only exists as law in reference to justice; on the other hand, law becomes unjust when it is thought of as a closed system immune to the demands of justice.

     

    Jennings reads Jesus’s crucifixion as an instance of the law executing justice. Though both can legitimately claim to carry out justice, Roman law and Mosaic Law each had a hand in the execution of the one who for Paul embodied divine justice. Thus, neither Mosaic Law nor Roman law can be a perfectly adequate vehicle for divine justice. Law’s death-dealing limits emerge from its very effort to bring about the justice that law inevitably betrays in practice. The hope for justice at once provokes law into action and exposes law as unjust. Here Jennings shows another point at which Paul and Derrida overlap. For Derrida, justice is the undeconstructible source of the law’s deconstruction, so that “Deconstruction is justice. . . . Deconstruction takes place in the interval that separates the undeconstructibility of justice from the deconstructibility of law” (“Force” 243). In this interval, Paul takes his seemingly ambivalent stance towards law. The impression of ambivalence recedes when, thanks to Jennings, we see that Paul, desiring justice, can neither simply embrace nor simply reject the law.

     

    Jennings argues in related terms that deconstruction neither finishes law off nor brings forward a new law. Rather, deconstruction returns one to the realization that no effort one makes to pursue justice by acting on or reforming existing law can result in a “good conscience.” To rest easy in the assumption that one has met one’s responsibilities to justice defines “good conscience.” In the interval between deconstructible law and undeconstructible justice, one undergoes the traumatic realization that any simply lawful action one takes will fail to satisfy the “demand for infinite justice” (“Force” 248). “Incalculable justice commands calculation,” but any legal calculation one makes to redress a transgression compromises justice (257). Given this aporia, the assertion of a “good conscience” becomes the alibi of those who collaborate in a violent erasure of the interval between law and justice. Jennings links Derrida’s rejection of “good conscience” to Paul’s impatience with “boasting”: “Where, then, is there room for boasting? It is ruled out! On what principle? On the principle of deeds? No, but on the principle of faith. For we maintain that a human being is justified by faith apart from deeds prescribed by the law” (Romans 3.27). Paul confronts antagonists who claim that their adherence to law proves their justness. But for Paul, such a claim is “boasting,” a self-interested forgetting of the irreducibility of divine justice to law. This forgetting leaves one open to accepting the violence institutions call lawful.

     

    Though the crucifixion exemplifies such lawful violence, any and every law emerges as crucifixional insofar as it sacrifices Pauline divine justice or Derridean infinite justice to the preservation of existing institutions. No “deed” or “work” of law, to use Paul’s terms, can escape crucifixionality because any “deed” or “work” only counts as such within existing legal institutions and thus necessarily reinforces those same legal institutions. The same will be true for any reformed institution of law. Paul insists that the only hope for untangling oneself from the crucifixional aspect of law is God’s free gift of grace. All “those who receive the abundance of God’s grace and his gift of justice” become just; they are “justified freely by his grace” (Romans 5:17, translation modified; Romans 3:24). For Paul, one becomes just not by one’s deeds but by the gift of grace, a gift one receives irrespective of any work of law one either does or does not perform. Grace alone allows one to fulfill the law and to achieve justice. The event of grace as gift both exceeds the economics of works and allows a work of law to arrive at justice. Since a demand for infinite justice motivates law, no work is sufficient to clear one’s debt to the law. Only in grace is one justified, so justice too is God’s gift. No action can pay for grace; one can only have faith that grace and thus justice will come.

     

    Paul’s notion of grace both foreshadows and finds clarification in Derrida’s writings about the gift. And, as Jennings points out, gift and justice are for Derrida intimately related concepts. Jennings cites Derrida’s statement that his analyses of “the gift beyond exchange and distribution . . . are also, through and through, at least oblique discourses on justice” (“Force” 235). Derrida’s writings on the gift allow one better to understand the paradoxical interaction in Romans between the aneconomic gift of grace/justice and the law, which is inseparable from the economics of works. Referring to Derrida’s work on the gift, Jennings argues that far from making justice superfluous, the Pauline gift of grace is that which allows justice to happen.

     

    Jennings thus helps us to understand that, for Paul and for Derrida, one cannot simply make justice happen. On the one hand, justice demands that one work to prepare the best terms for its arrival, but, on the other, when and if justice arrives, it arrives as a necessarily unprogrammable event. Jennings’s emphasis on justice as gift finds confirmation in one of Derrida’s last essays, “‘Justices,’” in which Derrida writes that, to be among the just is a “gift that one cannot acquire”: “The just one has a gift” (691). Preliminary to the arrival of the gift of justice is forgiveness. In Romans, the just have been forgiven, even for their participation in the crucifixional dynamic of the law. The gift of grace and thus justice arrive precisely in the forgiving of the unforgivable; again, Jennings’s point is that, like grace, forgiveness allows justice to happen. Derrida leads the way to this understanding of forgiveness or pardon in Paul when he argues that one can only meaningfully forgive the unforgivable. Any transgression or fault that could simply be redressed by paying a fine or undergoing a penalty does not require or solicit what Derrida calls “pure” or “unconditional” forgiveness. Only the utterly and frighteningly unforgivable can be forgiven.

     

    A book-length study of Derrida in relation to Paul is overdue, and Reading Derrida/Thinking Paul: On Justice offers readers of Derrida many new insights. Even so, Jennings leaves aside a number of difficult questions as to how and why Paul and Derrida might diverge in their thinking. At several points in Reading Derrida/Thinking Paul: On Justice, Jennings acknowledges that Paul and especially some of Paul’s theological exegetes (Luther, for example) bear responsibility for the grievous history of anti-Semitism, religiously excused colonial violence, sexism, and homophobia. Why does one not find an extensive chapter in Reading Derrida/Thinking Paul that grapples with this responsibility? Although Jennings indicates in his conclusion that he is preparing just such work, the avoidance of the question of Paul’s responsibility for injustice may find an explanation in the Derrida Jennings brings to Paul. Jennings emphasizes the Derrida of such texts as “The Force of Law: The ‘Mystical Foundation of Authority’,” Given Time: 1. Counterfeit Money, Of Hospitality, and On Cosmopolitanism and Forgiveness, rather than the Derrida of such texts as Speech and Phenomena and Of Grammatology. That is, Reading Derrida/Thinking Paul tends to avoid the Derrida whose deconstruction of the opposition between letter and spirit stems from his passion for justice. Rather than a solution or answer to justice’s aporias, this Derrida would arguably find urgently problematic Paul’s statement in Romans that “one is not a Jew outwardly only; nor is real circumcision external, in the flesh. Rather, one is a Jew in secret, and real circumcision is of the heart, a thing of the spirit, not of the letter” (2:28-29). Outside versus inside, tangible flesh versus intangible heart, letter versus spirit: such oppositions are at work when Paul claims that the believer, as “a letter of Christ,” is “written not with ink but with the Spirit of the living God, not on tablets of stone but on tablets of human hearts” (2 Corinthians 3.3). And these oppositions are crucial to Paul’s effort to distinguish the “new covenant” in Christ from the “ministry of death, chiseled in letters on stone tablets” (2 Corinthians 3.6, 3.7). The new covenant is “not of letter but of spirit; for the letter kills, but the Spirit gives life” (2 Corinthians 3.6). The Paul who allegorizes the Mosaic Law as a “ministry of death” is the Paul of whom Derrida can write that he is “this very mild, this terrible Paul [,] . . . whose monstrous progeny are our history and culture” (“Silkworm” 76).

    Works Cited

     

    • Agamben, Giorgio. The Time that Remains: A Commentary on the Letter to the Romans. Trans. Patricia Dailey. Stanford: Stanford UP, 2005.
    • Badiou, Alain. Saint Paul: The Foundation of Universalism. Trans. Ray Brassier. Stanford: Stanford UP, 2003.
    • Derrida, Jacques. “Force of Law: The ‘Mystical Foundation of Authority.’” Trans. Mary Quaintance. Acts of Religion. Ed. Gil Anidjar. New York: Routledge, 2002. 230-98.
    • —. “‘Justices.’” Critical Inquiry 31.3 (2005): 689-721.
    • —. “A Silkworm of One’s Own.” Trans. Geoffrey Bennington. Veils. Hélène Cixous and Jacques Derrida. Stanford: Stanford UP, 2001. 17-108.
    • Hall, Sidney G., III. Christian Anti-Semitism and Paul’s Theology. Minneapolis: Fortress, 1993.
    • Luther, Martin. “Death to the Law.” Trans. Jaroslav Pelikan. The Writings of St. Paul. Ed. Wayne A. Meeks. New York: Norton, 1972. 236-50.
    • The New Oxford Annotated Bible: New Revised Standard Version. Ed. Bruce M. Metzger and Ronald E. Murphy. New York: Oxford UP, 1994.
    • Romans. Trans. Joseph A. Fitzmyer. New York: Doubleday, 1993.
    • Žižek, Slavoj. The Puppet and the Dwarf: The Perverse Core of Christianity. Cambridge: MIT P, 2003.

     

  • A Time for Enlightenment

    Chad Wickman

    Department of English
    Kent State University
    cwickman@kent.edu

     

    Review of: Borradori, Giovanna. Philosophy in a Time of Terror: Dialogues with Jürgen Habermas and Jacques Derrida.Chicago: U of Chicago P, 2003.

     

    Giovanna Borradori’s Philosophy in a Time of Terror: Dialogues with Jürgen Habermas and Jacques Derrida stages an encounter between two philosophers whose respective bodies of work are as vast as they are vastly different from one another. For Borradori, however, Habermas and Derrida share a common bond–each has looked to the uses and the limits of Enlightenment philosophy for perspective on current global crises, particularly those related to 9/11. Borradori attempts to reveal this commonality by asking similar questions in her conversations with Habermas and Derrida. While there is no direct dialogue between Habermas and Derrida in the book, readers can nonetheless see how the two contend with each other and with contemporary issues ranging from global terrorism to international law. Philosophy in a Time of Terror invites readers to think about how philosophy can help us to understand 9/11 and the crises of which it is part.

     

    Although Habermas and Derrida have found ways to collaborate politically (both, for instance, participated in the publication of a May 2003 statement in the Frankfurter Allgemeine and La Liberation that called for a unification of European foreign policy as a response to U.S. hegemony in world affairs), that collaboration has taken place in spite of certain basic philosophical differences. One need look no further than Habermas’s critique of Derrida in The Philosophical Discourse of Modernity, or Derrida’s own familiar suspicions regarding the universalism and rationality to which Habermas subscribes. Part of Borradori’s task is in that case to account for a dispute that has long existed between Habermas and Derrida. In her introduction to the volume, she describes how Enlightenment ideals figure differently in Habermas’s and Derrida’s respective philosophies. If, as part of the tradition of the Frankfurt School, Habermas aims at an “improvement of the present human situation” dependent on a “belief in principles whose validity is universal because they hold across historical and cultural specificities,” that belief would seem to run up against Derrida’s distrust of the notion of the universal as that which can “impose a set of standards that benefit some and bring disadvantage to others, depending on context” (15-16). That Derrida also believes in a responsibility that “articulates the demand for universalism associated with the Enlightenment” suggests to Borradori that there are important points of overlap between the two philosophers (15-6). The connections Borradori makes between Habermas, Derrida, and the Enlightenment offer a refreshing perspective on a longstanding debate.

     

    It would, however, be wrong to see Philosophy in a Time of Terror as a treatise that seeks simply to unite these figures. While Borradori is interested in identifying continuities between Habermas and Derrida vis-à-vis the Enlightenment, she does so with another interest in mind: to demonstrate how philosophy can help make sense of global terrorism, 9/11, and the current state of international relations and international law:

     

    While for Habermas terrorism is the effect of the trauma of modernization, which has spread around the world at a pathological speed, Derrida sees terrorism as a symptom of a traumatic element intrinsic to modern experience, whose focus is always on the future, somewhat pathologically understood as promise, hope, and self-affirmation. Both are somber reflections on the legacy of the Enlightenment: the relentless search for a critical perspective that must start with self-examination. (22)

     

    Borradori thus gestures towards themes that readers can expect to find in the dialogues and reveals the critical perspective she would have readers adopt as they “walk along the same path” as Habermas and Derrida (48). Borradori clears this path for readers by including essays that situate each dialogue within the larger context of Habermas’s and Derrida’s work. Although the terms of these summaries will be familiar to the already initiated, they offer the uninitiated reader a chance to enter directly an ongoing dialogue between Habermas and Derrida. It is to Borradori’s credit that her book allows readers to see so clearly how Habermas and Derrida position themselves in relation to these pressing topics.

     

    The terms of Borradori’s questions reflect her broader aim of understanding how Habermas and Derrida situate 9/11 in a cultural, historical, and philosophical context. With her initial question, for instance, she asks each to explain the significance of 9/11 as an “event.” Habermas, for his part, offers an historical analogy, suggesting that 9/11 is similar to the outbreak of World War I in that it “signaled the end of a peaceful and, in retrospect, somewhat unsuspecting era” (26). He explains, however, that the attack on the World Trade Center was itself unprecedented because of “the symbolic force of the targets struck” (28). For Derrida, the way the attack has been named–“as a date and nothing more” (85)–signifies that “we perhaps have no concept and no meaning available to us to name in any other way this ‘thing’ that has just happened, this supposed ‘event’” (86). We are not only unable appropriately to name and, in doing so, to grasp the significance of 9/11, but we must also live in a world where terrorist attacks hinder our ability to carry on our lives. Since there is no way to know when or where a terrorist attack might occur, a sense of impending doom threatens us just as it keeps us from coming to grips with terror already faced. Derrida writes, “there is traumatism with no possible work of mourning when the evil comes from the possibility to come of the worst, from the repetition to come–though worse” (97). This is part of the power wielded by terrorists. They do not seek to overthrow but to destabilize the systems of countries such as the U.S. Indeed, it is through the symbolic force of their acts, as Habermas suggests, that they incite terror and, thereby, inflict their wounds.

     

    Habermas and Derrida also share an interest in the ways in which the rest of the world has been affected by and has responded to the attack. For Habermas and Derrida, the Bush administration in particular should be held accountable for its actions, which, they agree, have tended to increase rather than reduce the potential for violence. This criticism stems from the nature of global terrorism and the administration’s response to it. Today’s terrorists gain power not by overthrowing, but by destabilizing the systems of world superpowers. Because terrorists work at the level of the symbolic, they wage war without marching onto a battlefield and cannot be defeated like a typical enemy. As Habermas notes, “the global terror that culminated in the September 11 attack bears the anarchistic traits of an impotent revolt directed against an enemy that cannot be defeated in any pragmatic sense” (34). This kind of conflict can benefit both “sides”: it benefits terrorists because it enables them to continue to wage war on a world stage, and it benefits governments like the U.S. because a “war on terror” is a useful political tool for assuring that under-motivated military and political actions will be tolerated indefinitely. This scenario may appear obvious to some, but its specific mechanisms, as Habermas and Derrida make clear, must be addressed if it is to be in any way ameliorated.

     

    Habermas locates the potential causes of global terrorism in the clash between religious fundamentalism and modernization. He sees fundamentalism as analogous to a “repression of striking cognitive dissonances” that “occurs when the innocence of the epistemological situation of an all-encompassing world perspective is lost and when, under the cognitive conditions of scientific knowledge and of religious pluralism, a return to the exclusivity of premodern belief attitudes is propagated” (32). This means that for Habermas modernization is largely responsible for religious fundamentalism. Secularization and economic growth, as exemplified in and by the West, is a threat to many non-Western countries that have been “split up into winner, beneficiary, and loser countries” (32). A country like the U.S. serves not only as a model of what many countries strive to attain, but also “as a scapegoat for the Arab world’s own, very real experiences of loss, suffered by populations torn out of their cultural traditions during processes of accelerated modernization” (32).

     

    While Derrida does not ignore the role that fundamentalism plays in terrorist acts, he takes a different approach in explaining what he feels are the origins of global terrorism. For him, global terrorism is made possible by an “autoimmunitary process,” meaning that imperial powers in the West make possible the very attacks that they hope to preempt. He writes, “as we know, an autoimmunitary process is that strange behavior where a living being, in quasi-suicidal fashion, ‘itself’ works to destroy its own protection, to immunize itself against its ‘own’ immunity” (94). Derrida categorizes autoimmunity in the case of 9/11 into three moments of “reflex and reflection” that involve: 1) “the Cold War in the head”; 2) “worse than the Cold War”; and 3) “the vicious circle of repression.” The first moment of “suicidal autoimmunity” occurs when a country trains the people who will later terrorize it. The second follows when the world is put at risk by the “terrorists” who were initially enlisted as “freedom fighters.” No longer affiliated with the state that funded them, these terrorists become a risk to a world that has no real way to appease them other than to reverse the process of modernization that helped make them powerful in the first place. The last moment, according to Derrida, is exemplified by the war on terrorism. As he suggests, such a “war” will continue to be waged indefinitely since civilians and other insurgents, people who consider the acts by countries such as the United States terroristic, will continue to fight back using their own means. For Derrida, this circle of violence will continue if left unchecked by international law.

     

    On the subject of international law, Habermas and Derrida share similar ideals even if they endorse different methods for realizing those ideals. It is also on the subject of international law that their ties to the Enlightenment become most apparent. While Habermas endorses universalism in various forms, he also understands that universal concepts can be used ignominiously: “the universalistic discourses of law and morality can be abused as a particularly insidious form of legitimation since particular interests can hide behind the glimmering façade of reasonable universality” (42). By the same token, he claims, “just as every objection raised against the selective or one-eyed application of universalistic standards must already presuppose these same standards, in the same manner, any deconstructive unmasking of the ideologically concealing use of universalistic discourses actually presupposes the critical viewpoints advanced by these same discourses” (42).

     

    Habermas’s reliance upon universals is, of course, at odds with Derrida’s rejection of them. But readers might be surprised to find that Derrida comes close to advocating the need for what Habermas refers to as “universal discourses of law.” Derrida writes:

     

    Despite my very strong reservations about the American, indeed European, political posture, about the "international antiterrorist" coalition, despite all the de facto betrayals, all the failures to live up to democracy, international law, and the very international institutions that the states of this "coalition" themselves founded and supported up to a certain point, I would take the side of the camp that, in principle, by right of law, leaves a perspective open to perfectibility in the name of the "political," democracy, international law, international institutions, and so on. (113-14)

     

    Derrida does not claim that international institutions are without fault. Indeed, one of his most important critiques of organizations such as the United Nations is that the countries that make up those organizations do not always abide by the laws they create. Still, as he suggests, international institutions and the possibility of their “perfectibility” are necessary, for if there is to be any semblance of stability or accountability in the world, it must come about both through constant revision of existing institutions and through their promise, and perhaps their ability, to help establish and maintain open, equitable, and peaceful relations among nations and peoples.

     

    Both Habermas and Derrida see cosmopolitanism as one way to achieve a modicum of peace and stability across the globe, but neither would stop at achieving a cosmopolitan world order. For if cosmopolitanism broadly construed implies the belief that all individuals are citizens of the world, then the term itself carries with it the possibility that people can be defined as citizens within and apart from states to which they may or may not belong as legal subjects. This notion has benefits–it could make way for mutual respect and perspective-taking, for a start–but it may also have drawbacks, particularly if being a citizen means subjecting oneself to doctrinal laws and beliefs. It is a useful concept if it is not seen as an end in itself. Accordingly, Derrida offers a particular way to move beyond cosmopolitanism:

     

    What I call "democracy to come" would go beyond the limits of cosmopolitanism, that is, of a world citizenship. It would be more in line with what lets singular beings (anyone) "live together," there where they are not yet defined by citizenship, that is, by their condition as lawful "subjects" in a state or legitimate members of a nation-state or even of a confederation or world state. (130)

     

    While Derrida would do away with the nation-state, he would not replace it with a world-state in which all peoples would be “united” under a single regime as world citizens. Indeed, such a position would limit his notion of “democracy to come.” His notion of “democracy to come” bypasses the limitations of cosmopolitanism because it is less about individuals defined as lawful subjects or citizens and more about living together as “singular beings.” “Democracy to come” can, then, be seen as the promise of an equitable and perhaps peaceful future that is embodied in the present. If seen in this way, Derrida offers not a solution to specific problems of international law but, instead, a scenario for readers to consider, an ideal that, even if not immediately realizable, could nonetheless prompt thinking and dialogue.

     

    Like Derrida, Habermas believes in cosmopolitanism but also notes its flaws: “the ontologization of the friend-foe relation suggests that attempts at a cosmopolitan juridification of the relations between the belligerent subjects of international law are fated to serve the masking of particular interests in universalistic disguise” (38). Habermas sees cosmopolitanism as useful, but only if the concept involves rational communication and what he calls “mutual perspective-taking”: “in the course of mutual perspective-taking there can develop a common horizon of background assumptions in which both sides accomplish an interpretation that is not ethnocentrically adopted or converted but, rather, intersubjectively shared” (37). Habermas’s ideal vision, like Derrida’s, invites readers to consider a world in which citizens share an equal opportunity to live how they wish to live, speak how they wish to speak, feel how they wish to feel. Although both share a somewhat utopian vision, it is Derrida who hits upon a crucial critique of such a world. He understands that equitable communication as Habermas describes it would involve universal access to the same type of reason. Derrida questions universal reason, but he also considers the possibility of such reason necessary when addressing issues of international law, global terrorism, and globalization in general.

     

    This implicit debate between Habermas and Derrida is, in fact, most direct–and most lively–in their discussion of the notions of tolerance and hospitality. Habermas emphasizes the notion of tolerance, despite certain limitations. He understands that tolerance is problematic in that the concept “possesses [in] itself the kernel of intolerance” (41). This is so because tolerance involves setting boundaries that one allows others to cross. In short, tolerance suggests that a stronger person or nation allows a weaker person or nation to act as he, she, or it pleases in relation to a certain limit. Beyond that limit, tolerance devolves into intolerance. Habermas counters this scenario by explaining how a constitutional democracy does not involve a single person or group tolerating another: “On the basis of the citizens’ equal rights and reciprocal respect for each other, nobody possesses the privilege of setting the boundaries of tolerance from the viewpoint of their own preferences and value-orientations” (41). Anticipating Derrida’s critique of tolerance, Habermas notes, “straight deconstruction of the concept of tolerance falls into a trap, since the constitutional state contradicts precisely the premise from which the paternalistic sense of the traditional concept of ‘tolerance’ derives” (41).

     

    Derrida picks up where Habermas leaves off, criticizing tolerance while endorsing his own notion of hospitality: “Tolerance remains a scrutinized hospitality, always under surveillance, parsimonious and protective of its sovereignty” (128). As Derrida suggests, tolerance does more to protect the hegemony of the person or state that tolerates than it does to achieve equality. Opposed to this necessarily limited tolerance is Derrida’s hospitality: “Pure and unconditional hospitality, hospitality itself, opens or is in advance open to someone who is neither expected nor invited, to whomever arrives as an absolutely foreign visitor, as a new arrival, nonidentifiable and unforeseeable, in short, wholly other” (128-29). Given this definition of hospitality, it seems as if Derrida chooses to ignore the concept’s applicability. Not so. As he writes, “an unconditional hospitality is, to be sure, practically impossible to live; one cannot in any case, and by definition, organize it” (129). This is not to say that hospitality is impractical, even if it is “practically impossible to live”; rather, it may be that the realization of the concept lies in the ability or willingness of individuals, not nation-states, to embrace it. Put another way, hospitality may be realized in practice by individuals even if it may be unrealistic at this historical moment for nation-states to do the same. In this sense, hospitality at once resists unified organization by a nation-state as it encourages unified understanding among individuals who would accept it as a way of relating to others in the world.

     

    For Borradori, the realization of Derrida’s vision is possible only if philosophy plays a central role in understanding 9/11, global terrorism, and international law. Indeed, part of her aim in Philosophy in a Time of Terror is to think how philosophers might be involved in helping the world understand and, perhaps, mourn 9/11 and the events that have followed it. Habermas, for one, does not seem to believe that intellectuals have a specific role in offering the world ways to cope with 9/11 or with global terrorism. He feels that we should exercise caution when delegating responsibility to specific groups who may or may not have the expertise to make informed decisions: “If one is not exactly an economist, one refrains from judging complex economic developments” (30). Derrida has a different vision of the philosopher’s role in dealing with the trauma provoked by 9/11: “Though I am incapable of knowing who today deserves the name philosopher . . . I would be tempted to call philosophers those who, in the future, reflect in a responsible fashion on these [Borradori’s] questions and demand accountability from those in charge of public discourse, those responsible for the language and institutions of international law” (106). For Derrida, the responsibility of the philosopher is to find responsible ways to make sense out of tragedy, even if it means criticizing those very countries that have been victims of global terrorism. He could, that is, “condemn unconditionally . . . the attack of September 11 without having to ignore the real or alleged conditions that made it possible” (107).

     

    It is possible, I think, to take something from both Habermas’s and Derrida’s positions. Habermas is right to suggest that philosophers and intellectuals are not necessarily expert in all areas of war and conflict and should not act as “armchair strategists” (30). Derrida, in line with Borradori, offers important insights as well. To understand global terrorism requires that we understand its causes and effects. From economics to politics, from international law to human rights, philosophy provides a discourse that can help the world better understand and learn from global terrorism, its effects, and its causes. Ultimately, the dialogues in Philosophy in a Time of Terror reveal that the differences between Habermas and Derrida outweigh the similarities. Even so, readers have reason to find hope in the way Habermas and Derrida consider each other’s differences. And this, I think, speaks to one of the most significant messages in Philosophy in a Time of Terror. If Habermas and Derrida, rationalism and deconstruction, have found ways to communicate, to collaborate, then it is possible for others to do the same. It is up to us to begin and to sustain dialogue with those of whom we have tended to think without toleration.

     

     

  • Theory and the Democracy to Come

    R. John Williams

    Department of Comparative Literature
    University of California, Irvine
    rjwillia@uci.edu

     

    Review of: Jacques Derrida, Rogues: Two Essays on Reason. Trans. Pascale-Anne Brault and Michael Naas. Stanford: Stanford UP, 2001. Voyous: Deux essays sur la raison.Paris: Editions Galilée, 2003.

     

     

    Well, I’ve always regarded the link . . . I’ve never really perceived much of a link to tell you the truth.

     

    –Noam Chomsky

     

    In the quotation above, Noam Chomsky attempts to answer a question put to him by Jonathan Ree in an interview for Radical Magazine about the relation between his theoretical work in linguistics and his activist and anarchist work in politics. In this interview and elsewhere, Chomsky denies that there is such a link, even though some of his readers might find that disconnect unfortunate. “I would be very pleased,” Chomsky says in another interview, “to be able to discover intellectually convincing connections between my own anarchist convictions on the one hand and what I think I can demonstrate or at least begin to see about the nature of human intelligence on the other, but I simply can’t find intellectually satisfying connections between those two domains.”1 If, however, Chomsky rejects the possibility of those links, Jacques Derrida’s Rogues: Two Essays on Reason seems on the contrary to revel in making “intellectually satisfying connections” between the realms of epistemology and political philosophy.

     

    Certainly, it makes sense to understand Derrida in his recent work as directly engaged with issues of contemporary political philosophy, even as he has continued to revise and advance a theory of language and thought which he began to develop in the 1960s. The marketing description of Rogues, for example, advertises “unflinching and hard-hitting assessments of current democratic realities,” claiming that the essays “are highly engaged with the current political events of the post-9/11 world,” and Derrida’s publishers will no doubt continue to accentuate this ongoing political relevance. But if it seems to some readers that Derrida’s work has become more political in recent years, Derrida himself refuses to see this as something new. In the two essays on reason that make up Rogues, Derrida attempts self-consciously to revisit and revise his earlier projects, bringing out their political relevance. For instance, in a passage on paradoxical tensions within the idea of “democracy,” Derrida argues,

     

    there never was in the 1980s or 1990s, as has sometimes been claimed, a political turn or ethical turn in "deconstruction," at least not as I experience it. The thinking of the political has always been a thinking of différance and the thinking of différance always a thinking of the political, of the contour and limits of the political, especially around the enigma or the autoimmune double bind of the democratic. (39)

     

    Derrida characterizes his initial, meta-performative revision of structuralist linguistics (différance) in terms of its relation to the empirical and ontological limitations of democracy important to his recent work.

     

    The two masterfully translated essays collected in this volume were initially presented as lectures, one at Cerisy-la-Salle on 15 July 2002 and the other at the opening of the twenty-ninth Congrés de l’Association des Sociétés de Philosophie de Langue française [ASPLF] at the University of Nice, 27 August 2002. Mixing straightforward political commentary (on 9/11, the war on terrorism, human cloning, etc.) with discussions of political philosophy (in passages on Kant, Husserl, Heidegger, Nancy, and others), the essays in Rogues work together to deconstruct “democracy” as a mode of sovereignty.

     

    In his preface to the two lectures, Derrida quotes from La Fontaine’s fable “The Wolf and the Lamb,” in which a ravenous wolf accuses an innocent lamb of having muddied the wolf’s drinking water. The lamb protests, citing the persuasive evidence that the lamb is in fact 20 feet downstream from the wolf and therefore could not have muddied the wolf’s water. “You’re muddying it!” the wolf insists, “And I know that, last year, you spoke ill of me.” But the lamb protests again, “How could I do that? Why I’d not yet even come to be . . . at my dam’s teat I still nurse.” At every point of defense, the wolf seems to win out, and, in the end, “the Wolf dragged and ate his midday snack. So trial and judgment stood” (x). The moral of the fable comes, in a manner that seems characteristic of the exercise of sovereignty, at the beginning of La Fontaine’s version, before the narrative has unfolded (the decision before the evidence, the judgment before the trial): “The strong are always best at proving they’reright, / Witness the case we’re now going to cite.”

     

    Derrida’s preface to these two essays thus invokes an old and venerable tradition of thinking about the relation between force and law and, indeed, the priority of force over law, which “long preceded and long followed La Fontaine, along with Bodin, Hobbes, Grotius, Pascal, Rousseau, and so many others, a tradition that runs, say, from Plato to Carl Schmitt” (xi). But at the same time Derrida wonders, “What political narrative, in the same tradition, might today illustrate this fabulous morality? Does this morality teach us, as is often believed, that force ‘trumps’ law? Or else, something quite different, that the very concept of law, that juridical reason itself, includes a priori a possible recourse to constraint or coercion and, thus, to a certain violence?” (xi). Of course, following Derrida’s answers to these questions requires not only a close reading of these two essays, but also an understanding of much of his later work and especially of his last lectures and seminars on “The Beast and the Sovereign,” to which he refers several times in Rogues.[2]

     

    packed full of wolves from the four corners of the world, the seminar [on the Beast and the Sovereign] was in large part a lycology and a genelycology, a genealogical theory of the wolf (lycos), of all the figures of the wolf and the werewolf in the problematic of sovereignty. It just so happens that the word loup-garou in Rousseau's Confessions has sometimes been translated into English not as werewolf but as outlaw. We will see a bit later that the outlaw is a synonym often used by the American administration along with or in place of rogue in the expression "rogue state." (69)

     

    The first and longer essay in Rogues, “The Reason of the Strongest (Are There Rogue States?),” was presented at a conference entitled “The Democracy to Come (Around Jacques Derrida).” This phrase, “the democracy to come,” echoes throughout Rogues as a kind of refrain. “Democracy to come” comes to mean different, even contradictory things over the course of Derrida’s argument. “Democracy to come” suggests, on the one hand, a protest “against all naïveté and every political abuse, every rhetoric that would present as a present or existing democracy, as a de facto democracy, what remains inadequate to the democratic demand” (86), and on the other hand, something charged and pregnant on the horizon, an “event” with all of the political and sexual promise of what is “to come.” It signals, in other words, the political and the biological, “force without force, incalculable singularity and calculable equality, commensurability and incommensurability, heteronomy and autonomy, indivisible sovereignty and divisible or shared sovereignty, an empty name, a despairing messianicity or a messianicity in despair, and so on” (86).

     

    All of the binaries that Derrida balances in the notion of a “democracy to come” turn on the fulcrum of what he calls the paradox of “autoimmunity.” Autoimmunization, as any doctor could tell you, involves a condition in which the cell-mediated response of an immune system begins to act against the constituents of a body’s own tissues. That is, the body becomes confused, and supposes that it has somehow begun to be dangerous to itself, and so reacts accordingly. In a like manner, “democracy” seems to require a certain “auto-immunization” in order to survive, as when populations decide democratically to abolish democracy. Here Derrida points to the example of Algeria:

     

    The Algerian government and a large part, although not a majority, of the Algerian people (as well as people outside Algeria) thought that the electoral process under way would lead democratically to the end of democracy. They thus preferred to put an end to it themselves. They decided in a sovereign fashion to suspend, at least provisionally, democracy for its own good, so as to take care of it, so as to immunize it against a much worse and very likely assault. . . . There is something paradigmatic in this autoimmune suicide: fascist and Nazi totalitarians came into power or ascended to power through formally normal and formally democratic electoral processes. (33)

     

    Derrida also points to the example of the aftermath of 9/11 in the United States and elsewhere, where a phantom “war on terror” means, at least to some, that the United States “must restrict within its own country certain so-called democratic freedoms and the exercise of certain rights by, for example, increasing the powers of police investigations and interrogations, without anyone, any democrat, being really able to oppose such measures” (40). This is not to say that 9/11 created this situation, even if that event “media-theatricalized” the effects and preconditions of an autoimmunization already in progress (xiii).

     

    Still, as useful as the concept of “autoimmunization” is, the notion that “democracy” operates within a monopolizing code of “exceptions” is not new; in the seventh chapter of Rogues Derrida concedes as much: “Had I said or meant only that, wouldn’t I have been simply reproducing, even plagiarizing, the classical discourses of political philosophy?” (73). In fact, Derrida reminds us, Rousseau’s On the Social Contract argues that in its “strict” sense democracy is impossible: “Taking the term in the strict sense, a true democracy has never existed and never will” (73). So what, then, does Derrida contribute to the discourse of political philosophy?

     

    There are a number of important interventions in Rogues. In the first essay, Derrida asks: “can one and/or must one speak democratically of democracy?” (71). This question calls attention to the general epistemological predicament of explaining democracy (which Derrida has already shown to be an aporetic concept) so that “anyone” could understand it. It is a surprisingly simple question that points to the difficulty in achieving any kind of true democracy. As Derrida explains, to “speak democratically of democracy,” or to say that “anyone must be able to understand, in democracy, the univocal meaning of the word and the concept democracy” is to imply “that anybody or anyone can or may, or should be able to, or should have the right to, or ought to, and so on” (71). Significantly, the italicized portions of that last quotation were delivered in English, the rest of it in French, even as the previous paragraph is sprinkled with words in Greek and German. Not surprisingly, Derrida implies in the following paragraphs that it is not possible to speak democratically of democracy, for to do so, “it would be necessary, through some circular performativity and through the political violence of some enforcing rhetoric, some force of law, to impose a meaning on the word democratic and thus produce a consensus that one pretends, by fiction, to be established and accepted–or at the very least possible and necessary: on the horizon” (73).

     

    This refusal to allow for some fixed and stable speaking “democratically of democracy” may be what allows Derrida to posit “intellectually satisfying connections” between his theoretical and political work. By contrast, Chomsky, as I have mentioned, sees no problem with “speaking democratically of democracy” and so resists any effort to posit necessary links between a specialized theory and politics. In Language and Responsibility (1979), for example, Chomsky emphasizes the danger in attempting to find links between his writing in linguistics and politics:

     

    One must be careful not to give the impression, which in any event is false, that only intellectuals equipped with special training are capable of [social and political analysis]. In fact that is just what the intelligentsia would often like us to think: they pretend to be engaged in an esoteric enterprise, inaccessible to simple people. But that's nonsense. . . . The alleged complexity, depth, and obscurity of these questions is part of the illusion propagated by the system of ideological control, which aims to make the issues seem remote from the general population and to persuade them of their incapacity to organize their own affairs or to understand the social world in which they live without the tutelage of intermediaries. For that reason alone one should be careful not to link the analysis of social issues with scientific topics which, for their part, do require special training and techniques, and thus a special intellectual frame of reference before they can be seriously investigated. (3)

     

    Whereas Derrida’s poststructuralist stance uncovers problems in the very idea that “democracy” could as a concept be understood, Chomsky’s socialist libertarian work relies on the assumption that, given the correct information, people will arrive at the truth of a given political situation–a difference that helps to explain their distinct approaches to the matter of bridging theory and politics.

     

    If Derrida and Chomsky are coming from different places, the former nevertheless draws productively on the latter in Rogues. In what may be the most interesting chapter of the book, “(No) More Rogue States,” Derrida refers to Chomsky’s Rogue States: The Rule of Force in World Affairs in order to present the hypothesis that “if we have been speaking of rogue states for a relatively short time now, and in a recurrent way only since the so-called end of the so-called Cold War, the time is soon coming when we will no longer speak of them” (95). We will no longer speak of them because, in the first place, people have since 9/11 begun to take a more active and instrumental interest in the official discourse of “rogue states,” which means that it will be more and more difficult to speak of them other than in the self-contradictory terms of U.S. political discourse.

     

    [Chomsky's] Rogue States lays out an unimpeachable case, supported by extensive, overwhelming, although in general not widely publicized or utilized information, against American foreign policy. The crux of the argument, in a word, is that the most roguish of rogue states are those that circulate and make use of a concept like "rogue state," with the language, rhetoric, juridical discourse, and strategico-military consequences we all know. The first and most violent of rogue states are those that have ignored and continue to violate the very international law they claim to champion, the law in whose name they speak and in whose name they go to war against so-called rogue states each time their interests so dictate. The name of these states? The United States. (96)

     

    But if the United States seems the most roguish of rogue states, it is not the only one. All states, whether “democratic” or not, act according to the foundational logic of roguishness. Such is the fundamental clash between the demo– and the -cracy: “As soon as there is sovereignty, there is abuse of power and a rogue state” (102). There cannot be, in other words, a sovereign who is not also a rogue: “There are thus only rogue states. Potentially or actually. The state is voyou, a rogue, roguish. There are always (no) more rogue states than one thinks” (102). The parenthetical “no” is Derrida’s shorthand way of saying “when there are only rogues, then there are no more rogues” (103).

     

    Another reason why, in Derrida’s hypothesis, the phrase “rogue states” will eventually disappear is that the hyper-theatricalized media aftermath of 9/11 illustrated an already obvious truth: “after the Cold War, the absolute threat no longer took a state form” (104). 9/11 simply announced or amplified this fact:

     

    Such a situation rendered futile or ineffective all the rhetorical resources (not to mention military resources) spent on justifying the word war and the thesis that the "war against international terrorism" had to target particular states that give financial backing or logistical support or provide a safe haven for terrorism, states that, as is said in the United States, "sponsor" or "harbor" terrorists. All these efforts to identify "terrorist" states or rogue states are "rationalizations" aimed at denying not so much some absolute anxiety but the panic or terror before the fact that the absolute threat no longer comes from or is under the control of some state or some identifiable state form. (105-106)

     

    If, however, the phrase “rogue states” has fallen or will shortly fall into desuetude, “rogue” is by itself still very much with us. In fact, the Pentagon now describes those soldiers accused of torturing prisoners at Abu Ghraib as “rogue soldiers,” a move that demonstrates the depth of Derrida’s contention that “abuse of power is constitutive of sovereignty itself” (102).

     

    Another contribution made by Derrida’s Rogues occurs in the second lecture, at a moment when the aporetic aspect of democracy seems to have made political action all but impossible. What is one to do if democracy, in all its messy autoimmunity, must remain forever on the horizon, always only “to come”? What can we do while we wait for what is “to come”? In a complex, but strikingly lucid passage, Derrida attempts to answer these questions by referring to the question of “unconditionality.” Political philosophy has seemed fairly unanimous on the connection between unconditionality and sovereignty:

     

    This inseparability or this alliance between sovereignty and unconditionality appears forever irreducible. Its resistance appears absolute and any separation impossible: for isn't sovereignty, especially in its modern political forms, as understood by Bodin, Rousseau, or Schmitt, precisely unconditional, absolute, and especially, as a result, indivisible? Is it not exceptionally sovereign insofar as it retains the right to the exception? The right to decide on the exception and the right to suspend rights and law [le droit]]? (141)

     

    If sovereignty and unconditionality are inseparable, what would it mean to speak of their separation? Derrida argues that the “democracy to come” depends on our attempt to separate them: “It would be a question not only of separating this kind of sovereignty drive from the exigency for unconditionality as two symmetrically associated terms, but of questioning, critiquing, deconstructing, if you will, one in the name of the other” (143). That is to deconstruct sovereignty in the name of unconditionality. With this gesture, Derrida refers us again to some of his previous work:

     

    Among the figures of unconditionality without sovereignty I have had occasion to privilege in recent years, there would be, for example, that of an unconditional hospitality that exposes itself without limit to the coming of the other, beyond rights and laws, beyond a hospitality conditioned by the right to asylum, by the right of immigration, by citizenship, and even by the right to universal hospitality, which still remains, for Kant, for example, under the authority of a political or cosmopolitical law. Only an unconditional hospitality can give meaning and practical rationality to a concept of hospitality. . . . Another example would be the unconditionality of the gift or of forgiveness. I have tried to show elsewhere exactly where the unconditionality required by the purity of such concepts leads us. A gift without calculable exchange, a gift worthy of this name, would not even appear as such to the donor or donee without the risk of reconstituting, through phenomenality . . . , a circle of economic reappropriation that would just as soon annul its event. Similarly, forgiveness can be given to the other or come from the other only beyond calculation, beyond apologies, amnesia, or amnesty, beyond acquittal or prescription, even beyond any asking for forgiveness, and thus beyond any transformative repentance, which is most often the stipulated condition for forgiveness, at least in what is most predominant in the tradition of the Abrahamic religions. (149)

     

    Hospitality, the gift, forgiveness. These are difficult concepts, and it is difficult to imagine what forms they may take in our postmodern political sphere. But this invitation to imagine otherwise is necessary at a moment when the vulgar adhesive that joins unconditionality and sovereignty seems to be drying fast. Is Derrida’s complex mix of poststructural and political philosophy (presented within an “undemocratic” matrix of rhetorical play and discursive sophistication) more likely to split the atom of sovereign unconditionality than Noam Chomsky’s quasi-Cartesian attack on American exceptionalism? Fortunately, we need not answer that question absolutely, since both have something to offer; it is, however, important to keep asking.

     

    Notes

     

    1. Both interviews are featured in Achbar and Wintonick’s now-classic documentary “Manufacturing Consent–Noam Chomsky and the Media.” As recently as 2 November 2003, in an interview with the New York Times, Chomsky maintains that there is “virtually no connection” between his publications in linguistics and politics. Chomsky’s refusal to find a link between these domains has not prevented others from attempting to find it for him. See, for example, Salkie, chapter 9, “Connections.” The introduction to The Cambridge Companion to Noam Chomksy also contains a section on the unity of Chomsky’s theoretical and political thought.

     

    2. The brief summary of Derrida’s seminar that follows is based on my notes of his lectures at the University of California, Irvine, from 2002-2004.

     

    Works Cited

     

    • Achbar, Mark and Peter Wintonick. Manufacturing Consent–Noam Chomsky and the Media. Zeitgeist Films, 2003.
    • Chomsky, Noam. Language and Responsibility. New York: Pantheon, 1979.
    • —. Rogue States: The Rule of Force in World Affairs. Cambridge: South End, 2000.
    • Derrida, Jacques. “The Animal That Therefore I am (More to Follow).” Critical Inquiry. 28 (Winter 2002): 369-418.
    • Salkie, Raphael. The Chomsky Update: Linguistics and Politics. Boston: Unwin Hyman, 1990.

     

  • Fond Perdu

     

     

     

    Fond Perdu, 2004
    Collage. Acrylic on paper (29 x 44 cm).
    Gérard Titus-Carmel

     

     

  • Indirect Address: A Ghost Story

    Bob Perelman

    Department of English
    University of Pennsylvania
    perelman@english.upenn.edu

    [To Jacques Derrida]
     

    I was already iterable when I woke up this A. M.:
    I had begun to write to [you]

     

    in Philadelphia and am now in New York,
    dragging a motley pageant of tenses

     

    across the first sentence
    which is only just now finishing.

     

    The deadline for this piece
    on the occasion of [your] death

     

    had passed before I began
    and of course it is even later now,

     

    which iterates me more. Across the mirror
    it must be strict and still, I imagine:

     

    no iteration. But imagining
    means nothing when words

     

    have stopped moving.
    Direct address between the living

     

    and the dead is foolish, unless
    some gemütlich, unheimlich correspondence course

     

    has already been inaugurated,
    and has either of [us] signed up for that?

     

    Here, times and places still bleed into one another,
    New York, Philadelphia, yesterday, two days later,

     

    and we continue to cut ourselves.
    Courting coincidence, possibly. Myself, twice

     

    while making dinner, nicking one thumb
    (think empiricism meets formalism) and ten minutes later

     

    grating the knuckle of the other on the cheese grater
    (think pragmatism applied with brute disregard for local

     

    circumstance). One thing bleeding into another:
    can’t that be one of the pleasures

     

    of a settled art? Watercolor.
    But words, think: which is more

     

    to the point, “words bleed into one another,” or
    simply “words bleed”? Neither.

     

    They’re neither the neutral relays of a combinatory
    enjoyment, nor the carriers

     

    of a transcendently central
    materiality of language.

     

    “Words bleed,” that’s the feeling
    of unstanchable vulnerability

     

    that underlay modernism at its most Deco-baked-marmoreal.
    Here, where [you] have died, we remain in the midst

     

    of a long, stuttering song
    that no one now writing

     

    can’t not hear:
    it’s going strong, shattered into slogans

     

    each designed
    to carry the tune. Blood

     

    and boundaries: dull old tropes
    but still tripping up heels faster than ever.

     

    O, [you] who never
    seemed to like finishing a sentence

     

    when it was always possible
    to go on writing it, as if,

     

    within what might be made intelligible,
    it was always the height of noon,

     

    now for [you] the untraceable ink
    of an endless period

     

    has put a stop to the continuous
    present [you] inscribed

     

    onto just about every word.
    “I weep for Lycidas, he is dead” we say

     

    and life remains iterable.
    [You’re] not, however.

     

    So questions of address
    remain vexed, especially since

     

    the language I am writing from,
    flighty and false-bottomed as it is,

     

    makes a few inflexible and awkward demands.
    Here (American-English) there is no avoiding

     

    the overlap of the sound of a formal regard
    for appropriate distance–[you]–

     

    with a more intimate noise–[you].
    [You], sir, and [you], old mole,

     

    seem to be one and the same,
    at least if sounds sound like

     

    what they’re supposed to mean. Hence the brackets.
    Which makes for a certain double-jointedness.

     

    But doesn’t meaning only appear
    after address has been exchanged?

     

    And I have addressed [you.]
    [You] first appeared as a stage villain

     

    in “Movie” in Captive Audience
    –do I really have to tell [you] this?–

     

    where against Grant and Hepburn [you] played
    some shadowy figure with shadowy powers

     

    suggesting an end to their regal portrayals of spontaneity.
    In other words: there was a script,

     

    or more, a counter-script, which [you] had in your possession.
    At one point the poem

     

    suggested [you] and Hepburn
    had forged a certain intimacy

     

    but it was one of those ‘always already’ shots,
    where the audience doesn’t get to see anything

     

    except [your] arm handing her
    a towel in the bathtub.

     

    Next, [you] appeared in “The Marginalization of Poetry”
    in propria persona, as [yourself] so to speak,

     

    where I quoted Glas as an example of multi-margined writing:
    “One has to understand that he

     

    is not himself before being Medusa
    to himself. . . . To be oneself is

     

    to-be-Medusa’d . . . . Dead sure of self. . . .
    Self’s dead sure biting (death)” after which

     

    I shrugged and winked:
    “Whatever this might mean, and it’s possibly

     

    aggrandizingly post-feminist, man swallowing woman,”
    and then issued a vague compliment:

     

    “nevertheless in its complication of identity it
    seems a step toward a more

     

    communal and critical reading and writing
    and thus useful.” Useful:

     

    that’s one of those
    canapes that taste of nothing

     

    but institutional compromise.
    Words are usable things

     

    but it doesn’t go the other way:
    things aren’t words. I can quote “Lycidas”

     

    but not the tormented street tree out front.
    “Poems are made by fools like me,”

     

    the man wrote, “but only God can quote
    a tree.” When [you] live by the book

     

    [you] tote it around, die by it,
    and by the book is how [you] continue.

     

    That’s the same in poetry and philosophy.
    But, still, the notion of two activities forming

     

    the basis for a critical community is,
    as [you] might say, utopian.

     

    (We might say imaginary.) Poet
    and philosopher at times have issued

     

    cordial invitations for the other
    to come over and discuss the pressing

     

    common concerns, but there hasn’t been
    much pressure to actually visit.

     

    I continued, “Glas is still, in
    its treatment of the philosophical tradition,

     

    decorous; it is marginalia, and the
    master page of Hegel is still

     

    Hegel, and Genet is Hegel too.”
    The names don’t go away

     

    when the eyes close. Neither do
    the already crowded screens of younger readers

     

    at least as long as the arrow of time
    keeps pointing in the same direction.

     

    And all attempts at instruction will,
    somewhere along the line, find the instructors

     

    in the discombobulated position of gesturing toward
    some ideological Rube Goldberg ruin, folly, pratfall.

     

    The poem. The concept.
    But let’s not let parallelism set precedents.

     

    On the other hand, note
    how the upcoming line break, although

     

    philosophically insignificant (and semantically insignificant,
    it must be said), is poetically

     

    still up for grabs. We poets
    (it must be written) really don’t know,

     

    are prohibited (structurally) from knowing
    what we write before it’s written, and,

     

    in a back-eddying double-whammy,
    can’t really forget what’s come before

     

    the most recent word.
    In that we model both the alert insouciance

     

    of the newborn (with its millennia of entailments,
    but still in-fant, unspeaking) and

     

    the fully aged fluent inhabitant
    of language flowing

     

    around a life, offering infinite comprehension
    all the way out to the sedgy banks

     

    with fields of goldenrod beyond them
    but not the algorithm that would allow for

     

    moment by moment access to the whole story
    which we never get to hold with frankly human concern

     

    but have to address via the nerved scrimmage
    of writing. Skin’s mostly healed, but mind persists

     

    in changing. Before, I’d figured [you] as some
    jauntily allegorized emblem of

     

    unknowableness and now [you] are
    playing that part more unerringly than ever.

     

     

  • Full Dorsal: Derrida’s Politics of Friendship

    David Wills

    English Department and Department of Languages, Literatures, and Cultures
    University at Albany, State University of New York
    DWills@uamail.albany.edu

     

    . . . and after the telephone call, I will turn my back on you to sleep, as usual, and you will curl up against me, giving me your hand, you will envelop me.

     

    Jacques Derrida, The Post Card

     

    The first version of this essay was written for a conference on Derrida’s Politics of Friendship sponsored by SUNY-Stony Brook in New York in November 2002. As fate would have it, that was the last occasion I saw Jacques Derrida before he fell ill, watching him back away down 6th Avenue, slightly bowing as he stretched out his arm to wave in his very personal and personable manner, as if he never wanted to be the first to turn and walk away. I could not have known then what sort of definitive “back” he would have turned towards us by the time my words found their way into print, even though the fact of mortality is readable in everything he wrote, and especially in Politics of Friendship. What I did know, and what enlivens the memory of him in the wake of his death, was the experience of a friendship in practice, upright and supportive from start to finish. This is dedicated to that memory.

     

    What sense could one give to the idea of a friendship against nature? We can imagine friendships that might be deemed unworthy of the name because something in them betrays the very positivity we ascribe to amity: the friendship of rogues, an unholy alliance, or a friendship of convenience. We could also imagine a friendship that demeans for one reason or another, or a friendship that is excessive according to this or that norm or expectation, and so is considered reprehensible. We could even imagine what some might consider an unhealthy relation between human and animal (he spends all his time with his dog), or human and machine (she spends all her time with her car), and although in the latter case we might be getting closer to what I am trying to have us imagine, it would still be a matter of the various moral rights of inspection by which what is supposed proper to friendship is controlled and determined. What I am asking us to imagine is instead a friendship that would be unnatural in its very conception, a concept of friendship that did not suppose it to issue from a beating heart, or some seat of emotion. In short a friendship artificially conceived or produced, what we might call a prosthetic friendship.

     

    Supposedly no such thing exists. Its possibility is certainly not entertained by the various philosophical discourses on friendship that are the objects of Derrida’s analysis in Politics of Friendship. Friendship, it seems, is systematically an affair of the natural and of the living. An unnatural friendship could only be conceived of as an immoral friendship, an uneconomical or wasteful one, but which in no way impugns the vital originary force of its pathos, its pneumaticity. However, as soon as friendship becomes a matter of politics, something it appears always already to be in its philosophical conception and therefore something that the conceit and title, not to mention the analyses, of Derrida’s book point to, then everything is otherwise. Indeed, it could be argued that it is precisely an unnatural friendship that Derrida promotes once he evokes “a deconstruction of the genealogical schema . . . . to think and live a politics, a friendship, a justice which begin by breaking with their naturalness or their homogeneity, with their alleged place of origin” (Politics 105).1 The deconstruction and originary rupture he has in mind in that context have to do with the thinking and implementation of another politics or democracy, and not with my idea of deconstituting a concept of friendship that is limited to the living, but clearly a friendship that is also a politics has in some way been impersonalized if not depersonalized. It has gone public or become something like a business relationship in a way that exceeds or acts in competition with what we naïvely understand friendship to be. Perhaps, in fact, the very question of friendship is a problematics of the relation between public and private space, that whereas amorous and familial relations are conceived of as private, and economic and political as public, friendship functions across the border separating private from public. What I am suggesting in any case is that a friendship that is always already “corrupted” by, say, a politics that is presumed to function outside of it, also raises the question of its supposed originary naturality. If friendship partakes of politics, would not the naturality that founds it also be seen to enter into a relation with some form of unnaturality?

     

    Let me add another set of questions. What would such an unnatural friendship look like? What does any friendship look like? What is its phenomenological representativity, or appresentativity? How do we know that such a thing exists, and what would the sense of it be, outside of its performance: outside of a frequentation (seeing two people, say, corresponding or keeping company), or outside of an exchange (of embraces, of gestures, of tokens, and so on)? Not that a secret friendship isn’t possible, but we would have to presume its very secrecy to be a function of its performativity. That is to say, the very effects of its secrecy would have to be negotiated in view of the fact that most friends show signs of affection; one could keep a friendship private only by scrupulously avoiding the public, one could keep it secret only by scrupulously declining to show the signs of it, by performing the non-performance of the signs of friendship, which is not the same as not performing the signs of friendship in the way that non-friends do. Furthermore, how would a phenomenology of friendship be distinguished from or opposed to that of something called love or passion? Is there a figure for friendship analogous to, but distinguishable from, what exists in a relation of passion, analogous to but distinguishable from the act of love, lovemaking, the carnal embrace? Or is it rather that friendship acts like a “preliminary” subset of the carnal, with looks, smiles, touching, embraces, and so on, but stopping before it gets to certain types of kiss and all the rest? If the carnal includes all the signs of friendship (and much more), then does friendship–at least to look at, the way we see it–have any specificity other than that of a domesticated or controlled carnality?

     

    If Politics of Friendship inscribes an originary heterogeneity in friendship in order to argue for a different genealogizing of it, and so of politics; if, in terms of its argument, friendship needs to be otherwise politicized, and politics otherwise structured in terms of amity, then Derrida’s book similarly raises questions concerning the rigorous purity of the distinction between friendship and love or friendship and the madness of passion. While raising those questions, Derrida to a great extent respects the tradition of the distinction; to do otherwise, he writes, would involve an impossible analytical project (“it would take another book” [221]). But his whole analysis comes and goes between the two, via an extraordinarily complex configuration, as I hope to show. One is left, in a sense, twisting and turning between love and friendship, as between philía and eros, and it is difficult to know, in the final analysis, what it all adds up to beyond the turning itself, beyond the torsion of a tropic catastrophe through which one continues to hear the disembodied voices of Diogenes, Laertius, Aristotle, Cicero, Montaigne, Nietzsche, Blanchot, and others, repeating something while no longer knowing where they first heard it.

     

    So if I were to go quickly towards the vantage point I want to work from, I would contend that friendship presumes the figure of an inter-view, a reciprocal perception, a face to face symmetry whose inimical converse would be the back to back that initiates a duel; and that within the same figural terms, a repoliticized friendship, perhaps distinguishable from love but only problematically so, would look like a dissymmetrical something, back to front, dorsal rather than frontal. And yet it would only be from the perspective of such a dorsality that a politics of and for the technological age as we experience it could begin to develop.2 Such a politics, a posthumanist politics as it were, would seem, after all, to be the very wager of Politics of Friendship.

     

    It is thus a certain figurality–a word I will distinguish from “positionality”–of love and friendship, sex and politics, that I want to entertain in what follows. Roland Barthes described his fragments of a lover’s discourse as choreographic figures, “to be understood, not in [their] rhetorical sense, but rather in [their] gymnastic or choreographic acceptation . . . . the body’s gesture caught in action” (1-2). I will argue that, short of a thesis, there is a type of choreography to be drawn out of the relations between politics and friendship in Derrida’s discussion, a series of turns that articulate a complicated figural or figurative set of gestures. It is as if, in looking at friendship as it articulates with politics, we see certain corporeal gestures or movements; as if there were complicated turns of amicable discourse deriving as much from friendship’s relation to the political as from its relation to the carnal, turns that imply and implicate, therefore, both a rhetoric and an erotics. What follows will play across the love/friendship distinction in pointing towards a figure, or set of figures common to both and yet without being in any way inimical to the lines of argument that are developed and the distinctions that are drawn in Politics of Friendship. This will involve a torsion of those arguments, a turning or détournement, something of a diverting of them, yet still within the context of a re-con-figuration, a particular rearrangement and perspectival shift.

     

    Turning is explicit from the beginning of Politics of Friendship; one of its major chapters is entitled “Recoils,”3 and by the end, with Blanchot’s formulation of a friendship of abandon(ment) through death (301-2), the choreographic sense of it has been developed far enough to suggest that friendship involves turning one’s back. Thus if there is to be a figure for distinguishing friend from enemy, beyond or this side of Schmitt’s reliance for that on the constant possibility of war (cf. Politics 130), it will be the gesture of turning one’s back, a politics of friendship as dorsality. It would be a choreographic instance that looks neither like a breaking-off of negotiations–walking away from talking, the end of diplomacy that for Schmitt doesn’t exist since it gets continued by means of war–nor like turning the other cheek, which can occur only after friendship has foundered on an initial act of violence. And if I am still insisting on a visual version or phenomenality of that gesture, it would be because it takes place only once friendship has broken out of the circuit of the sentimental, out of the self-enclosure of its privacy, become political and–this is my insistence–become technological. Such a turning of the back would be the figure for a particular fiduciary relation in the world, the trust that it implies, its presumption of non-enmity, something functioning beyond an economics of appropriation, within the aneconomics and analogic of the “perhaps” that is the opening to a hospitality of radical otherness promoted by Derrida throughout his discussion.

     

    In order to configure the question of friendship as a hypothesis about turning one’s back, about “facing” back to front, where “hypothesis” is itself understood in the similarly choreographic sense of a turning towards a positionality, we will need to work through the complicated rhetorico-philosophico-political formulations, and compounding abyssal enfoldings and reversals of Politics of Friendship. For, as Derrida makes explicit in the first of the many parenthetical insertions within his text that will ultimately become the focus of my reading, in “striving to speak . . . in the logic of [Aristotle] . . . doing everything that seems possible to respect the conceptual veins of his argumentation,” one finds oneself changing the tone and embarking upon “some slow, discreet or secret drift” that is undecidably “conceptual, logical or properly philosophical” rather than “psychological, rhetorical or poetic” (13).

     

    A first set of rhetorico-conceptual junctures in Politics of Friendship may be identified simply as turns, beginning with the pivotal role given to that epigraph of doubtful origin–“O my friends, there is no friend”–and with the epigraph itself. The reader is led through versions the motto borrows in context after context and from the pen of writer after writer. As Derrida emphasizes, this maxim by means of which friendship is analyzed is a trope (a rhetorical “detour”) that is itself a turning. “O my friends” constitutes an example of the figure called “apostrophe,” that singular form of address that involves, as explained in the preface to The Post Card, “a live interpellation (the man of discourse or writing interrupts the continuous development of the sequence, abruptly turns toward someone, that is, something, addresses himself to you)” (4); or, as repeated here: “this impulse by means of which I turn towards the singularity of the other, towards you, the irreplaceable one” (5, emphases added).4

     

    However, “O my friends, there is no friend” in turn turns within itself. It has the form of a chiasmus, whose two parts intersect by means of a reverse impulse. The end of the saying comes around and back to meet its middle, creating an imperfect symmetry, such that it could be rewritten “O my friends, friend there is none.” But this chiasmic structure, that of a folding back, gets compounded once Derrida draws attention to the alternative version of the expression, where the initial omega of the Greek “original” is accented to shift from the simple vocative interjection of an address to “my friends,” to a dative. “O my friends” thus becomes something like “he for whom there are (many) friends,” and the full sentence shifts to mean “he who has (many) friends can have no true friend.” Derrida nicknames the latter version the repli (209), translated as “recoil,” which is one of its senses, but which loses the nuance that matters to me here, that of a folding back or turning in upon itself. “Recoil” does, however, suggest the somewhat vertiginous series of twists (Derrida will later call it a “zigzag” [221]) along which the motto is deployed throughout the 200-odd pages of analysis.

     

    To summarize: a trope (rhetorical turn) that is an apostrophe (turn to a single addressee) borrows the form of a chiasmus (a syntagm that turns back on itself) whose exact version (L. vertere, “to turn“) is uncertain, potentially diverting or turning its sense, or at least creating a further turn or chiasmus (Derrida’s word, 213) between its two forms. But what is all the more telling about the attention given to the alternate rendition and reading of the “O my friends” maxim is, it seems to me, the reflective and almost cautious manner in which Derrida introduces it, the explicit reference he makes to the rhetorical ploy or gesture that he is thereby advancing. I am referring simply, for the moment, to the fact of that reflection and caution–I will later return to examine their substance–and to the gestures of rhetorical, exegetical, and scriptural intervention that they represent as yet another turn in the abyssal layerings that striate through the book. I mean that above and beyond his “discovering” another version of the maxim, or his reading of that version, Derrida pays particular metadiscursive attention to the means by which his reading is being deployed. More on that shortly.

     

    A second set of gestures in or movements of Derrida’s text may be characterized as reversals. However difficult it may be to conceive of a pure linear movement, we nevertheless understand a turn to be by definition disjunctive, a shift away from the straightforward, and the chiasmus of “O my friends, there is no friend” reinforces that. Derrida begins chapter one of Politics of Friendship by emphasizing the contretemps of the “two disjoined members of the same unique sentence” (1). Such a contretemps works against any reciprocality that the figure of the chiasmus seems to imply. In spite of producing a type of symmetry, necessarily imperfect except in the case of a palindrome, and in any case given the two opposing directional movements, the chiasmus involves a disjunctive force that allows, potentially at least, for substitution and reversal. The folded back second half of the syntagm sets itself up in competition with the first half, overlaying what precedes and effectively having the last word. Indeed, substitute and reverse is precisely what the maxim does, the “no friend” of the second part substituting for and reversing the “my friends” of the beginning.

     

    More such reversals are to come. Aristotle, we read, breaks with the reciprocality of friendship, its two-way traffic (“the reciprocalist or mutualist schema of requited friendship” [10]) to argue for a preference of loving over being loved (or liked). Since one can be loved without knowing it, and since in general terms it is better to be the active party, preference is given to the one doing the loving, and this makes for what Derrida calls “the necessary unilaterality of a dissymmetrical phileîn” (23-24). Now while that perhaps says more about Aristotle’s conceptions of activity and passivity than about friendship (“Being-loved certainly speaks to something of philía, but . . . . It says nothing of friendship itself” [8]), it nevertheless describes a friendship, “friendship itself,” true friendship, that would have to contend with two equally perplexing alternatives: the seeming impossibility of two active parties without any object for that activity, two parties loving each other without being loved one by the other; or a friendship that remains one-sided or lopsided, where only the active party is defined as a friend. Indeed, still following Aristotle, a true friendship would be one that was lopsided to the extent of preferring love for the dead or departed. The activity of friendship that makes true friendship, dependent as it is on the breath of a living, active soul, is, at the outside (an outside that becomes its innermost possibility), dependent upon death and mourning: “Friendship for the deceased thus carries this philía to the limit of its possibility. But at the same time, it uncovers the ultimate motive of this possibility. . . . I could not love friendship without engaging myself, without feeling myself in advance engaged to love the other beyond death. Therefore, beyond life” (12). It therefore looks as though the Aristotelian logic has reversed the supposed reciprocality of friendship to make it unilateral or unidirectional, and substituted a dead object for its living one.

     

    Nietzsche, in typical fashion, gives his own series of twists to the question. The first is that of volume one of Human All Too Human, where, as a riposte to the dying sage’s “Friends, there are no friends!” the living fool retorts “Foes, there are no foes!” (148-49, 274). For Derrida, the reversal constituted by this inversion or conversion, a simple substitution of the foe for the friend, “would perhaps leave things unaltered” (175). Another version, that of the “good friendship” described in the Assorted Opinions and Maxims, involves instead a more complicated “rupture in reciprocity or equality, as well as the interruption of all fusion or confusion between you and me” (62). But when Nietzsche writes in honor of friendship in The Gay Science, it is by means of a fable of a Macedonian king and an Athenian philosopher and is articulated through the logic of the gift, with all the disproportion or impossibility of any equilibrium of giving and receiving that that implies (72). Derrida refers to such a rupture as “a new twist, at once both gentle and violent,” one that “calls friendship back to non-reciprocity, to dissymmetry or to disproportion” (63) and whose stakes are high, for it leads him directly into the heart of the aporetic “madness” of the chance of friendship, as of decision, justice and democracy.

     

    Once again, as it were beyond the reversals uncovered in the maxim, or in Aristotle or Nietzsche, Derrida enacts something of a reversal of his own with respect to the disjunctions or dissymmetries at work in the elaborations of friendship he is analyzing. And this takes place precisely with respect to the distinction between friendship and love, along the faultline separating philía from eros (to the extent that one can presume that to be the distinction between friendship and love, to the extent that love can be conceived of as non-erotic) in any case, in the trembling of those differences. As we have just seen, he underlines what, in certain cases at least, appears undeniably as the disjunctivity and dissymmetricality of friendship. But then, in the context of his analysis of the other possible version of Aristotle’s or Diogenes’s maxim, he calls upon that very disproportionality to distinguish love from friendship:

     

    The request or offer, the promise or the prayer of an 'I love you', must remain unilateral and dissymmetrical. Whether or not the other answers, in one way or another, no mutuality, no harmony, no agreement can or must reduce the infinite disproportion. . . . Here, perhaps, only here, could a principle of difference be found--indeed an incompatibility between love and friendship . . . supposing such a difference could ever manifest itself in its rigorous purity. . . . Simply put, friendship would suppose . . . the phenomenon of an appeased symmetry, equality, reciprocity between two infinite disproportions as well as between two absolute singularities; love, on the other hand, would raise or rend the veil of this phenomenon . . . to uncover the disproportion and dissymmetry as such. . . . when one names the friend or enemy, a reciprocity is supposed, even if it does not efface the infinite distance and dissymmetry. As soon as one speaks of love, the situation is no longer the same. (220-21, translation modified; Politiques 248-49)

     

    The logic here is complicated, and sets up a reverberating reversal between two sides of an opposition that functions as if in permanent imbalance, like some spinning machine that causes the whole apparatus to wobble. Love is unilateral whereas friendship is less radically dissymmetrical. Friendship presents a reciprocity where two infinite disproportions have made peace (une réciprocité apaisée), whereas, for its part, love rends the very veil of dissymmetry. But this difference, or indeed incompatibility between love and friendship, is itself “appeased” inasmuch as the rigorous purity of the difference between the two cannot be presumed. It is as if between love and friendship there were either a relation of love (disproportion or incompatibility) or of friendship (appeased reciprocity), and so on into the abyss, for each of the terms subdivides within itself ad infinitum.

     

    But Derrida’s reversal here is radical in another way. If love is to be distinguished from friendship, he maintains that it will be in terms of the question of reciprocity. As a result, “I love you” is spoken into a type of void, performed as a promise or prayer to which one cannot expect an answer. We might therefore imagine it turned around to the extent of being uttered from behind, so that even were one to proffer a response, even a symmetrical “I love you (too),” it would also be spoken into a type of emptiness in front of one. Derrida seems to suggest that it is only by means of the disproportionality of love that friendship can be taken out of a Schmittian schema of amity and enmity and liberated from that version of the political; only by that means can one gesture toward a different politics, one of promise. But, if my analysis of his logic is correct, this will mean preserving and at the same time breaking down the distinction between friendship and love, dragging friendship, as it were kicking and screaming, across an abyssal incompatibility that is perhaps not rigorously pure, and into the dissymetricality of love. I doubt one could successfully choreograph such a rhetorical pirouette without having it teeter like an imbalanced spinning top, and fall. But any attempt to do so, and any movement toward a new politics informed by either love or friendship or both, would necessarily involve, like a fleeting glimpse or a languid caress, a relation of front to back. There at least one could begin to see friendship and wait for love in terms of a dissymmetry that did not for all that fall into an impossible contortion.

     

    A twist or turn, even a torsion, without for all that being an impossible contortion. That would be the risk and wager of a politics of friendship that reckons with the dorsal. So it is also with the practice of deconstruction. We will have spent our professional lives trying to account for the difficult protocols of intervention within textual form and substance undertaken by such a reading practice, trying to determine what particular twists Derrida gives to the texts he is examining, how and to what extent he either identifies or “causes” the effects of stress on the basis of which the text says, is heard, let, or made to say more than it wants to. Since the exorbitance of the methodological question raised with respect to the analysis of Rousseau in Of Grammatology we have had those questions before us. This essay has, up to this point, operated on the basis of certain presumptive answers to those questions, purporting to distinguish between turns or reversals that can be identified as relying on the rhetorical gestures of here an Aristotle, there a Nietzsche, there a Derrida.

     

    However, there appears to be a surplus of methodologically reflective moments in Politics of Friendship, and a multiplication of forms borrowed by such moments in the text. Most obvious, even if only typographically–no small thing, however–are the multiple parentheses, emblematic of a variety of interruptions, glosses and diversions, interventions that can only be described, in the context of this discussion, and of the book, as “apostrophic.” I am referring here only to those parentheses that are set apart in the text as separate paragraphs, there where the normal flow of the text is interrupted by a smaller or larger section that appears within parentheses. There are also any number of parentheses doing what one might suppose to be normal duty within the text, adding short clarifications with minimal disruption to the reader. At one point, following a slew of those putatively minor or everyday parenthetical insertions, Derrida writes, “And let’s not talk about the parentheses, their violence as much as their untranslatability” (221, translation modified). Given that reference to violence and untranslatability, and since, in the final analysis, the everyday parentheses differ only in size and not in kind from the larger inserted paragraphs or sets of paragraphs, we would have to remark the structural violence of any parenthetical insertion as a preface to what I am about to develop.

     

    The larger, “apostrophic” parentheses begin in the Foreword with a polylogue of four discursive units (x), and continue throughout the text, ranging in length from a single line (70) to twelve pages (in the French) (Politiques 178-88) or more (I’ll come back to that “or more” in a moment). I counted twenty-six of them. Two of them use (square) brackets rather than (round) parentheses, and one of those says as much, although it imputes them, syntactically at least, to Montaigne, something that gets lost in translation.5 Their content varies enormously and it is difficult to determine the precise logic that justifies them. Sometimes they constitute digressions that are perhaps too long for a footnote, but that has never been an objection for Derrida in the past. Sometimes they are reminders of previous points in the discussion, sometimes openings to other questions. Some of them, uncannily, deal with the question of the female friend or the sister to whose exclusion or marginalization from philosophical discussions of friendship the book explicitly wants to draw attention.

     

    Still others, and these are the ones that interest me most, fall into the category of “questions of method” à la Grammatology. Thus there is the reference to the “respect” for Aristotle that nevertheless involves “some slow, discreet or secret drift” (13) that I quoted earlier. In the following chapter there appears a similar admission of a complicated logic of fidelity to Nietzsche: “(Of course, we must quickly inform the reader that we will not follow Nietzsche here. Not in any simple manner. We will not follow him in order to follow him come what may” (33). At a particularly apostrophic moment in Chapter 3, Derrida declares “that is all I wanted to tell you, my friend the reader” (70). And, much later, he inserts a perhaps unnecessary reminder that “we have not privileged the great discourses on friendship so as to submit to their authority . . . but, on the contrary, as it were, to question the process and the logic of a canonization . . . . paying attention to what they say and what they do. This is what we wish to do and say” (229, emphasis added). Such meta-discursive glosses, however, do not always appear within parentheses, that is to say as interventions circumscribed by a pair of conventional, round diacritical marks. Indeed, not only is there extensive explanation of the methodological protocols in play throughout the analysis of the repli version of “O my friends,” but one needs to ask whether, following Derrida, one could ever hope to distinguish rigorously between the constative and performative elements of any commentary–indeed any text–distinguishing what it says in general, and what it says about what it is doing in particular, from what it does. As we just read, Derrida does or says both (what he says and what he does) in the same breath.

     

    Or in a slightly different breath. The matter of the two versions of the “O my friends” maxim turns precisely on the question of breathing, of aspiration, and of the diacritical textual intervention–a subscript iota–that would mark the same in the Greek: “it all comes down to less than a letter, to the difference of breathing” (209). On the basis of the way a single omega is written, with or without the subscript iota denoting an aspirate, a whole philosophical tradition can be reassessed, including, one has to presume, its distinction between constativity and performativity. On the basis of what Derrida earlier calls “a philological sidetracking” (177)–in French un mauvais aiguillage philologique (Politiques 201), bad directions, bad shunting, bad philological flight control, an inattentive switch from one track or corridor to another–there is potential accident and catastrophe. But we have to understand that almost imperceptible difference as also a formidable chance, the chance of a whole other text, a whole other reading, and a whole other tradition for the questions, for friendship and politics. By the time Politics of Friendship gets to it, therefore, it is difficult to tell who is taking credit for it, and that can perhaps no longer be the question:

     

    The time has perhaps come to decide the issue [trancher]. . . . a tiny philological coup de théâtre cannot prevail in the venerable tradition which, from Montaigne to Nietzsche and beyond, from Kant to Blanchot and beyond, will have bestowed so many guarantees on the bias of a copyist or a rushed reader by, without knowing it, staking a bet on a tempting, so very tempting, reading, but an erroneous one, and probably a mistaken one. Luckily for us, no orthographic restoration or archival orthodoxy will ever damage this other, henceforth sedimented archive, this treasure trove of enticed and enticing texts which will always give us more food for thought than the guard-rails to whose policing one would wish to submit them. No philological fundamentalism will ever efface the incredible fortune of a brilliant invention. For there is here, without doubt, a staggering artifact, the casualness of an exegetical move as hazardous as it is generous--indeed, abyssal--in its very generativity. Of how many great texts would we have been deprived had someone (but who, in fact?) not one day taken, and perhaps, like a great card player, deliberately feigned to take, one omega for another? Not even one accent for another, barely one letter for another, only a soft spirit [esprit, breath, aspirate] for a hard one--and the omission of the subscript iota. (207-208; Politiques 234)

     

    If I have quoted this paragraph almost in its entirety, it is because, if space permitted, I would dearly love, passionately, in and beyond friendship, to compare it with those famous pages on Rousseau from Of Grammatology (157-60), to see how far deconstructive reading practice had or had not evolved over the preceding thirty years of its history, and to assess the current rapport de forces between “philological fundamentalism” and “invention.” But that will have to keep. Suffice to emphasize here that the glosses that punctuate or apostrophize the analysis of the version de repli–“where are we heading?” (214), “does one have the right to read like this?” (216), “it is . . . [the temptation] of the book you are reading” (218), “our objective was not to start down this path” (220)–have to be considered to be as much a part of the analysis as the rest. Perhaps they are the very constative part of it, to the extent that they deal with the question of analysis as analysis, and perhaps an analysis that does not deal with its own status, that simply presumes to be able to (con)state, reduces to a pure performative. In any case, those glosses, along with the abyssal twists, torsions and openings, that go all the way from an almost inaudible “i” to lengthy parenthetical excursus, inhabit finally the same structural space of possibility, the same rhetorico-political space as the “risk,” chance or wager of the “perhaps” and more properly philosophical questions–event, aimance–around which Derrida’s text turns. All such questions derive from minute but uncontrollable textual ruptures, intersecting apostrophically with the secrets or silences of philological chance or accident, with the brilliant inventions of an insignificant stroke of the pen, the slight torsion or curvature of a line that produces or introduces the beginning of a parenthesis of untold promise.

     

    The “perhaps,” for example, emerges from Nietzsche’s Human All Too Human and is first developed in the second chapter, whose title (“Loving in Friendship: Perhaps–the Noun and the Adverb” [26]) suggests that it again opens a faultline between love and friendship. It is presented from the beginning as something to which we must be particularly sensorially attentive: “Let us prick up our ears [Tendons l’oreille] . . . towards this perhaps, even if it prevents us from hearing the rest” (28; Politiques 45). The “perhaps” is then described as an “unheard-of [inouïe], totally new experience” (29; Politiques 46), where the adjective inouïe refers, in its literal sense, even more directly than does the English “unheard-of” to the impossibility of being perceived by the organ of hearing. Finally its operation is said to depend on its “hold[ing] its breath” in order to “allow what is to come to appear or come” (29), making the perhaps perhaps comparable to a quasi-inaudible aspirate. At the least we could say that it relates to what is on the edge or outside of earshot and of vision (“prick up our ears . . . allow what is to come to appear”). Now if we were to try to figure or configure that according to our choreographic principle, we would have to imagine its occurring by means of a friendship or love relation that was other than the simple face to face, yet not so fractured as not to constitute a relation. It would be a function of friendship or love that operated in or across a type of sensorial peripherality, something that could occur once ears and eyes were required to deal with what was taking place outside of their normal frontal hemispheric field, once they had to deal with what comes from behind, required to see, listen to, indeed feel–like uneven breathing on the nape of the neck–what is dorsal.

     

    It would be quite a turnabout. For not only does the perhaps interrupt and disjoin “a certain necessity of order,” but “this suspension, the imminence of an interruption, can be called the other, the revolution, or chaos; it is, in any case, the risk of an instability” (29). The perhaps, to say the least, turns things around, and perhaps changes everything. It is said here to occur to Nietzsche “in the upheaval of a reversing catastrophe” (30), and is later referred to as a “catastrophic inversion” and “reversing apostrophe” (50). The word translated as “reversing” in both cases just mentioned is renversante (Politiques 48, 69), suggesting in the first place a radical overturning, but including overtones of disorientation, change in direction, backwards movement (for example, in the expression tête renversée, head bent back as in ecstasy, or écriture renversé, writing that slopes backward). For Derrida also says explicitly that he is talking about “something other than a reversal [renversement]” (31; Politiques 49).

     

    Perhaps then, a catastrophe that is also a chance, an apostrophe that overturns without for all that simply reversing. Both “catastrophe” and “apostrophe” should be heard in more than one sense: a climax or cataclysm but also a change in poetic rhythm or stress, an interruption in favor of a single addressee but also an ellipsis. Some minimal thing that changes everything in the context of a philosophical discussion of love and friendship marked by persistent parenthetical attention to its methodological principles, that would seem to be what we are looking for as we read Politics of Friendship. On the basis of that, let me try, if not to draw a conclusion, to draw something in conclusion.

     

    As I previously made clear, apostrophe as discursive interruption and readdress is a conceit of “Envois” in The Post Card, playing as that text does across the face-off between a singular private loved one [toi] and just any reader [vous]. But apostrophe as punctuation that represents a textual omission also functions in “Envois” by means of the blank spaces in the text whereby, one might suppose, the most intimate pieces of the correspondence, the most apostrophic apostrophes remain undisclosed, excised, censored. As a result of that, perhaps, there is a parenthesis in “Envois,” about which I have written at length elsewhere, that opens but never closes.6 But the possibility of the text’s being irremediably or irredeemably opened already exists as soon as there is apostrophe, or any punctuation whatsoever. Indeed, any mark whatsoever, any barely inaudible breathing effect whatsoever. The principles of iterability, detachability, and substitution which determine that fact are explicitly repeated, in formulations echoing very closely those of “Signature Event Context,” within the analysis of the version de repli discussed above: “every mark has a force of detachment which not only can free it from such and such a determined context, but ensures even its principle of intelligibility and its mark structure–that is, its iterability (repetition and alteration)” (216). And, as develops a couple of pages further along (219), iterability also means undecidability, the motor and fulcrum of Derrida’s ethics and politics.7 So this is no ordinary or simple nexus. Everything hinges on it.

     

    One reason I have kept on reading Jacques Derrida’s writing since 1980 is in the hope of finding an end to the parenthesis he opens in The Post Card. And I would like to think that the reason he has kept on writing has been because he has been looking for just the right place to bring it to a close. So I was heartened to see the multiplication of parentheses in Politics of Friendship and I searched carefully for an amicable end to the violence of that moment from The Post Card. I searched for a westward-facing arc to match the easterly one of the text from fifteen-odd years before, for the closure of two parenthetical faces, face to face and smiling like an e-mail abbreviation, to resolve the unilateral challenge or ultimatum of that opened parenthesis. Instead, sadly, I am faced with a serious case of recidivism. On page 58 of Politiques de l’amitié, Derrida opens a parenthesis and writes “Let’s leave this question suspended” (Politics 38). He never closes it. The English translation follows the French to the letter, or at least to the absence of a “).” Suddenly the “(” of 1980 is inexorably drawn in to the context of the “(” of 1994. Two massive bodies of text slide into some sort of compromising position. There they are, henceforth, for me at least, side by side, or rather front to back, “( . . . (.”

     

    I’m tempted to say that they come to exist in aimance. Aimance, which is somewhat unfortunately translated as “lovence,” is a term Derrida borrows from Abdelkebir Khatibi (7) to deconstruct the opposition between love and friendship, between passive and active, to mean something like “lovingness.” Unable to “take place figurelessly” (69), it is said to “cut across . . . figures” (70), to be “love in friendship, aimance beyond love and friendship following their determined figures, beyond all this book’s trajectories of reading, beyond all ages, cultures and traditions of loving” (69). The gesture of two unclosed parentheses is thus made, in the first place, towards a figure of that sort of lovingness. But it is also, obviously, a figure of catastrophic inversion, a disruption of the symmetry and closure of a love or friendship that is presumed to function only in the face-to-face, and which therefore remains open to the politics of enmity presumed by a Schmitt. For that figure to be fully drawn, there would have to be more specific reference to an erotics of corporality such as I have just been suggesting, a problematization that extended not just to the distinction between friendship and love, but, presuming it is not already implied, to that between philía and eros. In contrast to the face to face, the back to front relation, or embrace, is more difficult to conceive of outside of an erotics; the rhetoric of its figural pose cannot but refer, at least in part–both because of the version of intimacy it represents, and because of its trangressive turn–to a carnal embrace.

     

    I would argue that Derrida allows for that in the very metadiscursive parenthesis without parentheses within his analysis of the version de repli where he speaks of the violence and untranslatability of parentheses (221). The parentheses he is referring to might as well be the two I have just brought into proximity across the texts of The Post Card and Politics of Friendship; their proximity might be said to draw a figure of them, of their very violence and untranslatability. For, as I have already pointed out, the same paragraph in which he refers to them comes back to the unilaterality and dissymmetry of the “I love you” that was said to perhaps be the only difference between love and friendship, the interruption of reciprocity that must imply some turning, some détournement of a presumed face to face of the same.

     

    That would be the force of an “I love you” spoken from behind. It would involve a catastrophic turning “towards” the other that means turning one’s back, something like the passive decision that Derrida describes at length (68), a patience in no way reducible to passivity, an act of trust that lets the other come in the figure of surprise that one might contrast with the economics of an appropriative pre-emption that, we are reminded only too well these days, is increasingly the single permissible version of political discourse and practice. This love, friendship, and politics of dorsality would also involve the principle of substitutability; it comes to function immediately anything like an “I love you” is proffered, immediately a singularity of address is determined, immediately the supposed general discursivity of the text is interrupted, a parenthesis opened, immediately there is any apostrophic turning whatsoever: “would the apostrophe ever take place, and the pledge it offers, without the possibility of a substitution?” (5). Turning one’s back allows the other to come as other to the other, as other other, as another other.

     

    And so this love, friendship, and politics of dorsality is finally what I’ll dare to call a love, friendship, and politics of prosthesis in order to allow for the scandal or chance of a love, friendship, and politics of the inanimate. A prosthetic politics that would perhaps be more productive a concept than a posthumanist politics. From the beginning of Derrida’s book, friendship has had to be understood within the structure of revenance and survivance, of spectrality and inanimation. Derrida refers to a “convertibility of life and death” (3), to the fact that, after Aristotle, “one can still love the deceased or the inanimate,” and that it is through the possibility of such loving–whose directionality I am letting turn here so as not to limit it–that “the decision in favour of a certain aimance comes into being” (10). And again, in the same passage where the incompatibility of love and friendship is described in terms of the dissymmetry I have been insisting on, Derrida writes of the “non-assurance and . . . risk of misunderstanding. . . . in not knowing who, in not knowing the substantial identity of who is, prior to the declaration of love” (220), which I read also as not knowing the substance that distinguishes the identity of a who from that of a what. And finally, at the end, we are asked “to think and to live the gentle rigour of friendship, the law of friendship qua the experience of a certain ahumanity” (294).

     

    A prosthetic love and friendship, erotics and politics should be understood as something different from a raising of the stakes of non-identity or de-subjectivation, different from taking things beyond the human, even beyond the animal, to the inanimate. Prosthesis refers for me not to the replacement of the human by the inanimate but to the articulation of one and the other. So such a love and friendship, erotics and politics would, as we saw to begin, break with the naturalness of the supposed homogeneity of those concepts; it would, from the perspective of an always already prosthetic, allow us to begin to think the subject of love and friendship, erotics and politics in its biotechnological becoming, to think the radically inconceivable otherness of the other as coming upon and coming to bear upon, a being let come upon and let come to bear upon the sameness of a presumed reciprocal relation; and it would be the trust required to let that come, behind one’s back, unable to be known, in the confidence of an unrestricted hospitality, in a fiduciary relation reaching toward or arching back upon the possibility of a friendship and a politics at once unheimlich and aneconomic. Such a love and friendship, erotics and politics would encourage us to think detachment, substitution, dissymmetry, disjunction, letting come the interruption of an apostrophic or parenthetic reversing catastrophe, the figure of a double retrait in torsion, ((, a coupling, if that is what it is, whose only ending would be another opening, to another.

     

    Notes

     

    1. Further references to the English translation will be included in parenthesis in the text, preceded where necessary by the mention “Politics,” and in some cases followed by reference to the French original (Politiques).

     

    2. Earlier in the project from which this work is extracted, I analyze the “dorsality” of Lévinas’s ethical relation, and before that Heidegger’s work on technology. The latter appears as “Thinking Back: Towards Technology, via Dorsality.”

     

    3. In French, “Replis.” See my discussion below.

     

    4. Comparisons can be made between the figure of apostrophe favored by Derrida and the Althusserian “interpellation,” that moment or structure of the constitution of the subject as ideological and political, something I develop in the final chapter of the forthcoming Thinking Back.

     

    5.”[Convenance, inconvenance. Digression. Soit dit entre crochets, Montaigne tire la plus audacieuse et la plus incontestable consequence . . .” (Politiques 203, emphasis added). Inelegantly preserving the French syntax, this would transliterate as: “[Suitability, unsuitability. Digression. Said/speaking, as it were, within brackets, Montaigne draws the most audacious and the most uncontestable consequence” Cf. Politics 178: “[A digression here, remaining between square brackets, on suitability, unsuitability. Montaigne draws the most audacious and the most uncontestable consequence.”

     

    6. See my Prosthesis 286-318.

     

    7. Cf. “Signature Event Context.” For discussion of iterability/undecidability as aesthetics/ethics nexus, see “Lemming,” in my Matchbook: Essays in Deconstruction.

     

    Works Cited

     

    • Barthes, Roland. A Lover’s Discourse: Fragments. Trans. Richard Howard. New York: Hill and Wang, 1978.
    • Derrida, Jacques. Of Grammatology. Trans. Gayatri C. Spivak. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 1974.
    • —. The Politics of Friendship. Trans. George Collins. London: Verso, 1997.
    • —. Politiques de l’amitié. Paris: Galilée, 1994.
    • —. The Post Card: From Socrates to Freud and Beyond. Trans. Alan Bass. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1987.
    • —. “Signature Event Context.” Margins of Philosophy. Trans. Alan Bass. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1982. 307-30.
    • Nietzsche, Friedrich. The Gay Science. Trans. Josephine Nauckhoff. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2001.
    • —. Human All Too Human: A Book for Free Spirits. Trans. R.J. Hollingdale. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2004.
    • Wills, David. Matchbook: Essays in Deconstruction. Stanford: Stanford UP, 2005.
    • —. Prosthesis. Stanford: Stanford UP, 1995.
    • —. “Thinking Back: Towards Technology, via Dorsality.” Parallax 10.3 (July-September 2004): 36-52.

     

  • Performative Mourning: Remembering Derrida Through (Re)reading

    Vivian Halloran

    Comparative Literature Department
    Indiana University, Bloomington
    vhallora@indiana.edu

     

    On 9 October 2004, Jacques Derrida became “irreplaceable” through his death, a gift (don) which was never his either to give or take, as he argues in The Gift of Death, but which nonetheless ensures the self’s passage into individuality because of its very irreproducibility. No one but Jacques Derrida could have died Jacques Derrida’s death, and even he could only go through this experience once. So definitive is the break Derrida sees between life and death, and so unique does he consider the instant of one’s death, that when he reads The Instant of My Death, Blanchot’s third-person narrative of his near-execution at the hands of a Nazi Russian firing squad in 1944, in Demeure, Derrida concludes that “when one is dead, it does not happen twice, there are not two deaths even if two die. Consequently, only someone who is dead is immortal–in other words, the immortals are dead” (67). While this conception of death affirms the negative gifts death gives the individual who dies–immortality (the inability to die) and irreplaceability (the impossibility of having an Other fulfill the duties and/or functions of the Self)–Derrida’s view of death is also strangely positive: a person’s death becomes the most defining aspect of his or her life since that, in its way, can be thought of as a long process of dying the death he or she is going to die eventually. For Derrida, the timing of a person’s unique death is extremely important because it cannot be repeated. He considers Blanchot’s “life” after the unexperienced experience of his assassination in 1944 as a mere “moratorium of an encounter of the death outside of him with the death that is already dying in him,” and continues to affirm that the French writer’s death happened at that very instant, despite his un-dying (Demeure 95). The most concrete instance of mortality Derrida reads in Blanchot’s brief text is the disappearance of a manuscript that was inside his house at the time of the execution that did not take place. Calling it a “mortal text,” Derrida contends that its loss is equivalent to “a death without survivance” (100). In the essay that follows, I look at a different way through which Derrida experienced an encounter of the deaths outside of him with the death that was already dying in him: by mourning his friends, colleagues, and mentors through a public performance of (re)reading their texts after the occasion of their deaths. Because the texts the deceased left behind have not been lost, like Blanchot’s fateful manuscript, Derrida gives them, if not his friends, an element of survivancethrough the concerted act of (re)reading.

     

    Derrida’s meditation on the individuating effect of the experience of death in his reading of Czech philosopher Jan Patočka’s Heretical Essays on the Philosophy of History can be interpreted both as an enactment of mourning for Patočka, who died in 1977, and as a recognition of the impossibility of writing about the other’s experience of death: “Death is very much that which nobody else can undergo or confront in my place. My irreplaceability is therefore conferred, delivered, ‘given,’ one can say, by death” (Gift 41). As Derrida points out, the paradox inherent in regarding death itself as a gift, yet not a present (29), lies in its uniqueness and irreproducibility for a given individual–death does not function as currency in a social economy of exchange as Marcel Mauss argues other types of gifts do in Essai sur le don. But by imagining the eventual fulfillment of his own future individuation through the prism of his always already impending death, Derrida takes death on credit, so to speak–he claims the benefits of it by memorializing himself before he has paid the price of ceasing to live.[1]

     

    Two insurmountable aporias separate the potentially replaceable, introspective then-living Jacques Derrida from the now-defunct-but-irreplaceable Jacques Derrida: the metaphysical and the rhetorical. Through his own death, Jacques Derrida forever stops experiencing Jacques Derrida’s other deaths: those of his friends. He finally stops carrying out the work of mourning inherently demanded by every relationship, even as his still-living others–his family, his friends, his readers–begin the endless process of mourning (for) him. In (re)reading his various texts on the religious, social, and symbolic functions of death and mourning, we can both duplicate Derrida’s performance of the debt of mourning owed to the dead and also begin to appreciate the wholeness of his written oeuvre as a finished work, much as he urges his audiences to do to the oeuvres of the writers he memorializes.

     

    Would-be mourners can negotiate these aporias through performing or carrying out the task that Derrida, convinced of the impossibility of mourning the dead through speaking either about or directly to them, sets for himself in both The Gift of Death and The Work of Mourning: (re)reading the texts of the deceased as a fitting way to honor their memory. Derrida’s ethics of mourning-by-(re)reading present a non-violent internalization of the (text of the) other distinct from the “interiority” (Gift 49) that Penelope Deutscher calls his cultural cannibalism, his “eating of the other” (163). Derrida’s self-reflexive mourning addresses itself to the other-within-the-self, thereby avoiding falling into cannibalistic narcissism. In his various texts of mourning, Derrida instead assumes the rhetorical stance of the survivor bearing witness who acknowledges the impossibility of ever again addressing himself to the now-dead friend. Instead of speaking for or to the internalized other, he prefers to repeat a previous act of engagement with the written (body of) work of the other. I shall mourn Derrida by analyzing how he defines his own role as an ethical friend-in-mourning through (re)reading, an act which engages him simultaneously in a personal recollection, a private introspection, and a public performance of witnessing and scholarship. I pay particular attention to three texts contained in The Work of Mourning: Derrida’s (re)reading of Barthes’s theory and performance of mourning-as-grieving through photographs in Camera Lucida and Roland Barthes by Roland Barthes in “The Deaths of Roland Barthes”; his performative (re)reading of de Man’s last letter to Derrida, where the former reads his affliction/diagnosis as a death sentence in “In Memoriam: Of the Soul”; and his meditation on the unexpected emotional impact that reading Louis Marin’s posthumous book, Des pouvoirs de l’image: Gloses, has on him in “By Force of Mourning.” Seizing on repetition as the mimetic model par excellence of carrying out the work of mourning, in this essay I mourn the mourning theorist as well as the theorist of mourning who, in turn, mourned those who had not only enacted mourning themselves through their texts, but who were mourned by the texts themselves in their posthumous publication.

     

    The specificity of the death of the other, the manner through which each meets his or her end and becomes irreplaceable, haunts both The Work of Mourning and The Gift of Death. The editors of each volume seek both to intensify and to remedy this sense of haunting by filling the gap of information left by Derrida’s texts of/in mourning. In his “Translator’s Preface” to The Gift of Death, David Wills not only informs his readers of Czech philosopher Jan Patočka’s role as a contemporary and collaborator with Vaclav Havel and Jiri Hajek; he also goes so far as to establish the fact of Patočka’s death and the manner in which it came to pass: “He died of a brain hemorrhage after eleven hours of police interrogation on 13 March 1977” (vii). In this way, Wills overdetermines the Derridean text that follows his preface as an enactment of mourning, where the living Derrida engages the work of the dead Patočka who wrote on the topic of death. The preface also overdetermines the function of the reader as an a priori mourner for a dead writer from whose works she or he is now forever displaced through and by Derrida’s own reading of Patočka’s essay on death, “La civilization technique est-elle une civilization de decline, et pourquoi?” No innocent reading of it is possible, just as Derrida’s own discussion of Patočka’s text is always already unable to engage in a dynamic dialogue with the Czech writer. Precisely because of the death he mourns through writing of his (re)reading, Derrida cannot engage in a textual conversation like the one he carries out with Emmanuel Levinas in his “Violence and Metaphysics” and Levinas’s Otherwise than Being.[2] The intertextuality of The Gift of Death can be read as an enactment of mourning through the performance of (re)reading: in this text, Derrida mourns a fellow writer as a writer or, even, as his text, instead of claiming Patočka as an internalized lost friend.

     

    Nowhere in his published letters, eulogies, and memorial speeches does Derrida explicitly address the manner of death of those he mourns–a marked silence, given how much introspection and self-conscious reflection upon mourning goes on within a text that does nothing but mourn the loss of another. The only death Derrida discusses in detail in The Gift of Death does not actually take place: Abraham’s would-be murder of his son Isaac.[3] Derrida’s delight in analyzing Isaac’s unrealized death, as well as his refusal to mention the circumstances surrounding the death of his friends, have the cumulative rhetorical effect of displacing the event of death itself from the occasion for mourning. By invoking Kierkegaard’s image of a trembling Abraham disregarding ethics and familial love out of a sense of obedience he owes God, Derrida convincingly demonstrates that the work of mourning begins even before the fact of death has been established. Since Abraham’s plight is a direct result of God’s expressed desire to test his servant’s loyalty, Isaac’s looming death never actually enters into the gift economy both Patočka and Derrida invoke. Isaac has no explicit knowledge of the violence that threatens to befall him, so he has no time to interpret his coming death as a potential “gift” to him from God. Abraham pays the emotional toll of being asked to sacrifice his son, but even then what makes him tremble is not the fear of his own death and final judgment, but the guilt of occasioning the death of an/other that weighs him down. Both Kierkegaard and Derrida use kinship as a metaphor through which to investigate the obligation and responsibilities humans owe to God the Father in metaphysical and religious accounts of death within the economy of sacrifice of/for the divine Other.

     

    While Derrida’s reference to Abraham’s sacrifice of Isaac contextualizes the discussion of death and mourning within a family setting, his conception of dying-as-a-gift is profoundly personal and individual; he insists on the relational nature of mourning as a process. Derrida’s meditation on the importance and relevance of the work of mourning grows out of his discussion of friendship rather than of familial relationships. In The Gift of Death, he confesses,

     

    as soon as I enter into a relation with the other, with the gaze, look, request, love, command, or call of the other, I know that I can respond only by sacrificing whatever obliges me to also respond, in the same way, in the same instant to all the others. I offer a gift of death, I betray, I don't need to raise my knife over my son on Mount Moriah for that. (68)

     

    Thus Derrida blurs the separation of the private sphere of relational experience, kinship, from the public sphere in which friendship develops from interactions between unrelated human beings and goes on through time. As with Abraham’s gift, however, the gift of death Derrida-the-friend seems to offer is that of the death of the self to others, rather than the gift of killing the friend or the self. He avoids the metaphysical implications of this gift exchange by extending the impact and relevance of the story of Isaac’s sacrifice to those who are not necessarily believers, but who nonetheless define their own cultural capital as literate and literary: “The sacrifice of Isaac belongs to what one might just dare to call the common treasure, the terrifying secret of the mysterium tremendum that is a property of all three so-called religions of the Book, the religions of the races of Abraham” (Gift 64). As both readers and joint inheritors of this religious/literary tradition, we can learn from the private drama that occurs in Abraham’s family as well as from the larger implications of the duty the living owe the dead.

     

    In his performative (re)reading of Roland Barthes’s Camera Lucida, Derrida writes of a mourning within the dynamic of kinship. Barthes mourns the death of his mother by discussing an absent photograph, not reproduced nor included among the twenty-five stills he reads in this text. More so than is the case with friendship, the relationship between parent and child is founded upon the expectation that one of them will live to see the other die. The familial bond is both more random and more permanent than the intimacy developed through the fragile and contractual nature of friendship, precisely because it is founded upon this very expectation. Parents see their children enter the world, and expect to have those same children mourn them as they die.

     

    In Camera Lucida, Barthes, like Derrida, (re)reads in order to remember family. In the first sentence of “The Winter Garden Photograph,” Barthes situates himself spatially with relation to his mother’s death–“There I was, alone in the apartment where she had died”–as well as imaginatively, in the grieving process of mourning-through-rereading: “looking at these pictures of my mother, one by one, under the lamp, gradually moving back in time with her, looking for the truth of the face I had loved” (Camera 67). As he mourns, Barthes (re)reads not only the visual texts of the photographs themselves, but also the emotional landscape of a shared life with the mother (re)captured and (re)presented by the photographs as articles that exist in time and are shaped by the passing of time. The death of his mother affects not only Barthes’s description of himself in Camera Lucida as someone actively engaged in the act of grieving–of constantly existing in pain–but also colors Derrida’s reading of the short time span separating the event of Barthes’s mother’s death in 1977, the same year as Patočka’s demise, from Barthes’s own tragic death in 1980, as an in-between period of no life, unlife, or a death-in-life. Although Derrida never knew Barthes’s mother in life, the son’s (re)reading of the winter garden photograph is so powerful it makes Derrida imagine this woman who “smiles” at both her son and, by extension, at his friend (Work 36). Derrida argues that her dying took a toll on Barthes’s “way of life–it was for a short time his, after his mother’s death–a life that already resembled death, one death before the other, more than one, which it imitated in advance” (47). By linking Barthes so definitively to the example set by the mother, Derrida suggests that the self is prone to endless duplication and repetition; Barthes may not be able to die his mother’s death, but he can die soon after she does, thereby (re)enacting the finality of her death, if not its irreplaceability.

     

    Derrida himself duplicates and repeats Barthes’s gesture of grieving for the m/other through (re)reading when he confesses his own impulse to look at the photographs in Barthes’s middle books as a mimetic gesture that allows him to emerge from the abyss of grief to carry out the work of mourning. The unfamiliarity of the absent winter garden photograph as a visual element in Barthes’s text prompts Derrida to stop (re)reading Barthes’s words and to focus instead on his images: “Having returned from the somewhat insular experience wherein I had secluded myself with the two books, I look today only at the photographs in other books (especially in Roland Barthes by Roland Barthes) and in newspapers” (Work 63). The photographs in Camera Lucida depict mostly exotic others to whose appearance or affect Barthes responds through analysis and commentary. Those in Roland Barthes by Roland Barthes are more personal; they portray Barthes at various stages of his life, and also include images of his relatives and objects of sentimental value to him. Ironically, in returning to the visual image of Barthes duplicated within the pages of the autobiographical text, Derrida affirms the symbolic distance separating his experience of the loss of Barthes-the-friend from the loss of self Barthes confesses to feeling when gazing at his own image in Camera Lucida: “what society makes of my photograph, what it reads there, I do not know (in any case there are so many readings of the same face); but when I discover myself in the product of this operation, what I see is that I have become Total-Image, which is to say, Death in person” (14). When Barthes interprets his image as an object synonymous with Death personified, he evinces an understanding of the individuation that Derrida argues death gives us all as a gift. However, since Derrida looks at images of Barthes after the latter has not only become Death, but has also died, the exercise only heightens the perception of these visual texts as the simulacra of the man whose image they represent.

     

    In adding Roland Barthes by Roland Barthes to his discussion of Barthes’s alpha and omega works, Writing Degree Zero and Camera Lucida–Derrida sets it, and through its autobiographical prism, Barthes himself–as the punctum or point through which to view his own understanding of Barthes’s implicit theory of grief and mourning. Whereas no one can take or give the gift of a person’s death to or from him or her, people can authorize themselves whether or not the author has died a physical death. Barthes explains this in “The Death of the Author,” when he acknowledges that “the author still reigns in manuals of literary history, in biographies of writers, magazine interviews, and in the very consciousness of litterateurs eager to unite, by means of private journals, their person and their work” (50). The very public nature of the document through which he “unites” his “person” and his “work” distinguishes Barthes-the-writer from the “litterateurs” he disparages. As the title of the text clearly indicates, Roland Barthes by Roland Barthes is a self-authorizing document through which the author usurps the generative agency of the Mother. This self-naming gesture becomes doubly significant according to the Derridean deconstruction of reading and writing practices because through appropriating the Lacanian name of the Father, Barthes at once inscribes himself into the Freudian family romance and reduces his public “self” to the limitations of language in its naming capacity.

     

    Roland Barthes claims to have frustrated the Oedipal relationship because of the early death of his father. In a caption printed beneath a photograph of his progenitor, he writes, “The father, dead very early (in the war), was lodged in no memorial or sacrificial discourse. By maternal intermediary his memory–never an oppressive one–merely touched the surface of childhood with an almost silent bounty” (Roland Barthes 15). Despite this image of benign neglect, or of a complacent emotional distance separating his childhood self from the pain of the loss of his father, Barthes reveals the emotional trauma of being identified as a mourner when he tells an anecdote about one of his schoolteachers:

     

    At the beginning of the year, he solemnly listed on the blackboard the students' relatives who had "fallen on the field of honor"; uncles abounded, and cousins, but I was the only one who could claim a father. I was embarrassed by this--excessive--differentiation. Yet once the blackboard was erased, nothing was left of this proclaimed mourning--except, in real life, which proclaims nothing, which is always silent, the figure of a home socially adrift: no father to kill, no family to hate, no milieu to reject: great Oedipal frustration! (Roland Barthes 44-45)

     

    The public inscription of the name of the father on the blackboard embarrasses Barthes by the intimacy the relationship implies, even as the lived experience of that intimacy is absent. In his attempt to honor the dead, the teacher draws attention to the young Barthes’s status as both a mourner and an orphan, and thereby emphasizes his difference from his peers. By using the plural in the title of his eulogy, “The Deaths of Roland Barthes,” Derrida avoids repeating the teacher’s mistake. Derrida acknowledges that Barthes experienced death in several ways while he was alive, and does not appropriate any one of these for his own grieving.

     

    The editors of The Work of Mourning, Pascale-Anne Brault and Michael Naas, fill in the gaps left by the deaths of each of Derrida’s mourned friends and by Derrida’s rhetorical silence concerning the same. In a situation parallel to that occasioned by Wills in his “Translator’s Preface” of The Gift of Death, Brault and Naas structurally make mourning possible for the reader of The Work of Mourning by prefacing each essay with a brief biography/thanatography of Derrida’s dearly departed colleagues. Given the length and attention to detail of these biographical sketches, we can read them as supplements to Derrida’s account of his friendship with each person as chronicled in the essay itself. Since they include important information about the circumstances surrounding the death of each person, the sketches highlight the absence of Derrida’s discussion of the death of his friends.

     

    This omission is especially glaring in the accounts of Sarah Kofman and Gilles Deleuze, two people who literally give themselves death–“se donner la mort” (Gift 10)–by committing suicide. Derrida’s silence concerning the circumstances of Kofman’s death is stunning; by ignoring the doubling and reversal inherent in Kofman’s timing her death to coincide with the 150th anniversary of Nietzsche’s birth (Work 167), Derrida does not acknowledge the performative self-mourning inherent in her violent internalization of the gift of her death. Ironically, in The Gift of Death Derrida already lays out the groundwork through which to interpret suicide as a sacrificial gift to an/other. Derrida claims, “it is the gift of death one makes to the other in putting oneself to death, mortifying oneself in order to make a gift of this death as a sacrificial offering to God” (Gift 69). In this passage the other is God, but in Kofman’s case, I would argue, the Other to whom she “gives” her death as a birthday present is Nietzsche. Rather than affirming her own irreplaceability, Kofman forcefully imbricates the event of her self-authorized death with the raison d’être for a large portion (five books) of her distinguished oeuvre on the German philosopher. Deleuze’s suicide is less self-consciously theatrical than Kofman’s, and so does not warrant as close an analysis.

     

    While Derrida’s silence about suicide can be said to mute its impact as a performance, in “In Memoriam: Of the Soul” he quotes from de Man’s private writing, his letters to Derrida, to illustrate a willful act of (re)reading his own illness as a double metaphor: de Man reads cancer through Mallarmé as a process, “peu profond ruisseau calomnié la mort” (Work 74), but recoils from the implied threat contained within the living symbol of his affliction, “tumeur/tu meurs” (75). By reading the letter as de Man’s affirmation of living-in-death instead of interpreting it as a memento mori or even as an “intimation of immortality,” Derrida mutes the power of de Man’s rhetorical gesture towards a self-authorized (or self-authored) death. Even as he mourns his friend by (re)reading his letter, Derrida’s invocation of de Man’s pun on his illness keeps him frozen in time, as it were, as a reader reading about his impending death rather than as someone who give himself death through suicide. Derrida tries to evade the responsibility inherent in mourning for de Man by endlessly postponing the moment of mourning until some future time outside the narrative. The essay he writes in memory of Paul de Man and which appears in The Work of Mourning, “In Memoriam: Of the Soul,” is a 1986 translated transcription and adaptation of the speech Derrida originally gave at the memorial service held at Yale in 1984 (qtd. in Mourning 72). In its internal displacement from itself, the essay embodies the very postponement it announces: “At a later time, I will try to find better words, and more serene ones, for the friendship that ties me to Paul de Man (it was and remains unique), what I, like so many others, owe to his generosity, to his lucidity, to the ever so gentle force of his thought” (Work 73). Derrida feels weighed down by the outstanding balance of his friendship with de Man, a debt that now can never be repaid. When he writes “Psyche: Inventions of the Other,” published in Reading de Man Reading (1989), a volume explicitly dedicated to memorialize the work and thought of de Man, Derrida fulfills the promise he makes in “In Memoriam.” However, although he carries out the work of mourning by engaging in a careful (re)reading of de Man’s “Pascal’s Allegory of Persuasion,” Derrida once more postpones addressing the loss or lack of de Man in the world until another time.

     

    The final structural mechanism through which Derrida postpones the moment of mourning in both of these essays is the juxtaposition of the familial world to that of friendship. In each of these two texts, Derrida triangulates his interaction with de Man through the introduction of a son–Derrida’s actual and Cicero’s historical offspring–into the dynamic of friendship. These two sons mediate Derrida’s interaction with de Man by perpetuating the distance that separates the dead one from the still-living (at that time) other. This gesture is most overt in the opening paragraphs of “Psyche,” where Derrida approaches his reading of de Man’s essay on allegory through the prism of the “invention” in a discussion of Cicero’s dialogue with his son. In between his reading of the Latin pater familias and the Belgian reader of allegory, Derrida speaks a few words of mourning:

     

    I should like to dedicate this essay to the memory of Paul de Man. Allow me to do so in a very simple way, by trying once more to borrow from him--from among all the things we have received from him--a bit of that serene discretion by which his thought--its force and radiance--was marked. ("Psyche" 26)

     

    As he writes about de Man here, Derrida distances himself once more from the grief of his mourning by asking his readers to authorize him to write what he is about to say. The analysis that follows this personal irruption in the text is tonally objective and somewhat removed.

     

    Derrida describes a similar experience of feeling distanced from de Man during a car ride through the streets of Chicago, when he listens to, but does not join, de Man’s conversation with Derrida’s son, Pierre, about music and instruments. Although he was not himself a musician, Derrida recognizes the artistry shared by his son and his friend in their proper use of language, “as technicians who know how to call things by their name” (Work 75). He translates this “technical” discussion to the language of images once Derrida learns that “the ‘soul’ [âme] is the name one gives in French to the small and fragile piece of wood–always very exposed, very vulnerable–that is placed within the body of these instruments to support the bridge and assure the resonant communication of the two sounding boards” (75). This definition of the “soul” [âme] of the instruments, rather than giving Derrida greater insight into the conversation his friend and son were having, sends him instead into metaphysical flights of fancy, through which he associates the instruments of the conversation with “the argument of the lyre in the Phaedo” (75). In this mental distancing from the conversation in the car, Derrida exhibits his own status as a rhetorical technician, rather than as a musical one. This recognition of an unbridgeable gap of experience is sparked by Derrida’s almost visceral reaction to the word “soul”: “I was so strangely moved and unsettled [obscurément bouleversé]” (Work 75). I read Derrida’s reaction as a sign of alienation from the two musicians in the car retold as a story to the assembled crowd both to pay tribute to the specialized skills and knowledge of the dead, and to affirm Derrida’s own, and the community’s, status as living beings who grieve for a common loss.[4]

     

    Unlike Barthes’s photograph of his mother in the winter garden, which leads him to discover a truth about his mother, Derrida’s image of “soul”/âme emphasizes his own exclusion from the conversation he overhears. He does not know what it means. The conversation teaches him about his son’s expertise as well as revealing a previously unknown facet of de Man, but the mental/textual image of the “soul”/âme as an apparatus shows his own distance from the conversation.

     

    While his friendship with de Man may have been unique, it was not exclusive. The reproducibility of a social dynamic–friendship–as well as the inescapable fact of every person’s eventual death unites the speaker and the audience in a public expression of mourning that is both reproduced and disseminated through the publication of the anthology of Derrida’s writings years later. In “In Memoriam,” Derrida uses repetition to convey the cycle of grief and mourning as an experience that brings him closer to the audience of fellow mourners than to the dearly departed de Man: “We are speaking today less in order to say something than to assure ourselves, with voice and with music, that we are together in the same thought” (Work 73).

     

    With the distance of time also comes the burden of responsibility. The communal wound that Derrida chooses not to help heal is the pain occasioned by the revelation of de Man’s anti-Semitic writings in Belgium when he was a young man. Derrida’s silence about these texts through the various translations and adaptations of these two essays can be read as his attempt not to speak for the other now that there is no chance to obtain a reply.[5] The insurmountable silence of death condemns us all to ignorance regarding de Man’s readings of his earlier publications in light of the wisdom he developed as he aged. Derrida’s repeated references both to grief and to ignorance of what the future would hold–“How was I to know,” “so painfully,” “everything is painful, so painful” (Work 75)–give witness to his friendship with de Man as it was at the moment of de Man’s death, as yet untainted by the scandal of revelation but always already injured by the existence of the few de Manian texts Derrida is not at pains to (re)read.

     

    Derrida discusses mourning as a process that begins upon the loss of the other, but which had its origins much earlier. The inevitable potential loss of the friend casts a shadow upon the very foundation of friendship, as Derrida argues in other essays in The Work of Mourning. In “The Taste of Tears,” Derrida’s celebration of his friendship with Jean-Marie Benoist, he explains the expectations of mourning built into the pact of friendship: “To have a friend, to look at him, to follow him with your eyes, to admire him in friendship is to know in a more intense way, already injured, always insistent, and more and more unforgettable, that one of the two of you will inevitably see the other die” (Work 107). His emphasis on the ocular nature of this contract implicit within friendship is all the more ironic in that Derrida confesses to not having gazed upon the dead friend for quite some time before his or her dying. In his insistence on (re)reading as the proper activity through which to work at mourning, Derrida privileges sight, the process of turning seeing into knowing, over the gaze, the continued and sustained observation of the already familiar image. To succeed at mourning, the surviving friend must be seen to be working at mourning.

     

    Furthermore, Derrida assumes that mourning is both a duty–an obligation to be fulfilled by a friend–and an unavoidable burden placed upon the friendship itself. It is incumbent upon the surviving friend to perform or give witness to his or her own “fidelity” (Work 45) to the relationship with the now-dead writer (as it happens, all the people he memorializes in this collection are writers). The death of the friend, then, on the one hand, effectively ends the friendship itself: while he lives, Derrida can remember his friendships with the dead, but he can no longer be the friend to the dead that he was to the living. On the other hand, the death of the friend perpetuates the friendship as it was up-until-the-moment-of-death–with the death of the one friend and the subsequent elimination of the possibility for further interaction, the friendship becomes static, forever frozen as it last stood. The surviving friend may give witness to his or her own fidelity, but he or she may not alter unresolved issues or disappointments that may have occurred in the past. In contrast, Derrida describes the beginning of friendship as an infinitely fluid time. He does so by consciously failing to draw a firm distinction between his role as a reader of the now-dead-writers’ texts and his eventual status as the writers’ friend. In his letter to Didier Cahen about his reaction to Edmond Jabès’s death, Derrida says his relationship with Jabès began before they met–it was an occasion “when friendship begins before friendship” (123). Derrida’s friendship for Jabès began when he first read Jabès’s The Book of Questions. Here Derrida characterizes the reader-text relationship as a gateway to a possible friendship between reader and writer so long as this possibility is not foreclosed by the death of either party. While friendship is a dynamic system that demands interaction between two parties, mourning may be communal, but it can never be reciprocal.

     

    Derrida’s essay on the death of Louis Marin, “By Force of Mourning,” begins by negating the very premise of its origin: Derrida announces the absolute lack of a language through which to convey and understand the process of mourning as a work. “There is thus no metalanguage for the language in which a work of mourning is at work” (143). It follows that the work of mourning cannot succeed fully in language. Derrida points out that the posthumous publication of Marin’s last book, De pouvoirs de l’image, effectively makes Marin (re)appear in print; he is no longer the friend who can be “followed” by the eyes of the gazing other, but that does not discount the visual presence of the dead-Marin-as-text through his posthumous book. Like the (unseen) photograph of Barthes’s mother in “The Winter Garden Photograph” and the (unheard) melody made possible by de Man’s and Pierre’s “soul”/[âme], Marin haunts Derrida’s imagination as the trace of an irreproducible visual image. As a textual portrait of Marin’s work on images, the posthumously published Des pouvoirs de l’image fixes him as an eternal revenant, an undead that rises out of the grave with each act of reading. As he does in his earlier reading of Barthes’s last book, Camera Lucida, Derrida here privileges the opposite function of the visual image, “the pictorial vocation,” of Marin’s book “to seize the dead and transfigure them–to resuscitate as having been the one who (singularly, he or she) will have been” (Work 156). Where he sees the textual image of Marin in the book affirming the irreplaceability hard-won through accepting the gift of death, breathing new life into his experience of having-been-in the world, Derrida reads Barthes’s gaze upon the picture of the mother as a self-obliterating gesture that erases all difference between the parent and child.

     

    At this nexus where self-confusion intersects with the affirmation of individuality, Derrida theorizes the concept of “grief” in his discussion of mourning, instead of appealing to writing-in-pain as he does in “In Memoriam.” In Camera Lucida, Barthes had already noted the co-incidence of grief and mourning as supplementary processes of being-in-relation-to-death. For him, the act of gazing upon “The Winter Garden Photograph” brings about a synaesthetic recognition of a larger truth; the photograph “was for me like the last music Schumann wrote before collapsing, that first Gesang der Frühe which accords with both my mother’s being and my grief at her death” (Camera 70). Grief as an emotion defines the timelessness of his “mother’s being” as well as the abyss of loss Barthes experiences “at her death” and continuously thereafter. For Derrida, the act of reading Des pouvoirs de l’image proves the emotional power inherent of the image of the loyal friend giving witness to a now-lost friendship. Although he does not give it a name, Derrida feels “the emotion of mourning that we all know and recognize, even if it hits us each time in a new and singular way, like the end of the world, an emotion that overwhelms us each time we come across the surviving testimonies of the lost friend, across all the ‘images’ that the one who has ‘passed away’ has left or passed on to us” (Work 158). The uniqueness of the grief we feel is only intensified by the encounter with an endless number of texts that are possibly about the lost friend as a friend to others. Rather than diminishing pain, the reproducibility both of the interactive dynamic of friendship in “By Force of Mourning” and of the performance of Schumann music refine the expression of grief to a pure form: being-in-pain. One does not work at grief; one exists within it: I grieve.

     

    If the gift of death is the individuation of the self, and the work of mourning consists in (re)reading the (text of the) other, then the work of death is the silent gaze of the dead on the living. Derrida explains that this work of death is carried out by the internalized image of the dead within the living and, as such, affirms a permanent alterity as it escapes reciprocity:

     

    However narcissistic it may be, our subjective speculation can no longer seize and appropriate this gaze before which we appear at the moment when, . . . bearing it along with every movement of our bearing or comportment, we can get over our mourning of him only by getting over our mourning, by getting over, by ourselves, the mourning of ourselves, I mean the mourning of our autonomy, of everything that would make us the measure of ourselves. (Work 161)

     

    Where Marin interprets the gaze of the dead upon the living as part of the power/pouvoir of the (internalized) image, Derrida’s experience of it recalls the internalization of power as surveillance in a Foucauldian sense. With the irruption of the friendship occasioned by the death of the friend, the survivor’s mourning becomes multiple–for the self, for the defunct friend, and for the other–without being reciprocal. Other than by postponing the moment of mourning infinitely, the only way out of mourning and grief lies through the acceptance of a continued state of living through and under the gaze of the internalized other. As readers who can no longer hope to become Derrida’s friends, we can internalize not the image of Derrida’s gaze upon ourselves, but the image of his gaze upon the page, and use it to guide us in our grieving.

     

     

  • What’s to Become of “Democracy to Come”?

    A.J.P. Thomson

    Department of English Literature
    University of Glasgow
    A.Thomson@englit.arts.gla.ac.uk

     

    There is something of a rogue state in every state. The use of state power is originally excessive and abusive.

    –Jacques Derrida, Rogues 156

     

     

    Faced with an apparently inevitable and overwhelming victory for the Islamist Front Islamique du Salut party, and following the resignation of President Chadli on 11 January 1992, democratic government in Algeria was dissolved between the first and second round of elections, to be replaced by military rule. Jacques Derrida draws our attention to these events in the third chapter of “The Reason of the Strongest (Are There Rogue States?)” (2002), the first of two texts collected in Rogues (2003).1 Derrida does not go into any great detail about the event, whose interpretation is extremely complex: neither Chadli, nor the ruling Front de Libèration Nationale, nor the Islamist party that looked set to gain nearly seventy-five percent of the available parliamentary seats with the support of barely a quarter of the electorate could have formed what might be comfortably described as a legitimate government (Roberts 105-24). But Derrida’s attention is elsewhere, concerned not so much with the specific history of his homeland as with what it might tell us about the idea of democracy itself. This is an example, he suggests, of a suicidal possibility inherent in democracy. Derrida appears to mean this in two senses. First, it highlights a risk to which a democracy is always exposed: the apparently suicidal political openness that allows that a party hostile to democracy might be legitimately elected. (Derrida acknowledges that this is itself a matter of interpretation, noting “the rise of an Islamism considered to be anti-democratic” [Rogues 31, emphasis added].2) Second, that democracy may interrupt itself in order to seek to preserve itself: a suicide to prevent a murder. In either sense, this seems to be both a threatening and unsettling way to describe any political regime. Moreover, a stress on the end of democracy would appear to be at odds with the emphasis on its future that had previously characterized Derrida’s political writing, pithily encapsulated in a phrase borrowed for the title of the Cerisy conference at which this troubling essay was first presented: “democracy to come.” Disentangling this puzzle means posing a question that is crucial for the political future of deconstruction: in the final years of his life, did Derrida change his stance on the relationship he had asserted so memorably in Politics of Friendship: “no deconstruction without democracy, no democracy without deconstruction” (105)?

     

    I

     

    Derrida’s account of suicidal democracy is closely linked in Rogues to the idea of “autoimmunity,” a figure introduced into Derrida’s long essay on religion, “Faith and Knowledge: the Two Sources of ‘Religion’ at the Limits of Reason Alone” (1995), and given its fullest development in his post-9/11 interview with Giovanna Borradori, “Autoimmunity: Real and Symbolic Suicides” (2001). Autoimmunity is a term used in the biomedical sciences to describe a phenomenon in which a body’s immune system turns on its own cells, effectively destroying itself from within. Autoimmunity is a feature of every immune system: although it is usually harmless, there is no defense system that is not threatened by the possibility of such a malfunction. To give a preliminary idea of how Derrida links autoimmunity and democracy, it seems clear that he wants to describe a threat to democracy that comes from within rather than from without. Or in more florid terms, democracy always carries within itself the seeds of its own destruction.

     

    In the interview with Borradori, Derrida describes “autoimmunity” as “that strange behaviour where a living being, in quasi-suicidal fashion, ‘itself’ works to destroy its ‘own’ immunity, to immunize itself against its own protection” (“Autoimmunity” 94). The immune system defends a body against external threats, but depends for its effectiveness on, at the very least, the ability to distinguish self from other, the body it protects from the outside. Autoimmunity is the always-possible failure of such a system to distinguish what it protects from what it protects against. Deconstruction, which focuses on the impossibility of ever finally distinguishing between what lies within and without any limit, might find a figure here for what is interesting about the formation of any identity. However, Derrida is not exact about its use, and I am not entirely convinced it is possible to reconcile the different uses to which it is put in the three major published texts in which it appears. I think it fair to say that the translation of the idea of autoimmunity from a biomedical to a philosophico-political discourse infects it with a certain amount of ambiguity. It will help to recapitulate the two earlier discussions.

     

    In “Faith and Knowledge,” Derrida proposes “autoimmunity” as a way of thinking about the relation between religion and technological modernity. On the one hand, religions make use of radio, television, the media–all the advantages given them by the communications technologies of advanced industrial society; on the other hand, religion protests against those same developments, which seem to threaten its authority, its established traditions, or its power. Religion makes use of that which threatens it, in order to develop and survive; so the means of its survival is simultaneously the risk of its destruction: “it conducts a terrible war against that which gives it this new power only at the cost of dislodging it from all its proper places, in truth from place itself, from the taking-place of its truth. It conducts a terrible war against that which protects it only by threatening it, according to this double and contradictory structure: immunitary and auto-immunitary” (“Faith” 46). The autoimmune and immune reactions endlessly circulate: a religion lives and prospers only to the extent that its autoimmune systems can repress its reaction against the modern world from which it tends to isolate itself. Derrida extends this autoimmunitary economy to community as such, a concept of which he has always been suspicious (e.g. Politics 298), to suggest its tendency to close in on itself, to exclude that outside on which it depends for its survival. This tendency is not a perversion of proper community (whether inoperative, unavowable, or coming, as for Blanchot, Nancy, Agamben), but the condition of its existence: “no community that would not cultivate its own auto-immunity, a principle of sacrificial self-destruction ruining the principle of self-protection (that of maintaining its self-integrity intact). . . . This self-contesting attestation keeps the auto-immune community alive, which is to say, open to something other and more than itself” (“Faith” 51).

     

    In our second source, his interview with Giovanni Borradora, Derrida underscores the “terrifying” quality of the autoimmunitary process: that “my vulnerability is . . . without limit” before “the worst threat,” that which comes from the inside (“Autoimmunity” 188n7). This is developed in three forms. First, 9/11 itself should not be seen as an attack coming simply from without, but from within. Alongside America’s unprecedented and apparently unthreatened status as a world power comes its massive exposure to such attacks, through the concentrations of symbolic and actual power in the World Trade Center and the Pentagon and the easy availability of the means to conduct such an attack. Moreover this is not an attack from an external enemy, but from a former ally, and so takes place within a process initiated by the Americans when they armed bin Laden and his followers. Second, Derrida diagnoses something like a post-Cold War world order in which international terrorism replaces competition between power blocs as the major threat to the world system: a threat grounded in the possible repetition of such traumatic events. Third, Derrida expands the idea of autoimmunitary reactions to be regarded as something like an historical law: “repression in both its psychoanalytical sense and its political sense–whether it be through the police, the military, or the economy–ends up producing, reproducing, and regenerating the very thing it seeks to disarm” (99). Derrida will argue in Rogues that no enemy of democracy can refuse to call himself a democrat; similarly “every terrorist in the world claims to be responding in self-defence to a prior terrorism on the part of the state, one that simply went by other names and covered itself with all sorts of more or less credible justifications” (103). In “Faith and Knowledge,” the autoimmune is what keeps religion, or community, alive, a virtuous if dangerous principle of contamination by and exposure to the world; to be wholly immune would be the closure of the system, or of the body, to the outside. If this remains Derrida’s model, the American attacks on Afghanistan and on Iraq, for example, would be examples of an autoimmune process that, in engaging the United States in the world, exposing it to the world, suppresses the immunitary response (some kind of retreat to isolationism), and prolongs the cycle of violence, repression, and reaction.

     

    In Rogues, Derrida develops his discussion of autoimmunity out of the Algerian example I have cited. He reads the history of colonial and postcolonial Algeria in terms of a similar cycle of repression and reaction: a colonial power which denies democratic government to its dependent territory provokes a war which can best be seen as internal, rather than a war with an enemy power, as the political consequences in France certainly indicated; subsequently the postcolonial state is forced to suspend its own democratization process to protect not only its own control but the principle of democracy itself against the internal enemies it has managed to provoke in the aftermath of independence. It becomes hard to tell whether this action is that of the immune system–a defense against a threat to democracy, as the opponents of the Islamists might claim–or whether democracy’s suicide is an autoimmune reaction–another step in the existence of democracy, a slow self-destruction. Derrida suggests that the two are fairly indistinguishable: “murder was already turning into suicide, and the suicide, as always, let itself be translated into murder” (Rogues 59). This suggests that Derrida is not terribly concerned to differentiate between the immune and the autoimmune, and accounts for his use of the term “autoimmunitary” to refer to both processes as if they were a single phenomenon whose pervertibility or malfunction is regularly and critically indistinguishable from its proper purpose.

     

    II

     

    Does the extension of the idea of the autoimmunitary from religion in “Faith and Knowledge” to his account of democracy by the time of Rogues constitute a significant alteration of Derrida’s earlier understanding of “democracy to come”? If we were to seek confirmation that Derrida is challenging us to examine his use of the concept of democracy, we need only look to comments he makes immediately after citing the Algerian example. As a way of making the outlandish notion of democratic suicide seem more familiar, he draws a comparison between the cancelled Algerian election and the French presidential election of 2002, the year in which his paper was first given: “Imagine that, in France, with the National Front threatening to pull off an electoral victory, the election was suspended after the first round, that is, between the two rounds” (Rogues 30). The possibility of a Le Pen presidency underlines the ever-present threat of the legitimate democratic election of an anti-democratic candidate. This becomes something like a general principle of democratic systems: “the great question of modern parliamentary and representative democracy, perhaps of all democracy, . . . is that the alternative to democracy can always be represented as a democratic alternation” (30-1). The virtue of democracy, that opening to the future which leaves it open to change, institutionalized as the possibility of competing parties taking turns, exposes it in turn to the risk of destruction by the electoral institution of those who seek to suspend or restrict democracy. It is worth bearing in mind that Derrida rarely uses “democracy” to mean simply a particular form of government, but more often to suggest a whole political culture: equality, rights, freedom of speech, protection of minorities from majority oppression.

     

    A further implication is that today both friends and enemies of democracy will present themselves as having impeccable democratic credentials. One of Derrida’s interests in Rogues is the apparent hegemony of the democratic itself; as he comments, even “Le Pen and his followers now present themselves as respectable and irreproachable democrats” (Rogues 30). Only a passing acquaintance with contemporary political trends in Britain suggests that this might be more than an exceptional problem, but a commonplace. It is not only the perma-tanned populist demagogue or the single-issue party that seeks to short-circuit established democratic decision-making procedures (although they may always also be the vehicle for a legitimate democratic response on behalf of an excluded group). An elected administration with a parliamentary majority but an increasingly centralized cabinet government may well be judged a threat to democracy even before the introduction of legislation which contravenes particular democratic principles (but always in the name of the opinions of the people, or the security of the state). The implication we might take from Derrida’s allusion to this problem is that responsible citizenship must mean (at the very least) interrogating all those who present themselves as democrats. They may always turn out to be voyous–rogues.

     

    This poses a challenge, in turn, for Derrida’s audience. For after all, Derrida appears before us today, as he has done for a while, as a democrat. Derrida begins his address in “The Reason of the Strongest” with the idiomatics of voyou, but also by drawing our attention to the possibility that he too, is voyou. Derrida recalls his earlier words directly: “I would thus be, you might think, not only ‘voyou‘ but ‘a voyou,’ a real rogue” (Rogues 1; 78-9). It is up to us to say; Derrida stresses that the word voyou is never neutral, but always a performative judgment, an accusation, or an interpellation. To judge someone to be voyou is to place them outside the law and to ally yourself with the law (64-5). The possibility that a democrat is really a rogue reflects a “troubling indissociability” between the two, in part because the word’s provenance in the nineteenth century associates it with the threat of the demos, of the people at large, as it is largely used to stigmatize a specifically modern, urban population, perceived as a mobile, anarchic threat to bourgeois order (66-7). The voyou belongs among the spectres not only of a specifically revolutionary or simply despised class, but also of populism, which Benjamin Arditi helpfully describes as an “internal periphery” of democracy. Or in Derrida’s terms: “Demagogues sometimes denounce voyous, but they also often appeal to them, in the popular style of populism, always at the indecidable limit between the demagogic and the democratic” (67). If Derrida might turn out to have been merely a rogue, no true friend of democracy, that must be an inexorable condition of his own appeal to “democracy to come.” In Rogues he exhibits this undecidability, flaunting the necessary possibility that “democracy to come” might also turn out to be merely a verbal conjuring trick, mere politics in the pejorative sense. What is at stake in reading and responding to Derrida’s apparent revision of his account of democracy is the status of political interest in deconstruction, what Derrida argues is not a “political turn” within deconstruction but has always been there as the question of “the thinking of différance as always [a] thinking of the political, especially around the enigma or the autoimmune double bind of the democratic” (39).

     

    III

     

    Evaluating the place of “democracy to come” in Derrida’s work prior to Rogues is itself a challenging task. Since my conclusions on the subject can be found at greater length in Deconstruction and Democracy, here I will give an account of Derrida’s use of the term “democracy” that may allow us to judge whether his presentation of the relationship between deconstruction and democracy changes over time. (Since this essay takes into account texts which were not available to me in 2001, when the bulk of Democracy and Deconstruction was written, it may be read in part as an attempt at self-criticism, in the light of what may now be called, with regret, Derrida’s last writings. It is also a work of mourning.) Such an explication is made more difficult by Derrida’s refusal to define definitively what he understands by the word “democracy,” and his tendency to approach the subject from entirely different angles in individual texts. In Politics of Friendship, the most extensive treatment of these questions, democracy is primarily analyzed in terms of the relationship between fraternity and equality in the Western tradition of political thought; but in other texts, for example in “Passions” (1992), Derrida appears to suggest a more historical approach, tying the development of Western liberal democracy to institutional and legal developments, and particularly to the idea of literature.

     

    Derrida’s hesitation about defining democracy also testifies to a certain tension or torsion within democracy itself, beginning with the problem of the word “democracy.” This is not simply a matter of distinguishing between democrat and rogue, or between a democratic state and a rogue state. Indeed it might begin with the question of whether we approach democracy as a word, rather than as a concept. If we had a clear definition of democracy, many of the difficulties in which Derrida is interested would disappear: we would have fixed criteria against which an individual or a state could be judged and declared democratic or not. Derrida does not even begin to speculate on whether such a set of criteria could be reasonably secured. This is not out of a desire for obfuscation or obscurity, but out of the conviction that such criteria would be inadequate to the futurity of democracy, to its openness, in which lies both its promise and its risk, its chance and its danger. All of that, indeed, which Derrida wishes to underline in his use of the phrase “democracy à venir “: usually translated as “democracy to come,” but in which we hear avenir, “future.” So Derrida never says quite what he means when he uses the word democracy, nor when he intervenes in the name of “democracy to come.” Indeed, as he suggests in “The Reason of the Strongest,” he may not always have been entirely serious in his use of the phrase: “I have most often used it, always in passing, with as much stubborn determination as indeterminate hesitation–at once calculated and culpable–in a strange mixture of lightness and gravity, in a casual and cursory, indeed somewhat irresponsible, way, with a somewhat sententious and aphoristic reserve that leaves seriously in reserve an excessive responsibility” (Rogues 81).

     

    This may go some way to account for the confusion or bemusement with which Derrida’s political work has been greeted. Since the late 1980s, it has no longer been possible for readers of Derrida to accuse him of a failure to explain the political dimension of deconstruction, a demand that had been clearly evident as long ago as the interview with Jean-Louis Houdebine and Guy Scarpetta entitled “Positions” (1971). In his written texts and numerous interviews, Derrida has addressed an extensive range of specific political concerns, including nationalism, religious fundamentalism, cosmopolitanism in international affairs, the United Nations, immigration, and the idea of Europe and its place in world affairs, while more theoretical work has revolved around the concepts of decision, responsibility, justice, and hospitality. But where Derrida was once berated for failing to address political questions, new concerns have arisen among those following the development of his work. There has been a tendency to assimilate Derrida’s work to that of Levinas, despite the fact that a careful reading of texts such as “A Word of Welcome” (1996) will show that there has been no significant alteration in Derrida’s position on Levinas since his first criticisms in “Violence and Metaphysics” (1964).3 In turn this has led to the charge that Derrida has offered only “a politics of the ineffable” (McCarthy 115). Even writers sympathetic to Derrida have called for a political supplement to deconstruction such as might be found in the work of Laclau and Mouffe (Critchley 283). Slavoj Žižek speaks for many of Derrida’s critics when he suggests that Derrida’s actual political commitments are those of a concerned western European liberal, while his political theory amounts to a “melancholic post-secular” lament for the impossibility of politics (664-65). Derrida’s account of “democracy to come” seems to leave him open to attack from both sides. For self-proclaimed radicals, his work is too close to the liberal tradition, reformist rather than revolutionary. For many liberals, and particularly for the discursive democrats influenced more by the work of Jürgen Habermas, Derrida’s political writings are still too abstract, too vague, and remain divorced from everyday politics. In Deconstruction and Democracy I have tried to show that these concerns are misconceived and to substantiate Derrida’s claim that deconstruction is not best understood as a theory or a method–that is, as a political program–but as a description of “what happens.” As a project of political analysis, deconstruction is first and foremost a sensitivity or patient attention to upheavals and disruptions already underway. From this perspective, we should be able to see deconstruction, différance, an opening to a future which cannot be predicted or determined, in any political regime: by renaming this ungrounding of politics “democracy to come” Derrida is countersigning a political dimension which has been implicit in his work from its very beginning.

     

    IV

     

    Most of the arguments Derrida attaches to the idea of “democracy to come” are not particularly new in his work, but it is their elaboration in terms of democracy which is original. In Politics of Friendship (1989-90/1994), which contains its most extensive discussion prior to Voyous, “democracy to come” functions as a substitute for what Derrida more consistently calls justice.4 The book as a whole investigates the traditional association of democracy with equality, manifest in the recurrent figure of fraternity in political philosophy. Democracy is distinguished from other forms of political association by analogy with the non-hierarchical friendship between brothers. However Derrida rewrites this equation in a startling manner. Brotherhood betrays rather than confirms democratic equality. This does not mean singling out good and bad instances of democratic theories and polities. There is no democracy, Derrida argues, which will not overwrite friendship with brotherhood. Friendship in this schema stands for the possibility of befriending just anyone, brotherhood for an established relation with particular friends. As soon as I have determined friends, I owe them something; they become my brothers, and my obligations to them appear natural, or programmed. Such a programming cancels the very possibility of responsibility for Derrida, just as brotherhood cancels equality by virtue of being a preferring of some others to other others.

     

    It is important to stress that for Derrida friendship and fraternity are inseparable, because this highlights the power, but also perhaps the limits, of Derrida’s analysis of democracy. Fraternity is naturalized friendship, analogous to “nationality” as a bond between citizens which claims to be natural, automatic, unquestionable. Deconstruction, which is above all, denaturalization, insists that the idea of brotherhood, as of the nation, obscures particular political decisions. Friendship, which prefers, cannot help becoming brotherhood. Similarly, democracy, which embodies an appeal to equality, can never live up to its name. As soon as a state prefers its citizens, even in so minimal a way as by naming and counting them as its citizens, democracy is being blocked or cancelled. All the more or less evident restrictions of equality within a so-called democracy (the de facto or de jure inequality of women, of the poor, of minorities, of minors, of strangers tolerated only according to a limited hospitality) can and must be criticized in the name of democracy, judged and found wanting against the principle of equality. But any and every democracy will also always be found wanting because it must refer to a bounded territory or a limited population, because it must be constituted by a decision as to who is and who is not to count as “equal” in principle in this state. Derrida extends the analysis to the principle of equality itself, which can never do justice to the irreducible singularity of those counted as citizens–but without which there could be no laws, and no possibility of legal justice in the first place.

     

    A similar double bind occurs in a discussion of democracy in relation to freedom of speech. In “Passions,” Derrida associates deconstruction with literature and literature with democracy. The right to say anything, the idea of literature, and the freedom of speech guaranteed in liberal democracy in its modern form are all related. This does not mean that all is for the best in the best of all possible worlds. We might deduce that there will be “very little, hardly any” democracy. There can be no absolute freedom of speech, since it is limited by codes governing what can be made known (publicity) and what must be protected (privacy) or hidden (secrecy). These limits will, ideally, be subject to scrutiny and political contestation: a society in which there is no debate on what is right and proper and permissible to say is to that extent no longer democratic. Democracy can never be an experience of absolute freedom, just as it cannot be a matter of absolute equality. Rather we have to understand democracy in terms of tensions and strains, in the constituent limits that democracy places on the principles which define it.

     

    But as soon as it becomes clear that democracy as equality is in the sense to which Derrida appeals impossible, things start to look more problematic. What use is a criticism so general that it must by definition include every state which claims to be democratic? What good is an analysis that will continually and repeatedly testify only to the failure of democratic claims? My own response is that such an understanding of democracy can at least give us grounds to judge more or less democratic tendencies within a particular state, or to compare (in a qualified manner) two systems that claim to be equally democratic; but also that the apparent negativity of this analysis is a necessary correlate of the permanent critical vigilance on which the possibility of responsible citizenship depends. A democrat may become a rogue, even while pursuing the exact same aims, should circumstances happen to change. Our political judgments require constant reinvention. It should also be clear that the idea of democracy to come is an acknowledgment that the idea of democracy, its name, and its tradition, are what make possible such a criticism. For this reason there can be no immediate question of jettisoning democracy. Derrida’s use of the phrase “democracy to come” is in part an acknowledgement of this debt to both an historical and an intellectual heritage. But it is also an attempt to stress or underline the fact that for all the real and existing limits to democracy identified by deconstruction, we should not lose faith in it. Here Derrida’s strategy is rather ambiguous. What sounds like the promise of a more democratic future is in fact nothing of the sort. There is a promise within democracy, as there has always been, but there can be no guarantee of more democracy in the future. “Democracy to come” implies rather that even where there is less, or ever so little, democracy, a future for democracy still remains–and this is perhaps clearer in Rogues, where Derrida uses the figure of the turn to suggest that democracy might always come around again. The suspension of democratic government in Algeria in 1992 was not an end to democracy, but its deferral. The futurity of “democracy to come” must be monstrous, unimaginable because it implies the devastation of all the conceptual systems by which we reckon politics. In Politics of Friendship Derrida wonders a number of times whether democracy to come would still even be democracy: “Would it still make sense to speak of democracy when it would no longer be a question . . . of country, nation, even of State and citizen–in other words, if at least one keeps to the accepted use of these words, when it would no longer be a political question?” (Politics 104). The title of another interview hints that democracy to come might be both a promise to be welcome and a threat to be deferred: “Democracy Adjourned” (the published translation bears the more optimistic sounding “Another Day for Democracy,” and cf. Rogues 68).

     

    V

     

    It is I hope clear that Derrida’s use of the phrase “democracy to come” prior to Rogues is by no means either simply critical or simply affirmative. Both a profession of faith and an affiliation to a particular tradition, Derrida’s work reiterates and sends on the democratic appeal he inherits: “When will we be ready for an experience of freedom and equality that is capable of respectfully experiencing that friendship, which would at last be just, just beyond the law, and measured up against its measurelessness?” (Politics 306). Yet it still seems to me that Rogues is circumspect about “democracy to come.” This difference however is not conceptual–nor has Derrida’s evaluation of democracy as an ideal, or of liberal democratic states as a partial success and a partial failure in relation to that ideal, changed. Rather, the change from “democracy to come” to the suicidal democracy of the autoimmunitary system must be understood first and foremost as a political shift. Particularly in the first essay, I am tempted to believe that faced with an admiring crowd, gathered to discuss “democracy to come,” faced with the risk of the complacently remoralized deconstruction, the “consensus of a new dogmatic slumber” against which he warned in “Passions,” Derrida wanted to make democracy look as ambiguous as possible (“Passions” 15). My suggestion is that we might understand his account of democracy in terms of autoimmunity as a definite development, although perhaps not a substantial alteration, of what was already a deeply ambivalent portrait of democracy.

     

    I have cited Derrida’s remark in Rogues that he may never have been entirely serious about democracy. But what Derrida does not quite say is that his use of the word “democracy” will always have been itself a question of political strategy, meaning in part that he chooses to employ a particular vocabulary in a particular context, but also implying that a certain type of engagement will have forced itself upon him, will have seemed necessary. However, in interviews of the period in which he began to use the phrase, this sense of strategy is quite clear. For example, in a 1989 discussion with Michael Sprinker, Derrida remarks that “perhaps the term democracy is not a good term. For now it’s the best term I’ve found. But, for example, one day I gave a lecture at Johns Hopkins on these things and a student said to me, ‘What you call democracy is what Hannah Arendt calls republic in order to place it in opposition to democracy.’ Why not?” In fact Derrida insists that his use of the word democracy is a polemical and political intervention: “in the discursive context that dominates politics today, the choice of the term [democracy] is a good choice–it’s the least lousy possible. As a term, however, it’s not sacred. I can, some day or another, say, ‘No, it’s not the right term. The situation allows or demands that we use another term in other sentences’” (Negotiations 181). In his 2003 decision to be a co-signatory with Jürgen Habermas of a call for a specifically European political initiative, Derrida seems to be going against his earlier warning in The Other Heading (1991) about assigning such a privilege to the idea of “Europe.” But this should remind us that such warnings are always bound to contexts.

     

    Because of this insistence that we must use particular words here and now, although this does not necessarily add up to a particular political program, I propose that we consider Derrida’s use of the phrase “democracy to come” as a tactical, indeed as a political, action. It is a pledge of faith in something attested to in democracy, in both the history of the concept and in the democracies of the contemporary world; but it is also a capitulation to the demand for deconstruction’s political secret, which Derrida had refused to provide for many years. The timing is critical. Although it actually precedes Derrida’s decision to finally address Marxism openly in Specters of Marx (1993), Derrida confirms in Rogues that he first uses the phrase “democracy to come” in the long introductory essay to the collection of his previously published essays on the university, The Right To Philosophy, in “1989-1990” (Rogues 81-2; cf. Who’s Afraid 22-31). My suggestion is that both gestures need to be understand as attempts to maintain a critical stance in the face of the supposed post-Cold War triumph of liberal democracy following the fall of the Berlin Wall. In this context it seems as if the phrase “democracy to come” may well be an attempt to say something critical about the so-called democracy of the times, in underlining an obligation for democracy to continue to transform and improve itself. But wishing to avoid both the inevitable accusations of nihilism and the charge of political naïvety in being unable to differentiate democracy and totalitarianism levelled by Claude Lefort in a combative paper to Phillipe Lacoue-Labarthe and Jean-Luc Nancy’s Centre for Philosophical Research on the Political in 1980, Derrida has to find a way to retain the name of democracy, while reserving a space for its equally urgent critique.

     

    Over a decade later, and in changing geopolitical circumstances, Derrida re-issues his appeal for a “democracy to come,” but the terms in which it is phrased have hardened. What do we gain politically by translating “democracy to come” into “autoimmunity”? We learn that modern democracies may be seen to be caught up in a permanent process of self-destruction, inseparable from their attempts to sustain their own existence. Democracy, the legal and political frameworks of the sovereign state, can secure all kinds of goods, but only at the cost not only of others–Derrida refers to the classical example of the tensions between liberty and equality–but also of its own existence. To the extent that it protects itself, that its borders are patrolled and its immigrants counted and controlled, the state is no longer democratic, it closes itself against the future; yet to the extent that the rule of law is not maintained, that the boundaries of its territory are indeterminate or its citizens undifferentiated from others, the state no longer exists, and we are no longer able to speak of anything like a democracy, and certainly not of a democracy to come, that seems to depend upon the survival of a particular tradition of critical and reflective thought linked to the state form. Derrida stresses the link between the autoimmunitary and undecidability. The suppression of civil liberties in the name of security may be legitimate in protecting democracy against those who are set against it, but it is also autoimmunitary in exposing the immune system, by which democracy defends itself from its enemies (and thereby threatens the principles of democracy), as an “a priori abusive use of force” (Voyous 65). We can extend these figures, should we so wish. A state whose repressive measures outlaw a peaceful opposition party will doubtless provoke more violent measures–may rule out the possibility of reform rather than revolution.

     

    So the idea of the autoimmunitary can help to sharpen our sense that the effort to maintain democracy will always threaten to erase the public goods that make it worthwhile. But that process of destruction, in threatening to create ever greater counterforces, will in turn open new possibilities for democratic change. In particular it shifts us away from the apparent promise of “democracy to come,” and clarifies a mode in which we might undertake the analysis of actually existing democracy, as well as the theoretical and philosophical tradition that underpins it. (This looks like a shift from one philosophy of history to another, from a more messianic account to a more dialectical one: this might be seen as problematic, had we not learned from Derrida the impossibility of doing without metaphysics, so long as such schemes are subject to a perpetual critical and deconstructive vigilance.) Politically, I think the idea of democracy’s autoimmunitary systems might serve to bulwark a skepticism against the attack on freedom in the name of security. Democracy’s exposure is the price of its liberties; while democracy’s closure, its need to secure its borders, its need for a mediated system of political representation, contravenes the unconditional principles of democracy to come, and so threatens it as democracy. There can be no question of programming decisions here: no one can dictate the balance of liberty and security in a particular situation, just as no one can predict what degree of protection a democracy will finally provide for those minorities sheltered within. Derrida’s work on hospitality suggests that there is only hospitality when it is offered unconditionally, that is to the point at which the guest becomes the host in my place, when I no longer insist on asking the stranger his name in my language rather than in his. But this does not lead to the conclusion that all restrictions on immigration, even though they are always unjust, and we must work for less unjust laws, should be lifted. To do so would be to dissolve the constraints that define and protect the democratic space being offered to the newcomer. Similarly, we can only expect so much of democracy, so long as the political form most devoted to freedom and equality remains linked to security, property, sovereignty, state, territory, people, or nation.

     

    VI

     

    Derrida’s ultimate target in Rogues may not be democracy after all, but sovereignty, and with it our sense of propriety, of sanctity and security, of the supposedly legitimate force wielded over any body, state, or identity. Derrida underlines another double bind. As we have seen, democracy depends on something like sovereignty: there can be no democracy without political control over a territory, a population; but democracy also means that same political control must in turn be subject to the authority of the people. The demos is a threat in any regime: democracy is suicidal in enshrining that threat at the heart of the regime. A whole tradition, the most insistent modern representative of which is Carl Schmitt, has argued that sovereignty is indivisible or is nothing. Derrida will agree with Schmitt, and with the tradition, that sovereignty must be indivisible, but, like other exceptional and sovereign features of the philosophical in which Derrida has taken an interest–reason, decision, responsibility, forgiveness, exception, presence–this means sovereignty is also impossible. It can never achieve the indivisibility it claims as its prerequisite. To the extent that it seeks to do so, it must enforce the law with violence. Derrida reminds us that “there are in the end rather few philosophical discourses, assuming there are any at all, in the long tradition that runs from Plato to Heidegger, that have without any reservations taken the side of democracy” (Rogues 41). Might this be because the sovereignty of reason is itself threatened by the figure of democracy, the arguments of the philosophers by the voices of the people? Just as deconstruction seeks to open philosophy to its outside, so the faltering of sovereignty within democracy needs to be exposed.

     

    Derrida argues that there are always “plus d’états voyous“–“(No) more rogue states” (Rogues 95-107)–than you think. The idiom resists translation: there are always no rogue states, and always more rogue states. Being “voyou” is inscribed into the very principle of sovereignty, into the constitution of every state. The play on the idea of rogue state is an explicit attempt to link geopolitical reflection, and in particular a contestation of the right of the United States to identify and vilify particular “Rogue States,” to the more profound sense that all sovereignty is somehow abusive and violent. Yet where the retort that takes the United States as the exemplary rogue state has a clear political and polemical force, Derrida seems to risk going astray: if states are rogue not in exceptional circumstances, but by default, isn’t there a temptation to shrug one’s shoulders?

     

    As soon as there is sovereignty, there is abuse of power and a rogue State. Abuse is the law of its use; it is the law itself, the "logic" of a sovereignty that can reign only without division [partage]. More precisely, since it never succeeds in doing this except in a critical, precarious and unstable fashion, sovereignty can only tend, for a limited time, to rule indivisibly [sans partage]. (Rogues 102, translation adapted)

     

    We’re faced with the same dilemma that arises from a “democracy to come”: that if all politics is hostile to democracy, just as all politics is an opening to more democracy, more equality, more justice, how are we to choose and prefer some politics rather than other politics? If all states are rogue states, which should we denounce?

     

    Yet the emphasis he places on “plus de” shows that Derrida acknowledges this problem. If there are only rogue states, there are no rogue states: the distinction appears to lose its force. This is no excuse to back away from politics itself, nor for a resignation in the face of the future: patience need not mean waiting. Despite the fact that “there is something of a rogue state in every state [and] the use of state power is originally excessive and abusive” (Rogues 156),

     

    it would be imprudent and hasty, in truth hardly reasonable, to oppose unconditionally, that is, head on, a sovereignty that is in itself unconditional and indivisible. One cannot combat, head on, all sovereignty, sovereignty in general, without threatening at the same time, beyond the nation-state figure of sovereignty, the classical principles of freedom and self-determination. . . . Nation-state sovereignty can even itself, in certain conditions, become an indispensable bulwark against certain international powers. (Rogues 158)

     

    Despite its opposition to nationalism, as an exemplary form of political brotherhood, deconstruction cannot dictate a categorical opposition to the idea of “nation,” not least where it might provide a point of resistance to imperialism, and precisely in the name of democracy. The deconstruction of reason, and of its political logic of sovereignty, is not to be accomplished by simply opposing democracy to sovereignty, or by setting security against freedom. The relation between these figures is more complex; to appeal to “democracy to come” is one way of saying this–to underscore the autoimmunity of democracy, of sovereignty, of reason, is another. “Democracy to come” highlights an insufficiency within any and every existing or possible democracy, while promising more rather than less democracy: but the figure of suicidal democracy emphasizes instead that what promises more democracy may well be the extent to which democracy takes risks. The distinction is one of words, that is to say of the different strategies that evolving political contexts may call forth. But the deconstruction of sovereignty cannot mean the rejection of sovereignty.

     

    In an interview given shortly before his death on 9 October 2004, Derrida confesses to two “contradictory feelings” concerning the legacy of his thought: “on the one hand, to say it smiling and immodestly, I feel that people have not even begun to read me, that if there are very many good readers (a few dozen in the world, perhaps), they will do so only later. On the other hand, I feel that two weeks after my death, nothing at all of my work will be left” (“Je Suis”). This is a question of a legacy, of the past, but also of the future. I have argued that in Rogues Derrida continues to develop his analysis of democracy, and to some extent might be seen as backing away from the syntax of “democracy to come.” As elsewhere, what Derrida is really interested in is a future that cannot be identified in advance, since it would be a break with all the old names. Democracy without sovereignty might no longer be democracy, either. Yet for all this talk of the future, Derrida does not mean us to turn away from what is happening now. Autoimmunization, with its insistence on a process that is always already underway, for all its potential confusions–and it’s clear that, as Gasché comments, this must be understood “far beyond the biological processes” (297)–may prove a more useful starting point. As in the case of the link between sovereignty and democracy: “such a questioning [of democracy] . . . is already under way. It is at work today; it is what’s coming, what’s happening. It is and it makes history” (Rogues 157). In his 1981 interview with Richard Kearney, Derrida remarked that “the difficulty is to gesture in opposite directions at the same time: on the one hand to preserve a distance and suspicion with regard to the official political codes governing reality; on the other, to intervene here and now in a practical and engagé manner whenever the necessity arises” (120). Although Derrida is silent on the subject in Voyous, we must reserve a place for the possibility that what is coming will not be democracy, or might no longer be usefully called democracy. Despite its prominence in his work since 1990, we cannot take Derrida’s engagement with democracy to be the last word on the politics of deconstruction.

     

    VII

     

    Because Derrida’s death is written into every single word he ever wrote, so his literal, physical decease changes nothing. No philosopher has insisted so completely and so powerfully on the fact that one’s future demise is a necessary precondition of one’s every utterance. Friendship is always mourning, because it must always anticipate the death of my friend. As Derrida described it in mourning his own friend Paul de Man,

     

    the strange situation I am describing here, for example that of my friendship with Paul de Man, would have allowed me to say all of this before his death. It suffices that I know him to be mortal, that he knows me to be mortal--there is no friendship without this knowledge of finitude. And everything that we inscribe in the living present of our relation to others already carries, always, the signature of memoirs-from-beyond-the-grave. (Memoires 29)

     

    This situation is neither to be regretted nor condemned, since it is what makes friendship possible: “there belongs the gesture of faithful friendship, its immeasurable grief, but also its life” (Memoires 38). Returning to this theme in Politics of Friendship, Derrida remarks: “I could not love friendship without engaging myself, without feeling myself in advance engaged to love the other beyond death. Therefore, beyond life” (12). Our first engagement with the thought of Jacques Derrida will always have condemned us to suffer his loss. But then, as he famously argues in Speech and Phenomena, his death was already predicted and anticipated in every word he wrote: “My death is structurally necessary to the pronouncing of the I. . . . The statement ‘I am alive’ is accompanied by my being dead, and its possibility requires the possibility that I be dead, and conversely” (Speech 96-7). If Derrida’s death was always inscribed in his writings, we must refuse the temptation to ascribe his work a provisional or hypothetical unity based on its finally delimited finitude: its physical completion should not be allowed to dictate a conceptual closure. This means seeking not only to reconstruct the steps in the trajectory of his own work, but also continuing to challenge and renew his questioning, to think it in other ways, and in other words.

     

    In a short and lucid article on Derrida’s political thought, Geoffrey Bennington argues that “deconstruction on the one hand generalises the concept of politics so that it includes all conceptual dealings whatsoever, and on the other makes a precise use of one particular inherited politico-metaphysical concept, democracy, to make a pointed and more obviously political intervention in political thought” (32-3). There is a danger in this account that it returns us to democracy: that democracy might become the last word, the only word, through which deconstruction might seek to engage politically. The inverse of such a risk is that any existing democracy could seek to shore itself up with the prestige of a deconstructive logic. I have argued that this need not be the case, and that “democracy” is only one word under which a political intervention might be made. Yet there are places in his work where Derrida does seem to grant a particular privilege to democracy, which must mean not only a concept but also a name and a particular historical tradition. For example, in the Borradori interview:

     

    Of all the names grouped a bit too quickly under the category "political regimes" (and I do not believe that "democracy" ultimately designates a "political regime"), the inherited concept of democracy is the only one that welcomes the possibility of being contested, of contesting itself, of criticizing and indefinitely improving itself. ("Autoimmunity" 121)

     

    Democracy, he continues, “would be the name of the only ‘regime’ that presupposes its own perfectibility” (121, emphasis added).

     

    This is a figure of intense ambivalence. Is democracy the only site of a political invention of the future? Is democracy the only possible name for such an invention? Does the Western philosophical tradition, do the Western liberal democracies, offer the only spaces in which alternative political possibilities might develop? Is there really no future for politics, for deconstruction, outside of democracy? This remains to be seen. Derrida insists that democracy is always and will always be a question of what is to come. The challenge of a political invention of the future, and this is perhaps where deconstruction’s real radicalism lies, is the acknowledgment that what makes a new politics possible is that which also threatens to destroy politics. Only a state willing to consider the surrender of its own sovereignty, to place equality before security, only a suicidal democracy might live up to the idea of a “democracy to come.” This may seem a long way to go in the current political climate–or indeed in any political climate. But we should remember that by the logic of the autoimmunitary process, the logic of deconstruction itself, even a state that appears to be drawing rapidly away from democracy may in fact be exposing itself even more to the possibility of what remains to come.

     

    Notes

     

    An early version of this essay was presented to the conference “Derrida: Negotiating the Legacy” at the University of Aberystwyth, January 2005. I would like to thank both the organizers, the Aberystwyth Post-International Group, and the participants for their responses to the paper. I am also grateful to the editors of this special issue of Postmodern Culture for their suggestions.

     

    1. Where I associate a date with Derrida’s works, it is not usually the date of first publication, but the date the work was first presented in public, at which an interview was given, or the date of revision where one is indicated in the published text. This is an attempt to suggest a more accurate chronology for Derrida’s writings than that provided by the somewhat erratic order of their publication.

     

    2. The ambiguities raised by Derrida’s choice of example, and the apparent confrontation in the Algerian political process between a Christian Enlightenment heritage and the question of Islamism, are deliberate.

     

    3. I make this argument in part 3 of Deconstruction and Democracy. Derrida suggests elsewhere that his later engagement with Levinas has been overdetermined by a political question: the need to rearticulate Levinas in order to rescue his work from a growing religious and moralistic appropriation (see Papier Machine 366; see also comments by Hent de Vries in the Preface to Minimal Theologies xix-xx).

     

    4. Politics of Friendship is presented as a transcript of Derrida’s seminar of 1989-1990 of the same title. This would make the use of “democracy to come” in the text contemporary with its use in The Right to Philosophy. However one assumes that the text has been revised for publication (in 1994). Since it shares many features in common with Specters of Marx (first presented and published in 1993), which does make some use of “democracy to come,” but also with “Force of Law: The ‘Mystical Foundation’ of Authority” (first presented in 1989 and 1990, and published in English in 1990, before being slightly revised for the French edition of 1994), which makes very little, my guess is that many of the references to “democracy to come” are later additions, but that “democracy” is certainly on Derrida’s agenda for the first time in 1989-1990. A textual criticism to come will prepare us to answer such questions, and begin to read Derrida with the attention to singularity his texts demand.

     

    Works Cited

     

    • Arditi, Benjamin. “Populism as a Spectre of Democracy: A Response to Canovan.” Political Studies 52 (2005): 135-43.
    • Bennington, Geoffrey. “Derrida and Politics.” Interrupting Derrida. London: Routledge, 2000.
    • Critchley, Simon. Ethics–Politics–Subjectivity. London: Verso, 1999.
    • Derrida, Jacques. “Autoimmunity: Real and Symbolic Suicides.” Trans. Giovanni Boradorri. Philosophy in a Time of Terror: Dialogues With Jürgen Habermas and Jacques Derrida. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 2003. 85-136.
    • —. “Deconstruction and the Other.” Interview with Richard Kearney. Dialogues with Contemporary Continental Thinkers. Manchester: Manchester UP, 1984. 107-26
    • —. “Faith and Knowledge: the Two Sources of ‘Religion’ at the Limits of Reason Alone.” Trans. Samuel Weber. Religion. Jacques Derrida and Gianni Vattimo. Cambridge: Polity, 1998. 1-78.
    • —. “Force of Law: The ‘Mystical Foundations of Authority.’” Trans. Mary Quaintance. Deconstruction and the Possibility of Justice. Eds. Drucilla Cornell et al. London: Routledge, 1992. 3-67.
    • —. “Je suis en guerre contre moi-même.” Interview with Jean Birbaum. Le Monde 18 Aug. 2004. Trans. Pascale Fusshoeller, Leslie Thatcher, and Steve Weissman. truthout 27 Aug. 2004. No longer available online.
    • —. Memoires for Paul de Man. Trans. Cecile Lindsay, Jonathan Culler, and Eduardo Cadava. New York: Columbia UP, 1986.
    • —. Negotiations: Interventions and Interviews, 1971-2001. Ed. and trans. Elizabeth Rottenberg. Stanford: Stanford UP, 2002.
    • —. The Other Heading. Trans. Pascale-Anne Brault and Michael Naas. Bloomington: Indiana UP, 1991.
    • —. Papier Machine. Paris: Galilée, 2001.
    • —. “Passions.” Trans. David Wood. On The Name. Ed. Thomas Dutoit. Stanford: Stanford UP, 1995. 3-31.
    • —. Politics of Friendship. Trans. George Collins. London: Verso, 1997.
    • —. “Positions.” Interview with Jean-Louis Houdebine and Guy Scarpetta. Positions. 1972. Trans. Alan Bass. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1981. 37-96.
    • —. Rogues: Two Essays on Reason. Trans. Pascale-Anne Brault and Michael Naas. Stanford: Stanford UP, 2005.
    • —. Specters of Marx: The State of the Debt, the Work of Mourning, and the New International. Trans. Peggy Kamuf. London: Routledge, 1994.
    • —. Speech and Phenomena. Trans. David B. Allison. Evanston: Northwestern UP, 1973.
    • —. “Violence and Metaphysics.” Writing and Difference. Trans. Alan Bass. London: Routledge, 1978. 79-153.
    • —. Who’s Afraid of Philosophy: Right To Philosophy I. Trans. Jan Plug. Stanford: Stanford UP, 2002.
    • —. “A Word of Welcome.” Adieu: to Emmanuel Levinas. Trans. Pascale-Anne Brault and Michael Naas. Stanford: Stanford UP, 1999. 15-123.
    • Gasché, Rodolphe. “‘In the Name of Reason’: The Deconstruction of Sovereignty.” Research in Phenomenology 34 (2004): 289-303.
    • Habermas, Jürgen, and Jacques Derrida. “February 15th, or What Binds Europeans Together: A Plea for A Common Foreign Policy, Beginning in the Core of Europe.” Trans. Max Pensky. Constellations 10 (2003): 291-97.
    • Lefort, Claude. “The Question of Democracy.” Trans. David Macey. Democracy and Political Theory. Oxford: Blackwell, 1988. 9-20.
    • McCarthy, Thomas. Ideals and Illusions: On Reconstruction and Deconstruction in Critical Theory. Cambridge: MIT P, 1991.
    • Roberts, Hugh. The Battlefield: Algeria 1988-2002. Studies in a Broken Polity. London: Verso, 2003.
    • Thomson, Alex. Deconstruction and Democracy. London: Continuum, 2005.
    • de Vries, Hent. Minimal Theologies: Critiques of Secular Reason in Adorno and Levinas. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 2005.
    • Žižek, Slavoj. “Melancholy and the Act.” Critical Inquiry 26 (2000): 657-81.

     

  • Passions: A Tangential Offering

     

    Megan Kerr

    kerr.megan@gmail.com

     

    I read Derrida’s Passions: An Oblique Offering in translation. Je lus or Je lis will be a difficulty for a French translator to resolve or to leave open [thus]. The ambiguity of “I read” is my right as an English writer, but by what right do I write “Derrida’s Passions: An Oblique Offering“? He wrote none of this text:

     

    David Wood . . . suggests to me [m'offre] that these pages be entitled "An Oblique Offering." He had even printed it beforehand on the projected Table of Contents of the complete manuscript before I had written a line of this text.

     

    Should I ascribe this quotation to (Derrida, “Passions” 12) or to (Wood, “Passions” 12)? Derrida’s only words are in square brackets which are not his. This is no mere rite: I respond to “response” without parenthesizing the parentheses. It is not polite to accuse Derrida of words he did not write, but I raise the question not as a gesture, from duty or out of politeness, but out of love. This opposition–love vs. gestures, duty, politeness–is crucial, as is the object of love: right now, love of Derrida and love of meaning. May I say I love Derrida, whom I have not met? By what right? What do I mean by that? I will have to defend my love of meaning and my love of Derrida in order to say, “I read Derrida’s Passions: An Oblique Offering in translation,” but for now, you know what I mean–I read Derrida’s Passions: An Oblique Offering in translation:

     

    I Read Derrida’s Passions:

     

    I begin by enacting the ritual of the critical reader with which this text opens:

     

    Friendship as well as politeness would enjoin a double duty: would it not precisely be to avoid at all cost both the language of ritual and the language of duty? Duplicity, the being-double of this duty, cannot be added up as a 1 + 1 = 2 or a 1 + 2, but on the contrary hollows itself out in an infinite abyss. (Passions 7)

     

    Let us leave politeness aside for a moment. There is no such abyss in friendship, Jacques. How does one escape the abyss? If indeed, such a double duty were valid, the abyss would be inescapable, the duty to avoid duty recurring in the familiar figure of infinite regression, but only if the former putative duty resembled the latter. One must avoid the language of duty to engage in friendship worthy of the name, by eschewing duty not out of duty but out of what supersedes it–a compulsion, yes, but of a different order. “It is insufficient to say that the ‘ought’ [il faut] of friendship, like that of politeness, must not be on the order of duty. It must not even take the form of a rule, and certainly not of a ritual rule” (8). Politeness still to one side, “insufficient” is not “inaccurate,” merely lacking. Rules supply a lack, in both senses, simultaneously creating and trying to regulate disobedience. How do we know where in the abyss to apply the rule and what form it should take, before disobedience is possible? What khôra is it trying to emulate with its ritual structure? That it is a hollow copy is certain, trying to find itself “beyond reproach by playing on appearances just where intention is in default” (8). Voilà our khôra, which is no mystical arcanum unless we are so lost in the logos as to consider everything which we cannot formulate to be formless and unformed. “This very singular impropriety . . . is just what must be kept for it, what we must keep for it” (Derrida/McLeod, Khôra 97). This khôra can be given a name, indeed, many names, all of which will fall into the trap of making “one forget the vicariousness of its own function” (Derrida/Spivak, Of Grammatology 144). As with mercy and justice,

     

    friendship resembles duty, but it comes from somewhere else, it belongs to a different order, at the same time it modifies justice, it at once tempers and strengthens duty, changes it without changing it, converts it without converting it, yet while improving it, while exalting it. (Derrida/Venuti/Kerr, "What" 195)

     

    Only if the intention, the friendship, the feeling, the relational motivation, the titular passions, are missing does “duty” come into play as an insufficient substitute, the letter of the law. The “abyss” recurs:

     

    Taken seriously, this hypothesis . . . would make one tremble, it could also paralyze one at the edge of the abyss, there where you would be alone, all alone or already caught up in a struggle with the other, an other who would seek in vain to hold you back or to push you into the void, to save you or to lose you. (8)

     

    It hollows itself out only if the relational compulsion is absent. The “abyss” is anti-relational; if you are “all alone or already caught up in a struggle with the other” then the abyss appears, the hollow friendship, for friendship is already absent and duty fails to wholly supply the lack. The “Passions” of the title is also a theological intervention that this article nevertheless lacks, and which “What is a ‘Relevant’ Translation?” (Derrida/Venuti) addresses repeatedly. The Passion of Christ heralded, theologically, the coming of grace, of a love that is higher than the law–the Spirit and not the Letter: “(literal circumcision of the flesh versus ideal and interior circumcision of the heart, Jewish circumcision versus Christian circumcision, the whole debate surrounding Paul)” (194).

     

    Already reading a different text from that written by Derrida, I am now doing so perversely: the word duty, already split into duty/devoir, doubles again, for here, I say, there is no such duty, there is love. Henceforward, I see each mention of “duty” as perhaps duty, perhaps love, and choose my interpretation by relating it back to the countertext that I am reading, which is no longer Derrida’s Passions: An Oblique Offering, which I nevertheless continue to read simultaneously. The next disagreement, arising in both, increases these ghost-texts (res in potentia) exponentially.

     

    One cannot simply count expotential readings–every word is an opportunity for a new text to spring up, but I single out a few, which I divide, though they are concurrent, into two groups: in the first group, I disagree with Derrida’s meaning; in the second, I question issues of translation from French to English.

     

    “Derrida’s meaning” abounds with presumptions which run contrary to my poststructuralist literary and linguistic training. I could say simply “the text,” avoiding a confrontation either with Derrida or with meaning, and this text would be shorter for it. Instead, I open a can of worms: that the meaning I understand is the meaning Derrida meant; that the meaning belongs to Derrida; that I can understand his meaning; that his meaning is carried from French to English and remains the same meaning. These are the same worms I faced at the beginning and they will not vanish if I say coldly “the text” and keep the presumptions secret. Why not? Because in any case I am about to treat “the text,” performatively, according to meaning, whether or not I avoid the word “meaning”; because in order to mount my disagreements, I must presume that there is meaning running through the text that is not mine alone, that the words have enough of a meaning to mean something which is not only my interpretation (“For a writing to be a writing it must continue to ‘act’ and to be readable even when what is called the author of the writing no longer answers for what he has written” [Derrida/Weber and Mehlman, “Signature” 8]); because I am reading this text because it is Derrida’s and because I love Derrida even though Wood wrote the English words. I still say “I love Derrida” and I mean that in general I love his meaning (when I read in English) and both his meaning and words (when I read in French) and so to defend my love of Derrida I still have to defend meaning. (I feel no need to defend any notion of Derrida or his meaning being “unitary”; I don’t believe that is true or that love depends on that.) I will defend meaning, but for now I will demonstrate it, rely on it in my peformance, as I mount my disagreements.

     

    Nevertheless, the meaning of these words troubles me, from my own fingers or in the article I read: love for . . . what, duty to . . . what? I read on, perversely:

     

    An axiom from which it is not necessary to conclude further that one can only accede to friendship or politeness (for example, in responding to an invitation, or indeed to the request or the question of a friend) by transgressing all rules and going against all duty. (8)

     

    I leave aside politeness, still. This doesn’t follow; that one should be motivated by friendship, not duty (this according to my countertext), does not necessarily require one to transgress any rules, much less all: any rules, because we have not yet entered the lack which rules will supply; all rules, because we need not include those against incest and jaywalking. The abstract noun, “duty,” troubles me, for duty cannot be codified. Rather than singular, it is uncountable. It was never unitary, even before I split it into duty/devoir and then perverted it as “love”–what of contradictory duties, what do I, my aunt, my mother, my father, my lover, regard as my duty? If this insistence on duty in life constitutes a fundamental misunderstanding of philosophy, then philosophy constitutes a fundamental misunderstanding of life. It is not so; such a word must remain “without a general and rule-governed response . . . linked specifically each time, to the occurrence of a decision without rules and without will in the course of a new test of the undecidable” (16-7). Only by treating the word “duty” as a homogenous summary of all duties, which insists on an at least possible codification whether realized or not, can one conclude that if friendship must avoid duty, it must avoid all duty. Any abstract noun is dangerous until we have asked “From whom? To whom?” (6) and insisted that it is different whenever the answers to those questions are different.

     

    The abyss is a well of love; it becomes an abyss only when that love is lacking and the friendship is (temporarily or permanently) absent; it is love that does not need duty or the language of duty. Similarly, “morality” requires its emotional antecedent.

     

    Furthermore, would it be moral and responsible to act morally because one has a sense (the word emphasized above) of duty and responsibility? Clearly not; it would be too easy and, precisely, natural, programmed by nature; it is hardly moral to be moral (responsible, etc.) because one has the sense of the moral, of the highness of the law, etc. (16)

     

    What is “morality”? I cannot codify it any more than I can codify duty; it too demands questions of specificity: when, where, for whom, to whom? It, too, must be “linked specifically each time, to the occurrence of a decision without rules . . . in the course of a new test of the undecidable.” (17) I elide “without will” deliberately: one’s morality requires the will to be moral. So far, Derrida, Kant, and I agree, but the sense of morality triggers another expotential reading within the multiplying texts that I am still trying to read simultaneously. This sense, sensibility, emotion, is treated, following Kant, as necessarily “pathological,” i.e., diseased:

     

    This is the well-known problem of "respect" for the moral law . . . this problem draws all of its interest from the disturbing paradox that it inscribes in the heart of a morality incapable of giving an account of being inscribed in an affect (Gefühl) or in a sensibility of what should not be inscribed there or should only enjoin the sacrifice of everything that would only obey this sensible inclination. . . . The object of sacrifice there is always of the order of the sensuous motives [mobile sensibile], of the secretly "pathological" interest which must, says Kant, be "humbled" before the moral law. (16)

     

    Everything hinges on the second “only,” the sacrifice of everything that would only obey this sensible inclination. “Sensible,” in English, hovers awkwardly between its current, common signified (If you would only be sensible!) and the more archaic signified towards which the context forces it. Slyly, through the complex relationship the two languages have enjoyed, English proffers a violently perverse interpretation: sacrifice everything that makes sense. Nevertheless, I withdraw from that expotential bubble; I am not after common sense; it is still Derrida’s meaning that I am chasing, if only to disagree. I reread: /sãsibl/. Anything that would only obey this sensible inclination would require its own sacrifice to the law, for it would be an instinct forever higher than the law and beyond control. Only if “only” is removed, can we conclude that a sense of morality is inimical to morality and we define morality as the sacrifice of all emotional impetus, regardless of what it drives us towards. It thus becomes moral to commit adultery as long as I don’t want to. In refusing the sense of the moral, in seeing it as an instinct, Derrida has removed “only” and acceded to Kantian binarisms. The above passage continues,

     

    this concept of sacrificial offering, thus of sacrifice in general, requires the whole apparatus of the "critical" distinctions of Kantianism; sensible/intelligible, passivity/spontaneity, intuitus derivativus/intuitus originarius, etc. (16)

     

    Can I make such a wild, even heretical accusation? For once, Derrida will admit no doubt: “it would be necessary to declare in the most direct way that if one had the sense of duty and of responsibility, it would compel breaking with both these moralisms” (15); “Clearly not“; “too easy and, precisely, natural, programmed by nature“; “This is the well-known problem“; “this concept . . . requires the whole apparatus of the ‘critical’ distinctions” (16; emphases added except for “sense“). The concept that he unequivocally insists on rests explicitly on this binary between easy, natural, instinctive, sensible (emotional), passive, derivative, and less easy, unnatural, intelligible, spontaneous, originary.

     

    Stepping momentarily into this code, I gave the example of reluctant adultery; we must accept that absurdity as long as we denigrate the emotions. “The example itself, as such, overflows its singularity as much as its identity. This is why there are no examples, while at the same time there are only examples” (17). It could not have been an example without my stepping into the code. Such instances can only be pressed into service as “examples” once the code which they exemplify has already sprung up out of these very instances–but not from all of them. The code is an hypothesis based on selective data and treated as truth. Creating an “example” of an instance bastardizes it by reversing the chronology. Derrida’s instance of nonresponse that is valid or invalid for the law and my instance of sanctioning reluctant adultery become metonymic lies about nonresponse in general, about denying emotion in general. The instance, made to act as an example, is forced to lie and deny its singularity. The example is derivative; the instance is originary. The example, however, is of the code; it lies on the intelligible side of the binary, pretending to be “originary.” The instance rests with the other. Derrida accepts the binary, while resisting it with “passion”:

     

    the same goes for the concept of passion; what I am looking for here, passion according to me, would be a concept of passion that would be non-"pathological" in Kant's sense. All this, therefore, still remains open, suspended, undecided, questionable even beyond the question, indeed, to make use of another figure, absolutely aporetic. (16)

     

    A non-pathological passion, for Kant, would surely be arational/passion,a term spliced and made impossible by such “critical distinctions.” Derrida seeks apassionate/moralitythat the terms of his argument structure as impossible. Morality must be a decision, not an automation, based on will, not on instinct.

     

    A sense of the moral, however, is not inimical to that will that gives rise to decision, but is intrinsic to it. This “sense,” as something seemingly instinctive and emotional, may belong to the limbic system of our brains, rather than to the cortex. Through his work on synesthesia, Richard Cytowic has shaken previous assumptions about the roles of these areas of the brain. Previously, it was thought that “the cortex is the seat of reason and the mind, those things that make us human” and that “conscious perception of experience takes place in the cortex” (The Man 23, 132). According to Cytowic, the limbic system, also known as the paleomammalian brain, is concerned with the preservation of the species, socialization, parental care, play, and emotion. The cortex, in the new model, remains the seat of analysis, logic, and other “higher” functions, but its status is dramatically undermined:

     

    The limbic system gives salience to events so that we either ignore them as mundane and unimportant, or take notice and act. It is also the place where value, purpose, and desire are evaluated, a process referred to as assigning negative or positive "valence." . . . The limbic brain has retained its function as the decider of valence. What the cortex does is provide more detailed analysis about what is going on in the world so that the limbic brain can decide what is important and what to do. (168)

     

    While cognition can offer analysis, it remains subordinate to the “emotional core of the human nervous system” (168). Although this seems to privilege emotion above reason, Cytowic specifically warns against maintaining this Cartesian distinction. In The Neurological Side of Neuropsychology, he writes of “how the phenomenal dichotomy between reason and emotion does not hold up at the neural level,” “the illusive nature of self-awareness,” and “the false dichotomy between first-person and third-person points of view that are usually labeled subjective and objective” (283).

     

    As long as we hold onto the emotion/reasonbinary, we regard “emotional decisions” as “irrational decisions.” Observation of split-brain patients indicates that when they receive verbal stimulus, whose nature remains unknowable to them, they nonetheless respond to the emotional tone of something they cannot perceive. On noting this response, “the process of verbal attribution takes over and concocts an explanation that, while perhaps plausible, is nonetheless incorrect” (Cytowic, The Neurological 295-96). Refusing to accept the “irrational,” they invent the “rational.” From the neurologist’s “unimpaired” vantage point, the explanation is obviously wrong. As “unimpaired” individuals, we assume this cannot apply to us, for we can perceive the stimulus for our decisions–or so we thought. Not only are all decisions based on the limbic system’s “emotional” evaluation, but the decision itself remains inaccessible to consciousness, or what we have hitherto liked to think of as consciousness. Kornhüber’s work shows that the build-up of brain activity called “readiness potential” for decisions “far antedates the subject’s decision” (Cytowic, The Neurological 298). Cytowic explains that

     

    such a decision is an interpretation we give to a behavior that has been initiated some place else by another part of ourselves well before we are aware of making any decision at all. In other words, the decision has been made before we are aware of the idea even to make a decision. If "we" are not pulling the strings, then who or what is? One answer: A facet inaccessible to introspection. (298-300)

     

    Descartes, according to neurology, was wrong: sentio ergo cogito, or, as Cytowic puts it, “strictly biological models of emotion . . . place emotion as the causative antecedent of cognition” (295).

     

    The decision, within the emotion/reasonbinary, is a moment of madness. To logic it remains forever undecidable, for logic is not neurally equipped with the capacity to make a decision:

     

    The undecidable is not merely the oscillation or the tension between two decisions; it is the experience of that which, though heterogeneous, foreign to the order of the calculable and the rule, is still obliged--it is of obligation that we must speak--to give itself up to the impossible decision, while taking account of law and rules. . . . The undecidable remains caught, lodged, at least as a ghost--but an essential ghost--in every decision, in every event of decision. (Derrida, "Force of Law" 24)

     

    The madness, the emotion, the khôra, the impetus, is the ghost in our machine. Rather than being “just an instinct,” a sense of morality is the prerequisite for a moral decision. The code arises out of instances analyzed; the instances arise out of the passions. The decision is always already a subject of passion.

     

    Although this article is called Passions: An Oblique Offering, Derrida repeatedly opts for the “cold” option of rule, duty, law, codification, rather than for the “hot” option of an emotional response. The possibility of a passionate friendship is obfuscated with a hollow abyss and a duty to avoid the language of duty; passionate morality is held to be a contradiction in terms–leaving us with the view that the passions are immoral, unfriendly; the codes are the reliable or moral guide. The passions, at the beginning, are placed outside the person; to write that “even if his activity is often close to passivity, if not passion” (4) formulates “passion” as an extreme form of “passivity,” which would regard the passions as metaphorically external agents acting on him who is passive. We have defined ourselves as those who know, and what we cannot know within ourselves is externalized, seen as beyond our control (“we” are not pulling the strings) rather than as that which constitutes our control because it constitutes us. In so doing, we generate khôra–the compensatory dream and unconscious of the logos. What has Derrida said of khôra? It defies “that ‘logic of noncontradiction of the philosophers’ of which Vernant speaks” (Derrida/McLeod, “Khôra” 89) and is indefinable: “One cannot even say of it that it is neither this nor that or that it is both this and that” (89). Like our retrospectively rational decisions, “the khôra is anachronistic; it ‘is’ the anachrony within being, or better: the anachrony of being. It anachronises being” (94). We cannot speak of its origins, but it appears, as having always existed, when

     

    according to Hegel, philosophy becomes serious . . . only from the moment when it enters into the sure path of logic: that is, after having abandoned, or let us rather say sublated, its mythic form: after Plato, with Plato. (100)

     

    With the logic of non-contradiction arises A/Not-Abinary; A is everything that observes the logic of non-contradiction and Not-A is variously khôra, the pleroma, mythic thought, and Derrida’s secret. To say that the latter can have nothing to do with the logic of non-contradiction itself rests on the logic of non-contradiction. Hence, its compensatory function cannot be simply contrary, for that reinforces rather than sublating or undermining A. Rather, it needs to be aA–“alogical and achronic, anachronistic too” (113). The logic of non-contradiction makespassionate_morality impossible, but passion laughs at the logic of non-contradiction. The passions are chronologically and neurologically the foundation of the code, not merely in opposition; they make the code possible, as well as (sometimes) necessary.

     

    The offering may be oblique, but the Passions are tangential to the offering: they touch it at the point of (someone else’s) title and in the troubled concern about the Jesus motif (“By speaking last, both in conclusion and in introduction, in twelfth or thirteenth place, am I not taking the insane risk and adopting the odious attitude of treating all these thinkers as disciples, indeed the apostles” [18]), but they fail to enter the argument: it ignores the theological motif of grace, passion, feeling, that could redeem friendship and morality from perpetual paradox by scorning the logical foundations of the paradox. This tangent of Passions creates my most persistent countertext; I turn to it again, to redeem invitations from splitting and paradox:

     

    An invitation leaves one free, otherwise it becomes constraint . . . . But the invitation must be pressing, not indifferent. It should never imply: you are free not to come and if you don't come, never mind, it doesn't matter . . . . It must therefore split and redouble itself at the same time, at once leave free and take hostage: double act, redoubled act. Is an invitation possible? (14)

     

    Free–from what? To what? This paradox depends on free being always and only free from constraint, obligation, in short, free from duty–but I can be free from duty without being free from feelings. Perpetual friendship would require no politeness, for it would already exceed it; when friendship is lacking (momentarily or permanently) politeness can step in as its appearance.

     

    Let me return to politeness: “A critical reader will perhaps be surprised to see friendship and politeness regularly associated here” (8-9)–and once more the obliging critical reader, I agree, but only to disagree:

     

    the hypothesis about politeness and the sharp determination of this value relates to what enjoins us to go beyond rules, norms, and hence ritual. (9)

     

    What is sometimes called “true” politeness is not just polite: should politeness and sincerity coincide exactly (“That was a wonderful speech”), one is not just being polite: “I’m not just being polite, I really mean it!” The rules, norms, and rituals are hard to apply and must be disguised, for they, like duty, substitute for the genuinely considerate, responsive behavior that cannot be codified. The intention, emotion (the usual litany) supersede the rule and in overflowing it make it unnecessary. “Mere” politeness remains a pretence in ways subject to one’s society, micro and macro: for instance, “children . . . must not ‘answer back’ (at any rate in the sense and tradition of French manners)” (20)–well then, what of the macro society that uses the word politesse and not politeness? What is politeness in England is not politeness in South Africa; what is politeness in English is not politesse in French.

     

    An Oblique Offering in Translation

     

    “A difficulty suddenly arises, a sort of dysfunctioning, what could be called a crisis” (5): I am trying to read Derrida, with the familiar difficulty of the referent being withheld–“a crisis,” what crisis? The nature of the crisis is withheld until the next page, and immediately after it is being identified, another is established, also based on an antecedent hypothesis and strung with its own hypotheses, and while everything is thus held in the air, in parentheses as it were, I am (via parentheses) given a new ghost-text to hold in the air as well:

     

    At a certain place in the system, one of the elements of the system (an "I," surely, even if the I is not always and "with all . . . candor" [sans façon, also "without further ado"] "me") no longer knows what it should do . . . But does the hypothesis of such a risk go against [à l'encontre] or on the contrary go along with [à la rencontre] the desire of the participants, supposing that there were only one desire, that there were a single desire common to all of them or that each had in himself only one noncontradictory desire? (6)

     

    I am jolted from unravelling subclauses and hypotheses into speculating better translations for sans façon which might not require such an interruption and wondering why [à l’encontre] and [à la rencontre] were deemed necessary when “go against” and “go along with” also echo each other’s structure. I become aware of the French text–haunting this text, or in a different dimension to this text–and begin to translate mentally (le désir des participants . . . commun à tous), to attempt a retrieval of the French text, at the moment that this text breaks with it. L’autre n’a pas de crochets.1 If the “Passions” of the title and “I have my two hands tied or nailed down” cast Derrida as Jesus, then the translator here casts himself as John the Baptist, granting me a vision of “the original” while insisting he is unworthy to carry His sandals (22, 10). In other words, the translation is not good enough to substitute for the French, but must be supplemented with it.

     

    What is the purpose of this supplement? Before the purpose, let me consider the effect. “The supplement is maddening, because it is neither presence nor absence” (Derrida/Spivak, Of Grammatology 154). I am now reading not Derrida’s Passions, but the translation. I no longer trust the translator, for he does not trust his translation to carry the meaning, and I regard phrases skeptically. For instance, in “what one calls in French a secret de Polichinelle, a secret which is a secret for no-one” (Passions 7), I see a French ghost of that entire phrase as simply “un secret de Polichinelle” and an English ghost, an alternate translation if that French ghost is indeed real, “an open secret.” What the French might be and what the translation could have been double and redouble the already-legion ghost-texts.

     

    The insistence of my countertexts makes it harder and harder to read Passions: An Oblique Offering:

     

    What we are glimpsing of the invitation (but of the call in general, as well) governs by the same "token" the logic of the response, both of the response to the invitation and the response by itself. (14-5)

     

    I have rejected the model of the invitation and substituted my countermodel instead; how, then, can I apply it to “the response”? Moreover, in trying to understand “politeness” and “response,” the second group of expotential readings re-emerges: “And to wonder whether ‘to respond’ has an opposite, which would consist, if commonsense is to be believed, in not responding” (15). For a moment, I am prepared to wonder this alongside Derrida, as a metaphysical problematic, but my wondering is cut short as my native language readily supplies just such an opposite: ignore. This opposite, like “responsiveness,” is unavailable in French; the reading splits expotentially, again (so many times), for in my reading that particular question no longer haunts the text, unanswered. And while I, too, “cannot fail to wonder at some point what is meant by ‘respond’” (15), my wondering is of a different order from Derrida’s: the vision of réponder floats above or behind each appearance of “respond”; I read and interpret “respond” while holding réponder in the air as that which might make my interpretations invalid and lay to rest at least some of these spectres: “Is it possible to make a decision on the subject of ‘responding’ and of ‘responsiveness?’” (15). Decisions being ultimately “emotional” (in a sense that refuses to oppose itself to “rational”), responding and responsiveness are that which permit decision-making: both respond and responsiveness rely on a motivation of feeling. I respond out of feeling, and my degree of responsiveness is the degree and immediacy of my feelings. Given this, the second “fault,” if Derrida responds to the invitation, is no fault at all: “If I did respond I would put myself in the situation of someone who felt capable of responding: he has an answer for everything” (19). On the contrary, to be capable of responding is not at all to have an answer, a solution, for everything, but to be capable of reacting. To respond would be to use the texts as a springboard, not to answer them; to show the texts capable of stirring him, which is to respect them, not to resolve them, which is to disrespect them. If “respond” means “respond,” then not to do so “would smack of a hybris” (19)–but what does Derrida mean by “respond”? I read further, looking now only for a definition of a single word:

     

    The overweening presumption from which no response will ever be free not only has to do with the fact that the response claims to measure up to the discourse of the other, to situate it, understand it. (20)

     

    This does not describe the word “response”; if an English word is required, then “answer” would be more apt–and would fail to connect with “responsibility” or “responsiveness.” The sentence does not make sense as it stands, but how is one to translate it–ought one to settle for “from which no answer [réponse] will ever be free?” This is what Tr. frequently chooses to do in this article–though not here, where the sense requires it. I criticize the translation “while running up an infinite debt in its service” (Derrida/Venuti, “What” 174)–a two-fold debt: that I can read it in English; and that his translation provides me with material. If I criticize the translation, I must answer two questions: what do I think he should do, and why am I reading Derrida’s Passions: An Oblique Offering in translation, when I could read it in French?

     

    I answer the first in conjunction with an earlier question: what is the purpose of the supplement? The purpose–for whom? According to whom? Consider some of the supplements in this text, in addition to those I have already quoted: “aspects [traits]” (5), “brought their tribute [apporter leur tribut]” (7), “Let’s not beat around the bush [N’y allons pas par quartre chemins]” (9), “n’y allons pas par quatres chemins [an almost untranslatable French expression which invokes the cross or the crucial, the crossing of ways, the four and the fork of a crossroad (quadrifurcum) in order to say: let us proceed directly, without detour, without ruse and without calculation]” (9-10), “what is at issue [il s’agit de]” (10), “in front of you [in English in the original–Tr.]” (10), Deconstruction [‘la’ Déconstruction]” (15), “testimony [témoignage, also the act of “bearing witness”–Ed.]” (23), “having to respond [devant–repondre], having-to-tell [devant–dire] . . . before the law [devant la loi]” (29).

     

    The intention is presumably to replicate the original as closely as possible. The subtleties of “n’y allons pas par quatre chemins” and the punning on devant must be replicated somehow if the meaning of the French text is to be transferred to this text and if English does not have an equivalent for that phrase or permit that pun. That the square brackets do not replicate the original is already apparent: l’autre n’a pas de crochets [French in the original]. I am alternately grateful for, bemused by, and irritated by the interjections: grateful for “devant,” bemused by “apporter leur tribut,” and irritated by “témoignage, also the act of ‘bearing witness’” which I judge as unnecessary, for “testimony” already has both the legal and religious overtones of “bearing witness.” In this instance, the effect is “[I don’t think you quite got that–Ed.]” and “[I’m still here–Tr.].” Effect–on whom? Me, of course; I hate to be interrupted when I’m reading. Even if I judge my irritation to be singular, and hardly exemplary, part of that effect remains: ” . . . which I judge . . .” If one cannot understand a word of French, most of the words in French add nothing to one’s experience of reading, though one might garner the pun on “devant“; if one understands the French supplements, the effects are in part to remind one that this is a translation and to prompt one to evaluate the translation. Every square bracket, whatever else it says, says also: This is a translation and translation is ultimately not possible–[Tr].

     

    Is translation possible? “Je viens de lire” (viens–come–etc. etc.) and “I have just read” (just–only and justice, etc. etc.) invite very different responses. “I have just [viens de] read” is not at all both at once: it is a double-take, a break in the flow, an excess, a superfluity, an invitation to compare “have just” and “viens de,” an invitation to respond to the act of translation (which breaks with the source-language version which offered no such invitation), which is precisely what I have just [viens de] done [faire]. Past participle vs. infinitive: discuss. Je réponds à ce texte: in English (in which I live and breathe and have my being), I respond to the text (the text is my springboard), I answer back (cheekiness–of confronting The Derrida, my superior in age, degrees, prestige, knowledge, and of confronting the translator) but I do not claim to answer the text. Nevertheless, I do answer my own questions.

     

    Is translation possible? What are the conditions of translation? Can it be “the transfer of an intact signified through the inconsequential vehicle of any signifier whatsoever” (Derrida/Venuti, “What” 195): in other words (I translate from English to English), meaning that exists independently of signifiers, a wholehearted breach of faith with poststructuralism and Saussure, a restoration of the old lost faith in language, before the Fall. The example to which the question “What is a ‘Relevant’ Translation?” returns is “mercy seasons justice.” The corporality of the signifier prevents the transfer of an intact signified: “seasons” relates itself both to seasoning (“season to taste”) and the seasons (of the year). One could call this an accident of language–sometimes such correspondences are “accidental.” A word enters the language and finds there a homonym or homophone with which it shares no ancestry. Sometimes the two words share a common derivation, though they are now quite different–sense and sensibility. Sometimes a word will leave a language and re-enter from another language, to find its relations have grown up quite differently, as with relevant rejoining reléver in French. Nevertheless, their corporeal correspondence is such that, whatever their derivation, they inform each other and open up multiple entrances–as with réponse and réponsibilité, response and responsibility. This corporality is untranslatable precisely because translation requires a substitution of one signifier (or a set of signifiers) for another. One might say a transubstantiation, if one believed that the spirit could thus be transferred–which would be to believe already in a signified, a meaning, a spirit, which is in the word but not of the word–l’être du mot not letter du mot, l’ésprit du mot. How shall I translate “ésprit“–with spirit, mind, or wit? How relevant2 is it, in this context, that ésprit can mean “wit” as well as “soul”? If I shear it of those additional meanings by choosing “spirit,” what do I mean by “additional”? To me, they are additional, because in English, wit, mind, and spirit are quite distinct. However, I am not so laissez-faire about “ignore,” which can be translated into French as ne tenir aucun compte de (pay no attention to), faire semblant de ne pas s’apercevoir de (pretend not to notice), faire semblant de ne pas reconnaître (pretend not to recognize), ne pas répondre à (not answer), ne pas respecter (not respect), and so forth, depending on the thing that is being ignored. This does not constitute a list of signifieds, but the full and unitary signified of ignore. “I ignore Derrida”: je ne tiens aucun compte de Derrida (I pay no attention to Derrida), je fais semblant de ne pas reconnaître Derrida (I pretend not to recognize Derrida), or je ne respecte pas Derrida (I don’t respect Derrida)? None of these is sufficient to my meaning.

     

    Two linguistic phenomena are at work here: signifiers that inform each other through physical resemblance, and signifiers that permit a greater range of meaning than can be matched by signifiers in the target language. In each case, corporality gets in the way of the spirit. It is words themselves (corporeal signifiers) that prevent us from believing in pure translatable meaning.

     

    If we killed the word, what would survive? “Without language, thought is a vague, uncharted nebula. There are no pre-existing ideas, and nothing is distinct before the appearance of language” (Saussure/Baskin 112). If the Saussurian view of language is right, then translation is not possible. We cannot ever achieve “the transfer of an intact signified through the inconsequential vehicle of any signifier whatsoever” (Derrida/Venuti, “What” 195) because there is no such thing as the intact signified before the signifier, and once embodied in a signifier the physical resemblances and ranges of meaning come into play in all their untranslatability.

     

    This linguistic atheism obtains if I am coming from the direction of the signifier, the body. What if I were to do what certain religious people advise one to do, take a leap of faith, and first of all believe in the meaning and then try to find the word? “No one shall come to the Father except by Me,” said Jesus: this is said to be the spirit and not the letter. Alongside Derrida, “I insist on the Christian dimension . . . the travail of mourning also describes, through the Passion, through a memory haunted by the body lost yet preserved in its grave, the resurrection of the ghost or of the glorious body that rises, rises again [se relève]–and walks” (199-200).

     

    I cannot yet mourn meaning; I still hope that meaning is more than a product of language, because if it is not I shall never speak to Derrida and my love of his meaning is not even a doomed love but a lie. I hope; I take a leap of faith: “hope, faith and love, but the greatest of these is love.” Let me start, then, with love, another ghastly abstract noun that means nothing until I have answered “From whom? To whom? When and how?” There is nothing without context, but this context is above all private: I say, “I love you.” And this lover of words is inarticulate with love, cannot count the ways (quantification), and is disgusted with the poverty of the signifiers “I love you” that fail to signify the least part of my meaning. When I was a more devout poststructuralist, I thought like a devout poststructuralist, I reasoned like a devout poststructuralist. I explained the poverty of this word, “love,” by arguing that it had been used in so many different contexts (respecting the network of signifiers), many of them quite contradictory, that, unable to mean everything simultaneously, it subsided into near emptiness. “Ce signe pur–vide, presque–il est impossible de la fuir, parce qu’il veut tout dire” (Barthes, 1383; French in the original).3 Now I have read more and loved more, both quantitatively and qualitatively. “I love you,” rather than being overloaded with meaning and descending into hopeless ambiguity, cannot even begin to translate what I feel. “The oath passes through language, but it passes beyond human language. This would be the truth of translation” (Derrida, “What” 185).

     

    I say “to translate”: I have accomplished my leap of faith if I say that (did you leap with me, or are you my Critical Reader, churning out ghost-texts?), for to translate assumes a pre-existent language and yet the language from which I am translating is the language of feelings. I use a linguistic metaphor, but I could offer others: the word cannot “bear the weight” (feeling as a physical load), it cannot “explain” (feeling as a mystery resisting logic). If I attempt to say, instead of “I love you,” a litany of these loving feelings–admiration, security, lust, fascination, protectiveness–I am equally disappointed in the words, the finitude of their meaning, and the finitude of the list. Hence “words cannot convey” and all those other helpless linguistic gestures towards what is not linguistic in nature. I cannot explain this love to you in words–but you know what I mean. That is, I have faith that you know what I mean, that you have experienced love; that is, that you have experienced what we designate as “love” without it being the identical experience–apart from the feeling of uniqueness in love, you have not loved my love, and those who have, have not been me loving him.

     

    What shall I say now, about this signifier “love”? Love, lover, loving, lovable, lovage, beloved, in love, make love, lovely: “love” and “lovage,” one of those all-important linguistic accidents, adds nothing to the meaning of love. Its usage, in certain parts of Britain, as a form of address (“Here you are, love,” says the shopkeeper) adds no facet to my declaration, “I love you.” Its meaning is before, above, and beyond all words. But you know what I mean. If “I love you” has meaning, it does not come from the words. We poststructuralists have been accustomed to regarding anything prior to the symbolic order as unspeakable: “an insurmountable problem for discourse: once it has been named, that functioning, even if it is presymbolic, is brought back into a symbolic position.” (Kristeva, 24n16). Derrida, whom I love (differently and specifically; love is nothing if it is not specific), will loose me from these shackles of language with the prelinguistic mark, declaring with Derridean authority that

     

    writing is dangerous from the moment that representation there claims to be presence and the sign of the thing itself. And there is a fatal necessity, inscribed in the very functioning of the sign, that the substitute make one forget the vicariousness of its own function and make itself pass for the plenitude of a speech whose deficiency and infirmity it nevertheless only supplements. (Of Grammatology 144)

     

    Whence this Derridean authority to which I appeal and which I challenge, alternately? It is vested in him, not by him but by us, collectively: this is also the model of language which says the meaning is vested in the word, collectively. Academic mechanisms have created the word “Derridean”; is the authority ours, to attribute and withdraw, collectively, and did we then create it? Somewhere, once upon a time, there was a student whose writing was judged worthy not as marks upon a page but in its function as meaning; then there was a young academic, whose peers reviewed his articles and found the meaning interesting, important, violating previous understandings and instituting new meanings for new words. The creation of “Derridean” was collective; the creations of Derrida were singular, and his own; both rely on his meaning, however imperfectly or perfectly understood by us. “Writing is dangerous from the moment that representation there claims to be presence and the sign of the thing itself”–Derrida is only a name, pointing at a man who writes articles and signs them, who questions the signature but not his legal right over that which he has signed, in whatever language it may appear. Words point at meanings, without encompassing them; shall we then say that there is a secret here?

     

    What could escape this sacrificial verification and so secure the very space of this very discourse, for example? No question, no response, no responsibility. Let us say that there is a secret here. (23)

     

    I read “response” as “answer” and as “répondre,” in my expotential countertexts, and I answer back: “Why? ‘Let us say . . . ‘ You have said it, I did not and hardly agree.” Now I must make sense of page after page about this secret, in whose existence and theoretical necessity I do not believe. Derrida writes, Wood translates, that this secret of his (I took no part in declaring it, although he repeatedly invited me–I declined the invitation, as an invitation permits one to do) is not numinous. I was not invited to define the secret; in fact, he denied an infinite number of definitions when he said “it remains foreign to speech” (27) and refuted every claim he made for it with contradiction, except the claim that it is secret. I make sense of it, for myself; I institute meaning, using what I am told and disbelieving, according to my own mind. I declare in the margins that I have met such beasts before; that contradiction-in-stasis belongs to mystical writing, to the Gnostic pleroma, to khôra. Like a Gnostic, I want to know and to understand, I refuse to accept mystification; rather, I demand, “From what position of knowledge does he so firmly declare that this secret is unknowable?” As well as his declarative contradictions, his saying all of this is a performative contradiction. I know his secret; I will give it a name: meaning.

     

    The above paragraph is full of “I”: whose meaning am I reading, Derrida’s or my own? There is a pragmatics of meaning, in the matters of salt-passing, legal documents, even academic discourse (you are engaging this pragmatics to read this): the word does not fully encompass the meaning, it points at it, but we have a pragmatic understanding which will do. Mere information can be passed, like salt. Passions: An Obscure Offering is not mere information, nor is Shakespeare, nor is this article: responsiveness and responsibility, seasons, and ignore must all be allowed their full range and resonance without being cut down to mere information. This is the quality of the literary: a range of meanings, of expotential readings, among which the reader can choose.

     

    When all hypotheses are permitted, groundless ad infinitum, about the meaning of a text, or the final intentions of an author . . . when it is the call [appel] of this secret, however, which points back to the other or to something else, when it is this itself which keeps our passions aroused, and holds us to the other, then the secret impassions us. (29)

     

    Expotential readings among which the reader can choose do not permit all hypotheses, groundless ad infinitum: they spring into being at the point of disagreements (which presuppose a meaning in the text with which to disagree; else we are all schizophrenics) and in the signifiers’ multiple possibilities which are legion but not infinite. Pragmatism is not merely an attitude we adopt to make sense of an infinitely meaningful language; it is language balking at further meaning, delimiting sense. The secret is meaning, and the more potential meanings are opened up, the more the secret impassions us, for that is the point at which I can insert myself into the text:

     

    Certainly, one could speak this meaning in other names, whether one finds them or gives them to it. Moreover, this happens at every instant. It remains meaning under all names and it is its irreducibility to the very name which makes it meaning, even when one makes the truth in its name [fait la verité à son sujet] as Augustine put it so originally. The mseeacnrientg meeting is that one here calls it a mseeacnrientg. (countertexts 26)

     

    I have said that words point at meanings: I do not equate meaning with the signified for the signified is that which is already in language and delimited by a signifier. “I love you”: call this meaning love, amour, a chemical reaction, make a necklace of substitutions–admiration, security, lust, fascination, protectiveness–but it remains meaning under all names and it is its irreducibility to the very name which makes it meaning. The abstract nouns, which cannot be pointed out or demonstrated, which seem the most likely candidates for the argument that meaning is a product of language, point at something that cannot be reduced to the name: duty, love, passions. They cannot be codified and left to language alone in the appearance of homogeneity, for then they are dangerous, then they claim “to be presence and the sign of the thing itself” and make us “forget the vicariousness of [their] own function.” (Of Grammatology 144). Like “its” and “their,” they are deitic and specific, meaningless until we have answered each time “From whom? To whom? When and how?” qualified by individual instances that proliferate into the future, defying codification. Where do these instances come from, before the code, if not out of meaning in life? The meaning makes the code possible as well as (unable to press brain to brain) necessary.

     

    Is a translation possible? The condition set down by Derrida is “the transfer of an intact signified through the inconsequential vehicle of any signifier whatsoever” (“What” 195). The signified is already in language, that part of meaning generalized, specified, delimited by its signifier. Signifiers have their own corporeal lives and relationships, affecting the signified, but they also have meaning which was never, in the first place, passed into language in its full richness and resonance, but pragmatically, like salt. In saying, “I love you,” I have already had to resign myself “to losing the effect, the economy, the strategy (and this loss can be enormous) or to add a gloss, of the translator’s note sort, which always, even in the best of cases, the case of the greatest relevance, confesses the impotence or failure of the translation” (“What” 181), but you still know what I mean. Meaning can be conveyed through inconsequential vehicles; the signified cannot, for the vehicle is anything but inconsequential to it. This is also the definition of the literary: that the exact words matter.

     

    L’Etre and the letter, meaning and the signified, are the soul and body of the literary. Translation is possible as reincarnation; we mourn the signified and erect monuments [thus] to it which only those who knew it will appreciate. New words open new possibilities in this new life, and the meaning lives on. I can say, at last, I love Derrida’s meaning, and I read Derrida’s Passions: An Oblique Offering in translation.

     

    Notes

     

    1. The other has no square brackets.

     

    2. Elle fait allusion à “Qu’est-ce qu’une traduction ‘relevant’” (Quinzièmes Assises de la Traduction Littéraire (Arles 1998) (Arles: Actes Sud, 1999), 21-48), traduit en anglais comme “What is a ‘Relevant’ Translation?”

     

    3. Translator’s note: “It’s impossible to escape this pure–almost empty–sign, because it means everything, it wants to say everything.”

    Works Cited

     

    • Barthes, Roland. “Le Tour Eiffel.” Oeuvres Complètes. Vol. 1. Normandie: Éditions du Seuil, 1993. 1383-1400.
    • Cytowic, Richard E. The Man Who Tasted Shapes. London: Abacus, 1994.
    • —. The Neurological Side of Neuropsychology. Cambridge: MIT P, 1996.
    • Derrida, Jacques. “Force of Law: The ‘Mystical Foundations of Authority.’” Deconstruction and the Possibility of Justice. Ed. Drucilla Cornell, Michel Rosenfeld, David Gray Carlson. New York: Routledge, 1992. 3-67.
    • —. “Khôra.” On the Name. Trans. Ian McLeod. Stanford: Stanford UP, 1995. 89-127.
    • —. Of Grammatology. Trans. Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak. Baltimore: John Hopkins UP, 1976.
    • —. “Passions: ‘An Oblique Offering.’” On the Name. Trans. David Wood. Stanford: Stanford UP, 1995. 3-31.
    • —. “Signature Event Context.” Limited Inc. Trans. Samuel Weber and Jeffrey Mehlman. Evanston: Northwestern UP, 1988. 1-23.
    • —. “What is a ‘Relevant’ Translation?” Trans. Lawrence Venuti. Critical Inquiry 27:2. (2001): 174-200.
    • Kristeva, Julia. Révolution du langage poétique. Paris: Éditions du Seuil, 1974.
    • Royle, Nicholas. Jacques Derrida. London: Routledge, 2003.
    • de Saussure, Ferdinand. Course in General Linguistics. Rev. ed. Eds. Charles Bally and Albert Sechehaye with Albert Reidlinger. Trans. Wade Baskin. Glasgow: Fontana Collins, 1974.

     

  • Sure Thing? On Things and Objects in the Philosophy of Jacques Derrida

    Michael Marder

    Philosophy Department, Graduate Faculty
    New School University
    mardm926@newschool.edu

     

    Ah, how tired we are, how I would like finally to touch “veil,” the word and the thing thus named, the thing itself and the vocable! I would like not only to see them, see in them, toward them or through them, the word and the thing, but maintain a discourse about them that would, finally, touch, in short a “relevant” discourse that would say them properly, even if it no longer gives anything to be seen.

     

    –Jacques Derrida, Veils

    I

     

    To touch the thing itself: to traverse the distance and to maintain it in spite of, or thanks to, this traversal. The I caught in the impossible conjunction of maintenance and traversal–the strange combination of the word’s tactility and the thing’s vocalization–is not content with mere visibility, with the sight of the phenomenon that gives itself to be seen, with the movement toward or even through that which presents itself in luminous but empty space. Because the thing in question is not any thing whatsoever but veil (voile), which is to say “every thing,” because of this obscure singular universality, the supplement of blind discourse, the only proper and relevant discourse that touches this thing, is indispensable. Are we able to say it properly? Can we hear its apposite resonance? Will we detect in the veil itself (not behind it) the oblique thing that will never become an object welcomed by consciousness, that will more than anything else disentangle the thing from the object, yielding the difference however imperceptible to the eye and, even, to the ear? The impossible, tiresome tenacity of the distance maintained in the measure of its traversal is the attribute of the thing, of the veil touched and caressed but not lifted, of the vocable spoken by diminution, at the same time reducing the interval and attenuating the intensity of the sound (Cixous and Derrida 23).

     

    The current attempt “to disentangle the thing from the object” is necessarily preliminary and provisional in the face of the overwhelming risks of ossifying and essentializing the distinction thus outlined. If that which disentangles the one from the other is, indeed, a veil, then the act of disentangling cannot take a form of unveiling that will prompt the reader to respond to the question of difference between thinghood and objectivity with the confident and unequivocal, “Sure thing!” Here, I do not wish to claim either that this difference is fixed, all-encompassing, and absolute, or that the obfuscation of this difference has been a merely accidental representational failure. My goal is to register the remarkable porosity of boundaries between the two, allowing the thing to pass into the object and vice versa. These passages, however, portend a risk which is diametrically opposed to that of essentialization and which may result in the conflation of thinghood and objectivity–the conflation that would obscure various “encounters” with which Derrida is concerned, including the ethical, the aesthetic, and the commodity-fetishistic.

     

    To be sure, objects, like things, are inconceivable without distance (or distancing), which will not be completely traversed if their objectivity is to stay intact. Before recollecting, with Derrida’s help, the specifically Husserlian ideal object, we should meditate on objectivity in general as that which is pre-sent in front of us (Derrida and Thénevin 71), that which we face in a perpetual opposition, if not a standoff, accentuated, for example, in the German Gegenstand. As something posited in opposition (Hegel would say, in “oppositional determination”) to the subject, the object appears to be secondary to what it opposes. It has only negativity, negation, and resistance to offer; hence, it is one-dimensional and unidirectional, devoid of depth or volume, ideally present through and through, completely visible, open to view in the shape of a flat screen unfolded against me and defined by this absolute unfolding. Total resistance of the kind that both produces and consumes the objectivity of the object spells out nothing but its complete surrender to the resisted “authority.”

     

    Woven into the memorable economy of the supplement, this secondariness, nonetheless, turns into the origin of origin. On the one hand, the resistance proper to the object is non-reactive and mute–a distant reverberation of the impersonality marking the there is (il y à, es gibt). There is resistance; it gives resistance. On the other hand, the subject comes face-to-face, or rather face-to-surface, with the object, but this encounter is inevitably belated insofar as it supervenes upon the determination of sense on the basis of its relation with the object (Derrida, Speech 75). In terms of our analogy, sense isn’t yet sense unless it is projected onto the screen of objectivity. Conversely, my face is, in some sense, affected by the surface exposed to it and by the light reflected from this surface. Oppositional determination presupposes determinations of reflection (Reflexionsbestimmung) that always solicit, shake up the rigidity of opposition from within. In Derrida’s reading of Husserl, this solicitation finds expression in the supplementation of the first meaning of “against” (l’encontre) with tout-contre, the “‘up-against’ of proximity” (75). Owing to the latter, the distance is all but eliminated the moment the subject’s boundary touches, perpendicularly, that of the object, ostensibly defying the logic of relationality outlined thus far.

     

    Cutting and pasting Husserl’s text, Derrida places the op-positional and com-positional significations of objectivity side-by-side, right up against each other, but also in a glaring antinomy that will not tolerate Hegelian Aufhebung expressed in the simultaneous cancellation and preservation of distance. Granted, we cannot resolve the antinomy by way of reiterating the tired platitudes on the irreducible “gaps” and fissures that accompany the superimposition of uneven boundaries and that render the greatest proximity still insufficiently proximate. But what if this impossible situation is the predicament of the subject par excellence? What if the “nearness of distance” in tout-contre allows us to imagine the subject as a non-oppositional object, as Gegenstand minus “Gegen-,” as the absolutely indeterminate spatial positionality of -ject only subsequently (though not in a logical or a chronological sense) subjected to opposition? To raise these questions is to veer toward the attributes of the thing which paradoxically falls on the side of this “inexistent or anexistent subjectivity” and which will come to the fore later on (Derrida, Truth 46). Let’s not forget that in the closure of metaphysics which the subject and the object now inhabit, there is a third dimension completing the first two, namely “philosophy as knowledge of the presence of the object” (Derrida, Speech 102). Curiously enough, this third dimension will undergo important modifications in the course of Derrida’s writings, so that by the time of Specters of Marx it will be a scholarly belief (croyance) in, not knowledge of, what is present “in the form of objectivity” that will subtend the whole enterprise (Derrida, Specters 11). How is it possible to integrate philosophical knowledge and scholarly belief with the structured opposition between position and opposition?

     

    The subject-object relation crystallizes in the opposition between the subject’s horizontal position of a substratum (“between beneath and above” [Derrida and Thévenin 71]) and the object’s vertical opposition (face-to-face, face-to-surface) to the subject.1 In keeping with the geometrical delineation of this structure, knowledge and belief will stand for the diagonal linkage of the subject and the object marking the distance between the two and completing a metaphysical “right angle” triangulation. In a certain Foucaultian mode, one could define this triangulation as “the microstructure of modernity.” The point where the two dimensions initially come up against each other and touch, the point of proximity to the opposition, is too much for the subject to bear. Its unbearable weight pressing on the internal infirmity of the underlying subjective thesis (Stand) already anticipates the philosophical/scholarly prosthesis that will support and fortify the dimension facing such stern opposition.2 Moreover, the prosthesis itself needs to be fortified with credence and belief supplanting knowledge or, better yet, denoting its spare prosthetic devices, the prostheses of the prosthesis.

     

    But the closure so formed is certainly not static. Although the one-dimensional object may be an arrested effect of something else, of something Derrida, in the wake of Artaud, calls “subjectile,” it embodies an arrested effect itself set in motion. Its “against-ness” will not abide unless “self-consciousness appears . . . in its relation to an object, whose presence it can keep and repeat” (Derrida, Speech 15). Should we perhaps follow Derridian graphic analysis of the ob-ject and transcribe self-consciousness in the manner of “self-con-sciousness,” the split identity complicit with (con) what is set against it? In other words, the opposition that yields the conditions of possibility for the sense-determining object is itself wholly dependent upon the idealization of the object in infinite repeatability, upon the acts of self-consciousness and, specifically, the vocal mediation allowing one to hear oneself speak (53).

     

    It is not by a pure coincidence that the famous Husserlian example of the inner voice, “You’ve gone wrong . . . ,” cited by Derrida, is above all a protest, a remonstration, an objection the subject raises against itself as the object of reproach (Speech 70). Here, in the doubling of presence, the subject is set against itself (l’encontre) with/in itself (tout-contre), projected unto itself, opening the avenue for a relation with other ob-jects. Repetition elliptically refers to the repetition of objectivity and objection, as though I did not hear myself speak the first time, as though my discourse was useless and irrelevant, as though it did not crisscross the inner space of difference and touch, to paraphrase Derrida, “the thing that I am.” Husserl’s subjectivity (hearing one’s own speech) is virtually deaf and ineducable; it must feign these qualities to keep itself and “things” or, strictly speaking, “athings” going. Suppose, on the other hand, that some object is given or pronounced once, eventfully and uniquely facilitating iterability without iteration.3 Without the detached complicity of self-consciousness, the event of the object will run the risk of passing into a thing.4 Or, at the very least, the swerve of its non-idealized remainder will point in the direction of thinghood.

     

    II

     

    Given the oppositional pivot of objectivity, what are the consequences of its “de-saturation”? First, in an early commentary on Levinasian philosophy, Derrida says, “I could not possibly speak of the other, make of the other a theme, pronounce the other as object, in the accusative” and, thereby, gives us a hint apropos of the difference between the objective opposition and the absolute separation (“Violence” 103). Conjunctions and disjunctions no longer make sense. When I am in a face-to-face situation with the other, I do not stand against the other (in either sense of the term), but in non-oppositional proximity to her, across the infinite distance maintained despite my adventurous traversal of it. Neither counter nor even adjacent to the other. According to Derrida’s engagement with Levinas, the injunction of the face is to respect the other “beyond grasp and contact” (“Violence” 99). This injunction has been misinterpreted as an extreme version of the multiculturalist sentiment allegedly governing contemporary thought in France.5 Even though, to my knowledge, Levinas does not use this particular word chosen by Derrida, more is at stake in the idea of “respect” than a mere adulteration of absolute alterity or, on the contrary, a reverence for and admiration of the foreign and the unknown. In a subtle way, it allows the difference between objectivity and thinghood to enter the ethical situation through the backdoor to the extent that I can attempt to return the look or “pay” respect to a thing (res), but not to an object blindly facing me in a predetermined frame of opposition. Hence, we could say that respect is an ontological and, more precisely, a hauntological fact more basic than a psychological attitude. Because it transcends the proprietorship characteristic of grasp and contact, this fact arising on the groundless ground of separation foils the fixedness of and fixation on that to which it is “paid.” As such, respect is one of the overtly affirmative, albeit largely ignored, features of the deconstructive approach that, as a rule, is highly attuned to the minute motions of the texts with which it works and that regards them as things rather than ideal objects calling for analysis.

     

    What “things share here with others,” Derrida writes, “is that something within them too is always hidden, and is indicated only by anticipation, analogy, and appresentation” (“Violence” 124). This is not to say that the other is reducible to a thing, let alone to a transcendent Thing. The other is both a thing and not a thing: “the other as res is simultaneously less other (not absolutely other) and less ‘the same’ than I” (127). From a strictly phenomenological perspective, the quality common to others and to things is that, unlike objects, they do not–indeed, cannot–expose themselves to us in their entirety. The volume of the thing conceals a considerable portion of its surface from our view and necessitates a completion of the given “by anticipation, analogy, and appresentation” of the yet invisible outlines. Similarly, regardless of the exposure of his denuded face, the interiority of the other is inaccessible to us from the unique standpoint available to this interiority alone. But whereas we can turn the thing around or change our spatial position in relation to it in order to inspect some (though not all) of its temporarily hidden dimensions, the other’s interiority defies all provisional visibility. In the aftermath of the metaphysical closure articulated in the subject-object-knowledge triad, Derrida and Levinas put forth a different, non-oppositional, ethical constellation of other-thing-respect.

     

    Second, the Kantian aesthetic sphere is a place where pure and, therefore, “inexistent” subjectivity flourishes in pleasing without enjoyment. “This pleasure is purely subjective: in the aesthetic judgment it does not designate [bezeichnet] anything about the object” (Derrida, “Truth” 46). Purely subjective pleasure is two-fold. Not only does it manage to do away with the designations of objectivity–that is, opposition–but it also rids itself of complacent self-interest (47) and of the desire to cling to existence at any price. Though it imputes beauty to objects, a judgment on the beautiful declares its autonomy vis-à-vis beautiful objects, the external screens onto which the subject’s attitude is projected. Derrida, however, takes a further step in the direction opened up by Kant and argues that hiding the object, changing its locus of existence, displacing the opposition into another “world,” passing from knowledge- to belief-structures–that none of these machinations is adequate to strike “the sans of the pure cut” (83). Instead, the beautiful boasts an indeterminate position not coordinated by the horizontal, vertical, or diagonal signposts and tensions of the subject-object-knowledge triad.

     

    If the tenets of representative relationality are no longer relevant to the aesthetic sphere, if the reference to the object is superfluous, if nothing guarantees the existence of the subject, then in Artaud’s “pure painting” the means are the only things that will be expressed. The opposition between the painter-subject and her object dissipates when the painter’s hand, the canvas, and, say, the sky enter a work of art on the same footing with the movement of expression (Derrida and Thévenin 97). The projection falls into the same series as the projected, the projectile, and the screen–each transforming itself into the passage for the other and bringing the edgy standoff to a culmination. From art in general congealed into an object replete with inner meaning, one and naked (Derrida, “Truth” 22), we pass into a wealth of means without ends, the means irreducible to objects, the non-totalizable multiplicity of passages or media we call “things.” The surface is right on the face, and the face right on the surface–Artaud traverses the distance, but does he maintain it? So long as the subtraction of Gegen– from Gegenstand is not satisfied with the lingering undifferentiation of positionality that nostalgically mirrors the one, naked, and absent unity of the object, we will have to respond in the affirmative. The serialization of the means already goes a long way toward internally spacing and re-membering this space. Thus, in the eccentric company of Kant and Artaud, in the shadow of Heidegger, and not without sensing a major aporia, Derrida holds onto a modalized and dispersed trajectory of the jetée (forcing one to hurl oneself into the experience of throwing [Derrida and Thévenin 75]) that desaturates opposition in indifferent pleasure. I am tempted to think that in this double bind Derrida revamped and radicalized the old procedure of phenomenological reduction (epoché) whose energy he re-channeled toward peeling off layers upon layers of the subject-object opposition, knowledge, and belief. And what he found under the veneer of the objective “against” was not a pacification of various struggles and tensions in some sort of nihilist indifference, but the previously tamed and abused pure force barely perceptible in the unreduced Gegenstand.

     

    Thought together, ethical and aesthetic implications of the object’s desaturation that places a renewed emphasis on the thing seem to have much in common. Some of the obvious commonalities include the recession of knowledge and representation to the background of my engagement with the other and with artistic media, as well as the emergence of different modes of relationality involving respect and the jetée. But a more interesting question is whether disinterested pleasure without enjoyment of the beautiful pursues a trajectory parallel to the Levinasian shift “beyond essence” and beyond the corollary desire to persist in essence.6 If this is so, then in the context of the ethical and the aesthetic disinterestedness, Hegelian synthetic actuality (Wirklichkeit) will be attacked on two fronts simultaneously: the existence of the subjects and objects of beauty will become irrelevant to the production of the beautiful, while the essence of the ethical will be transformed into a contradiction in terms.

     

    III

     

    In the concluding pages of Speech and Phenomena, Derrida writes, “contrary to what phenomenology–which is always phenomenology of perception–has tried to make us believe, contrary to what our desire cannot fail to be tempted into believing, the thing itself always escapes” (Speech 104). Surprisingly enough and despite phenomenological maxims, the thing itself does not fit into the Husserlian noetic-noematic constitution. We could add that the reason for this elusiveness is that, in contrast to the object, the thing does not survive in opposition to the subject, nor does it occupy a determinate position in marked space. To be a thing, something needs to be both unmarked and de-posited, deranged, deprived of substantial identity with itself, “at once set aside and beside itself [à la fois rangée et dérangée]” like the famous table from Marx’s Capital (Derrida, Specters 149). The thing opposes nothing because its ecstatic composition, which is also its decomposition, bars it from mustering the force it harbors and from gathering itself up to face a single direction. As such, the Derridian thing which is “all over the place,” scattered, and disseminated tacitly counteracts Heidegger’s thing that “things” and that names “manifold-simple gathering” (Heidegger, “The Thing” 171). Nevertheless, in the case of a commodity-thing to which we shall return, this derangement and dissemination befall a marked thing, one that is branded with the signs of value, forgets its materiality, and poses as a pure number.

     

    “At once set aside and beside itself,” the thing dispersed into a multiplicity of pluri-dimensional surfaces is forgotten (Heidegger would write, “neglected”), such that its end is deposited somewhere–both posited and abandoned. Hence, thinghood is infinite, even though infinity is not necessarily tied to the thing. And again, the example of the commodity-thing will be inadequate to illustrate this deposition since in the circulation of Capital the end of the commodity is simply transposed from material use onto what was previously conceived as mere means in exchange (abstract, symbolic value). Where investment is an operation one performs on objects in the hope that they will yield interest in the circulation of their symbolic equivalents, idealizations, or indefinite repetitions, deposit (consigne) is proper to things consigned to oblivion. The thing and the gift, the given thing and the thing as giving, are annulled in “simple recognition” since “it [recognition] gives back, in the place, let us say, of the thing itself, a symbolic equivalent” (Derrida, Given Time 13). Grasping nothing other than objects of exchange, recognition claims the place occupied by the thing itself–the fictitious, delimited place in which the symbolic equivalent resides. Yet, the act of recognition extended to an object forgets the thing itself, forgets radical forgetting and, in the same breath, institutes the memory of exchange.

     

    This economy of forgetting obtains for the infinite chains of signification aiming, in each case, at the unattainable hypostasis of the thing in the present where the manifold would be gathered: “The sign is usually said to be put in place of the thing itself, the present thing, ‘thing’ here standing equally for meaning or referent” (Derrida, “Différance” 9). But if a single and determinate place of the thing is nothing but a piece of theoretical fiction, then every sign is bound to miss its mark in a self-effacing search for “a reassuring end to the reference from sign to sign” (Derrida, Of Grammatology 49). Further, it is by falling short of its declared goal that this movement unexpectedly reaches success. Inasmuch as it leaps from sign to sign, signification remarks and retraces the contours of the deranged non-identity of thinghood, echoes the dispersed effects of this non-identity, seeks to put an end to indeterminacy, and thereby engrosses itself ever deeper in deposition and unrest. Signification is thingification. The thicker the cloth or the veil of “relevant” discourse, the greater the work of weaving that still lies ahead. Or, in Levinas’s concise formulation of infinite ethical responsibility: “duties become greater in the measure that they are accomplished” (Totality and Infinity 244).

     

    Différance lies not far beyond the horizon here. Recall the subject-object configuration comprising the opposition between position and opposition. The object is more than it is because it exceeds oppositional identity and encompasses its overarching relationship with the subject. Likewise, the thing is more than it is because it “contains” différance, or as Derrida puts it, “differance, which (is) nothing, is (in) the thing itself” (Given Time 40). In this sense, there are no things “themselves” equal, identical, or reducible to some inner kernel around which they are constituted. While these terms are reserved exclusively for the object, every thing is at least twice removed from itself if one conceives it in terms of a resemblance of its own prosthesis (Derrida, Specters 153), which is to say, in terms of the interplay of simulacra and supplements. The bracketed interiority (in) of its bracketed being (is) testifies to the thing’s incessant turning inside out, passing from the interiority of thinghood to the exteriority of signification. In the thing, différance comes to pass.

     

    Derrida’s point is that this passage to the outside is not locatable outside of the thing itself, but “is” in the excess of the thing over its being. Would it be enough to say that things and signs partake in the movement of différance, in the same disquietude of non-adequation and non-identity that magically guarantees adequation and non-arbitrary character of the sign by way of retracing the dispersion of the thing and rejoicing in a more sophisticated version of the vulgar “correspondence theory of truth”? Neither a perfectly symmetrical correlation of signs and things, nor a secondary derivation (Derrida, “Différance” 9) of the former from the latter avoids the betrayal of différance. On the contrary, in a certain primary secondariness or secondary primariness, signs take the place of things that have no place of their own. (Still, it would be inaccurate to equate the thing with pure distance and différance outside of the mediations provided by the bracketing of interiority and of the copula. Interpreting Nietzsche, Derrida muses that “perhaps woman is not some thing which announces itself from a distance, at a distance from some other thing . . . Perhaps a woman–a non-identity, a non-figure, a simulacrum–is distance’s very chasm, the out-distancing of distance” (Spurs 49). It is not that the thing is too figural or too(self-) identical to stimulate the opening of a chasm; rather, the chasm opened by the thing, between things, contains an ineluctable reference to measurable distances in space suspended inside the brackets.)

     

    What the thing’s turning inside out implies for phenomenological research is an inversion of that “fundamental property of consciousness” which Husserl calls “intentionality.” The sole aim of the meaning-intention is an object or, in Derrida’s words, “meaning [bedeuten] intends an outside which is that of an ideal ob-ject” (Speech 32). But in our relation with things, the direction of “aiming at” changes. The Thing, suddenly capitalized in spectrality, aims at us, looks at, and concerns us (“Cette Chose nous regarde” [Specters 6/26]7) without offering itself to our gaze. The “visor effect” (l’effet de visière), the sheath for the skull behind which the inapparent Thing appears and which Derrida borrows from Shakespeare, is etymologically associated with the French viser–to aim at, or to intend. The inversion of Husserlian intentionality traverses the history of twentieth-century phenomenology that grounds the Derridian approach. If the face (visage) of the other in Levinas is read in the context of this phenomenological heritage, then both the visor and the visage of the Thing and of the other translate intentionality into haunting, first, when “we” become its intended target–the destination or the horizon of its look–and, second, if the location from which it is launched remains indeterminate. Likewise, in Merleau-Ponty’s Phenomenology of Perception things not only “display themselves” to me but also “see” and guarantee the permanence of those dimensions of other things that are hidden from my view (79). Besides inverting the structure of intentionality, what these approaches have in common is the implicit deconstruction of the distinction between the categorial and the existential analytics developed in Being and Time. Unlike Heideggerian “entities [that] are present-at-hand within the world” but are “worldless in themselves” (Being 81), Derrida’s thing occurs “within” the world and, at the same time, has a world of its own. This will be articulated most clearly in Of Spirit where the Heideggerian distinction crumbles in light of the ambiguous location of the “living thing,” or the animal (48-54).

     

    There are no fulfilled intuitions evidentially supported by the presence of objects to consciousness here, in this space inundated with impossible possibilities and flash-like breakthroughs of exteriority that “comes to us from the region of transcendence and death,” as young Levinas likes to put it. Undeniably, the thing and, first of all, the jug is nothing to be filled or fulfilled. An inverted intention bypassing intuition, it is already full of itself in itself and beside itself. Full to the point of indifferent, unenjoyable pleasure. Full without measure, “at the bottom without bottom” of an abyss (Derrida and Thévenin 138). From the pages of a different work, another voice of Derrida anachronistically retorts, “Write, if possible, finally, without with, not without but without with, finally, not even oneself” (“Truth” 17). The writing of “without with” is the writing of a broken articulation, the writing of the hinge (Derrida, Of Grammatology 65-73). Refusing to admit any elements of relationality or, even, to be negatively defined by this refusal, the abyssal thing stands, perhaps, for sheer non-oppositionality, a radicalized subject, and a plentitude that departs from the objective “with without” (I now translate Gegen as toward-against to accommodate both renditions of the German word) and from oneself. Derrida has never been closer to and farther apart from Heidegger, who concludes that the non-objective thing “stands on its own as self-supporting” (“The Thing” 165). What the quality of self-supporting ultimately aims at is the pure without, the negation of the oppositional-negative dependence embodied in the object, and, correlatively, the affirmation of the thing’s autochthonous position. Conversely, without with denotes that which “stands on its own” only inasmuch as it is supported by the other, “without with . . . not even oneself.” Both Heidegger and Derrida enact the thing’s release from the confines of conscious representation, but whereas the former wishes to reclaim the independence and the self-identity of the thing, the latter conjoins, hinges and unhinges, the plentitude of the thing on the abyss.

     

    It is in this faint light that I want to read the opening line of the “Parergon” section of Truth in Painting–“it’s enough to say: abyss and satire of the abyss”–the line that hints at the satire of satire, the satisfaction of satire (without) with the bottomless bottom of the thing amidst patient and obstinate suffering that bears things in silence (Derrida and Thévenin 137). “It’s enough to say” this cryptic expression once and anew each time. Suffice it to say that this will be an event of saying: unrepeatable, non-idealizable, unobjected, yet touching the abyss, immediately relevant to the word and the thing thus named. That is why the first line of “Parergon” hangs on the outer edge of the first internal frame of the text, immodestly enclosing the empty space drawn from the abyss.

     

    IV

     

    Metaleptically and in a paraphrase, it’s enough to say: the thing and satire of the thing. For the thing contains, without containing anything in its bracketed interiority, the force of animation, transformation, and decomposition. The thing works, and the animated work becomes (another) thing. Inhabiting without residing (Derrida, Specters 18/42), effacing itself in the apparition, it spatializes its habitation, our habitation, in a way that is foreign to the one-dimensional object that merely resides, without inhabiting, in opposition to us. Does the thing give space without taking any for its multiple surfaces and dimensions that are more unobtrusive and inconspicuous than the flatness of the objective screen?

     

    In addition to giving space, the thing also temporalizes, gives time: “The thing gives, demands, or takes time” (Derrida, Given Time 41).8 To continue accounting for the “properties” of the thing and of the object, I suggest that the latter, at least in its ideal form, is driven by a frustrated and a priori thwarted urge to withhold time and to maintain the fantasy of eternal presence in the indefiniteness of repetition. One of the most compelling, properly satirical elements underlying this difference is that the mute resistance of the object is indebted to the thing, which gives time and, therefore, gives (objects, among other “things”). Evidently, the thinghood of the thing that, as something “un-conditioned (un-bedingtes) . . . conditions the thing as thing” in Heidegger (“What” 9), may explain the unconditionality of the gift, of forgiveness, of hospitality in Derrida. (For the latter, however, the conditioned “thing” is made possible only in the mode of impossibility: the impossible gift, forgiveness, and so forth.) In turn, the object acquires its potency, its force of resistance by proxy, from a proximate distance to the non-oppositional animation of the thing and the positional situation of the subject. The objective “against” stands for “against-toward.”

     

    What does Derrida mean when he writes that “if things run as though on wheels, this is perhaps because things aren’t going so well, by reason of an internal infirmity” (“Truth” 78)?9 Does he not imply that this thingly “hastiness” is an upshot of an accelerated temporalization whereby the thing gives, demands, and takes less time, or almost no time at all? Will the things so sped up give us an impression that they happen in the Augenblick, the blink of an eye that transfigures them into ideal objects, into the prostheses sustaining their “internal infirmity”? If the things run along in haste, this is not because they are able to somehow “cover” and open up more space in a shorter stretch of time, but because they betray their own demand for temporalization and refuse to give. The more animated they are, the faster they work–the closer they come to being unworkable “by reason of an internal infirmity” which, as we know, is constitutively open to exteriority in things that are always beside themselves in themselves. The thing’s infirmity un-sublated in any prosthetic device is attached to the inner frame posited and deposited by the work that seeks to counteract–and that just succeeds in aggravating–this infirmity.

     

    When “things run as though on wheels,” they reveal their deranged (dérangée) verve or madness. And the margins of Derrida’s (but not only Derrida’s) texts augment this derangement. At several crucial junctures in Specters of Marx, the textual voice addresses itself directly to the reader. “Let us accelerate things [Accélérons],” says Derrida before outlining the madness of the new “ten plagues” that haunt contemporaneity (80). “As we must hasten the conclusion, let us schematize things [schématisons],” he implores toward the end of the book (169). We must not rush to decide on what is consequential here; what is a “mere” accessory to the argument; what is an idle, colloquial, and highly idiomatic turn of phrase; what is an imprecision in the translation of the pleas “accélérons” and “schématisons” lacking any specific objects of acceleration and schematization; and what belongs to the “core” of the exposition. For the prospects of the text feeding on the increased tempo and rhythm of the thing are not definitively excluded.

     

    Consider, for example, Marx’s tried and tested solution to the problem of conjuration: “to close out his accounts . . . he counts things up” (Derrida, Specters 142). And Derrida? Does he not “accelerate” things by counting down the new plagues and arriving at the same number (ten) as Marx? Of course, Derrida does not simply force things into a new tempo of giving less, but discovers the acceleration immanent to the things he counts in the decontextual context of globalization and commodification. Significantly, the commodity-thing (the object-thing) does not admit any other treatment. Materiality-cum-number, “sensuous non-sensuous,” “a ‘thing’ without phenomenon, a thing in flight” (150), it contracts and reduces the circle to a point, gives expression to circulation time striving to zero (as Marx observes in the second volume of Capital), demands less time for production, is instantaneously destroyed in consumption, dreams up its Augenblick in the evanescence of purely financial transactions carried out in the global communication networks, all the while becoming madly unworkable and masking its internal infirmity, i.e. the relatively non-commodified production of the labor force. At the summit of madness, this “thing” demands term and temporalization, gift and restitution (Derrida, Given Time 40), that is, surplus value and fair remuneration, but also forecloses the term it demands, erases the trace of différance that orders it, and lapses into the routines of objective ideality desiring the eternal present of capitalization. Commodity fetishism is the capitalist style, its very stylus whose dual function it is to imprint and to scratch out the trace of justice, protecting “the thing itself” only on the condition that its thinghood should be forgotten: “on the condition at least that it should not already be that gaping chasm which has been deflowered in the unveiling of the difference” (Derrida, Spurs 39).

     

    Counting things is a strategy justified by the historical incarnation and self-effacement of the thing in the commodity form, but the satire of the thing makes inaccuracy unavoidable. Like no one else, Derrida knows that the thing is more than one and, more precisely, that there are always “three things of the thing [trois choses de la chose]”that haunt the haunting (Specters 9/29).10 So, the ten plagues and the ten manifestations of ideology are actually thirty–at least thirty–if we are willing to correct the forgetful calculus that counts the thing as one and naked object, to correct it, precisely, through the explication of (a) mourning, (b) productive or generative historicity (“generations of skulls or spirits”), and (c) work in each of the plagues and in each of the manifestations. One may rightly object that the improved re-accounting protocols are as useless as their simple-minded counterpart, if, to paraphrase Derrida, everything in the thing impels the number and the annulment of the number. With this improvement, we have not yet gauged the axiom of the non-numerical infinity of the gift, postulating that “the direct ‘object’ [what is the nature of direct oppositionality suspended in the indirection of quotation marks?] of the act of ‘giving’, . . . the given of the giving alter[s] radically the meaning of the act each time” (Derrida, Given Time 49). In this case, the most attentive and scrupulous of accountants will find herself faced with the dilemma of Carroll’s Alice, who, after desperately trying to sum up the sequence of “one and one and one and . . . ” proposed by the White Queen, had no other choice but to respond, “I don’t know. I lost count.” She loses count on account of the complexity hidden in the linear-sequential “and one” which means the exact opposite (“and not one”): the more than one in one, the non-identity of the one, the absolute separation between the one and the other (one), and so forth. In other words, the thing is never “just this one,” as it is for Heidegger.

     

    The satire of the Thing irritates its proper-improper name. Why “the Thing”? The first clue to this capitalization ties together the sanctioned multiplicity of contradictory translations–the multiplicity “internal” to the Thing–and “the signature of the Thing ‘Shakespeare’: to authorize each one of the translations” (Derrida, Specters 22). By the same token, though steering toward the impropriety of the proper name, the thing’s inability to procure and to secure a proper name, Derrida refers to “some ‘Thing’” that “will have frightened and continues to frighten in the equivocation of this event,” the event of Marxism (104). The signature of the Thing “Marx,” however, refuses to authorize the legacies and bastardized political translations that call themselves Marxist and that break the name and the Thing thus named into an array of one-dimensional objects. (As Derrida will not fail to note upon reading Blanchot, there are always three “voices” of Marx. Lest each of the voices is heard, Marxism is bound to linger in one of the three -isms of economic determinism, detached scientism, or political nominalism. And, therefore, the rules of multiplying this Thing, like any other, by three necessarily apply here as elsewhere.)

     

    The feigned signatures, the only possible signatures, of the Thing proliferate to such an extent that its inscription in quotation marks is supplemented with a more radical strategy of equating it with the exact opposite, the Athing: “Nominalism, conceptualism, realism: all of this is routed by the Thing or the Athing [la Chose ou l’Achose: the difference between the two is, again, entirely graphic] called ghost” (138, emphasis added). But both in the oral and in the conceptual registers, this opposition does not subsist as an opposition, for, if it did, it would have immediately transformed the thing into another object. Which means that, all the more imperceptibly, the thing indistinguishable from its opposite loses itself (its thinghood) in objectivity. It is only graphically that the non-identity of the Thing “itself” is exposed, but the price paid for this exposure is a ghostly incarnation of the name in the nameless (the routing of nominalism) and, again, of the thing in the object. Cited directly, without detours, head-on, the indeterminate spatiality of thinghood passes into the most rigid and determinate opposition of objectivity.

     

    V

     

    The passage of the thing into the object unbrackets the interiority of the thing, unhinges its (unhinged) deposition beside itself, and reverses the process in which it turns inside out. Derrida’s word for this reversal is “invagination”–not a total incorporation of the remainder inside something which is no longer a thing, but “the inward refolding of la gaine [the sheath, girdle], the inverted reapplication of the outer edge to the inside of a form where the outside then opens a pocket” (“Living On” 97). The object does not internalize the thing, for, should it do so, it will have instantaneously lost its flat objectivity in the volume obtained by proxy from that which it will have swallowed up. Inversely, turning the thing “outside in” without decisively crossing the border, without reducing non-identical excess, the object will resemble more and more a crumpled screen, an uneven surface that hampers direct reflection and interrupts the monotony of negativity. The subject is then faced with abstruse, non-idealizable objectivity which “makes sense” exclusively in the modality of not-giving something it will never contain.

     

    The satirical trappings of the thing overlaid with its invagination in the object yield what appear to be slippages in Derrida’s texts–the rare moments when rigorous differentiation between the two collapses, when one is mentioned right after the other in uncomplicated chains of equivalence and substitution. On the surface of it, one of the slippages takes place where it matters least, that is, where Derrida puts the object and the thing to one side, in opposition to something else that annuls the gift, as in the first chapter of Given Time. He writes, “it suffices that the other perceive and keep, not even the object of the gift, the object given, the thing, but . . . its intentional meaning, for the gift to be annulled” (14). Need we say that to place the thing along with the object in opposition to . . . is to objectify the former straight away? Moreover, we have already established that intentionality, “intentional meaning,” differs according to the object and the thing to which it attaches itself. To put it crudely, whilst the thing and the other aim at me, I aim at the object. How, then, is the opposition between the thing and the object on one hand and “intentional meaning” on the other possible?

     

    And what about the other who is the subject of this sentence? In line with the logic of “Violence and Metaphysics” buttressed with the haunto-logic of Specters of Marx, the intentionality of the other is allied with that of the thing in the relation without relation of haunting, in the conspiracy of conjuration, and in the apparition of the inapparent. No intentionality, including this one, can aim at something, at someone, at me who (that) is altogether present and who (that) is, therefore, kept in presence in the form of a repeatedly given ideal object, intuited in the fullness of presence. “It belongs to the original structure of expression to be able to dispense with the full presence of the object aimed at by intuition . . . . The absence of the object aimed at does not compromise the meaning” (Derrida, Speech 90). The absence of the object here does not automatically entail the absence of the thing; in fact, shortly thereafter, Derrida explicitly distinguishes one from the other (“Two identical expressions . . . may mean the same thing, and yet have different objects” [91].) It follows that when the present-absent thing aimed at is “the I” whom the other perceives, the gift of the thing is not annulled if the other regards the thing of the gift from the other side of his visor, in non-reciprocal reciprocity, qua other (the uniquely given, each time for the first time), not qua another given (object) of the giving.

     

    To return to the route of invagination: commodities, in Derrida’s reading of Marx, assume the character of equivocally invaginated things. Taking the table that Marx gives as an example deposited near the beginning of Capital, Derrida points out that “this Thing which is no longer altogether a thing . . . unfolds (entwickelt), it unfolds itself, it develops what it engenders” (Specters 152). This unfolding is not the only factor that negates the thinghood of “this Thing,” the thinghood that performs its endless routine of turning inside out, as usual. A whole new series of operations of refolding coterminous with this usual routine is in order. Derrida will group these operations under the title of “automatic autonomy” (153), of the paradoxical in-animation that commences, on the one hand, with the turning upside down of the table, the static repositioning of the table on its head, rendering it both useless and more stable, and, on the other, its sudden inspiration and deposition, driving it to the marketplace where it is ready to face other commodity-thing-objects. “The market is a front, a front among fronts, a confrontation” (155) inviting faceless, standoffish objects to a surface-to-surface relationship, to a faceless facing toward-against, but also requiring that they rush to it themselves, crawl on the inverted table top that will never function as a sheath for itself or for the value it is supposed to undergird, forget the security of their position and opposition, lose their grounding, execute a salto mortale, as Marx calls it, of valuation and exchange. The commodity is an object-thing in which the fundamental lines of demarcation between things and objects are contaminated, while commodification understood as invagination is a leap of the thing into the object, and back again.

     

    The generative unfolding of the thing is immanent to its constitutive multiplicity. In the course of invagination that searches for the trace of this unfolding within the folds of the thing itself, in the course of the “mutilating excavation of things [excavation mutilatrice des choses],” one uncovers “the stratified layers, the abyssal series of sedimentations” (Derrida and Thévenin 125, 145). Conversely, the object accommodates multiplicity only on the condition that it shatters into a number of fragments or is torn to shreds and thus rendered “partial” (Derrida, Given Time 49). The thing is both more and less than the object. More than the object, its pluri-dimensionality has volume and “interiority,” with which it nonetheless does not coincide. Less than the object, it does not face us as such in infinite repeatability, but promotes “the mutilating excavation” historically replaying and contorting singular and abyssal sedimentations. Both more and less, the thing brings to a grinding halt the multiplicity of types but not the non-numerical multiplicity of “the gift,” whose meaning changes with every given. Invagination adumbrates this precarious margin, assesses the breadth of difference, and enforces the traversed distance between the thing and the object.

     

    VI

     

    A footnote at the end of The Secret Art of Antonin Artaud announces our problematic, inflecting it with a tinge of “auto-deconstruction.” “Will I have been forcing things? [Aurai-je forcé les choses?] Perhaps it will be thought that I have given too much weight to this word the subjectile . . . But first of all no reading, no interpretation could ever prove its efficacy and its necessity without a certain forcing. You have to force things” (156n80). Derrida proceeds to reflect on force and its role in interpretation, but has he not already, in the very gesture of self-criticism, forced “this word the subjectile” into a word and a thing, or rather, into things? This is the first possibility, but certainly not the last. For, what is it exactly that “will have been” forced into what? To the first possibility we might add the pernicious forcing of things into objects, into themselves, or into the thing in the singular; the invaginated forcing of aesthetic things (say, Artaud’s notebooks) into vocable media or words; the entwined forcing of chance into the necessity of chance and of inefficacy proper to the inexistent or anexistent subjectivity–into the efficacy of willful agency; the perverse forcing of the things that aim at me into the intentional coherence of my consciousness; the endless referential, reiterative, cited, and translated forcing of texts into other texts they are welcome to serve. There is also the force immanent to the things themselves, the force buried in the multifarious sedimentations that form them, the force awaiting “the mutilating excavation” that will faithfully manifest, denude, and betray the excavated “materials.” You have to force things only in this manner, both traversing the difference between forces and maintaining the pathos of distance in spite of, or thanks to, this traversal.

     

    Notes

     

    I owe a debt of gratitude to Edward S. Casey and to two anonymous reviewers who offered constructive comments on the earlier drafts of this article.

     

    1. I am thinking of the Hegelian enunciation of the identity of difference and identity. And yet, the opposition between position and opposition only formally resonates with this enunciation. The content of this opposition refers to irreconcilability, rather than to Hegelian reconciliation.

     

    2. Here I elaborate upon Derrida’s remarks on the “infirmity of the thesis” in The Truth in Painting; see 78.

     

    3. On “iterability without iteration,” see Derrida, Limited Inc., 48.

     

    4. In What Is a Thing? Heidegger claims that, in the broadest sense of the term, the thing “is every affair or transaction, something that is in this or that condition, the things that happen in the world–occurrences, events”; see 5.

     

    5. The paradigm cases of this critique are Žižek’s The Puppet and the Dwarf and Badiou’s Ethics: An Essay on the Understanding of Evil, esp. Chapter II: “Does the Other Exist?”

     

    6.”Esse is interesse; essence is interest” (Levinas, Otherwise than Being, or Beyond Essence 4).

     

    7. The second page number refers to the French edition of Spectres De Marx.

     

    8. Also see Heidegger’s What Is a Thing?: “The question ‘What is a thing?’ includes in itself the question ‘What is Zeitraum (time-span)?’, the puzzling unity of space and time within which, as it seems, the basic character of things, to be only this one, is determined” (17).

     

    9. It is worth noting that Heidegger’s essay “The Thing” (1971) begins with the acceleration immanent to tele-techno-communications, the reduction of distances in space and time, and the consideration of the thing as that which is near to us.

     

    10. In contrast to the object of consciousness, things can “belong” only to the thing, folding the genitive form inside out: into the thing “itself” only as the multiplicity of things, that is to say, as the difference of forces constitutive of the thing “in” the thing.

     

    Works Cited

     

    • Badiou, Alain. Ethics: An Essay on the Understanding of Evil. Trans. Peter Hallward. London: Verso, 2001.
    • Cixous, Hélène, and Jacques Derrida. Veils. Trans. Geoffrey Bennington. Stanford: Stanford UP, 2001.
    • Derrida, Jacques. “Différance.” Margins of Philosophy. Trans. Alan Bass. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1982. 1-27.
    • —. Given Time: I. Counterfeit Money. Trans. Peggy Kamuf. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1992.
    • —. Limited Inc. Trans. Samuel Weber. Evanston: Northwestern UP, 1988.
    • —. “Living On: Border Lines.” Trans. James Hulbert. Deconstruction and Criticism. Eds. Harold Bloom et al. New York: Continuum, 1979.
    • —. Of Grammatology. Trans. Gayatri C. Spivak. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 1997.
    • —. Of Spirit. Trans. Geoffrey Bennington and Rachel Bowlby. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1987.
    • —. Specters of Marx: The State of the Debt, the Work of Mourning, and the New International. Trans. Peggy Kamuf. New York: Routledge, 1994.
    • —. Spectres De Marx. Paris: Galilée, 1993.
    • —. Speech and Phenomena and Other Essays on Husserl’s Theory of Signs. Trans. David B. Allison. Evanston: Northwestern UP, 1973.
    • —. Spurs: Nietzsche’s Styles. Trans. Barbara Harlow. London: U of Chicago P, 1979.
    • —. The Truth in Painting. Trans. Geoffrey Bennington and Ian McLeod. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1987.
    • —. “Violence and Metaphysics: An Essay on the Thought of Emmanuel Levinas.” Writing and Difference. Trans. Alan Bass. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1978. 79-153.
    • Derrida, Jacques, and Paule Thévenin. The Secret Art of Antonin Artaud. Trans. Mary Ann Caws. Cambridge: MIT P, 1998.
    • Heidegger, Martin. Being and Time. Trans. John Macquarrie and Edward Robinson. San Francisco: Harper Collins, 1962.
    • —. “The Thing.” Poetry, Language, Thought. Trans. Albert Hofstadter. New York: HarperCollins, 1971. 163-86.
    • —. What Is a Thing? Trans. W.B. Barton and Vera Deutsch. Chicago: Henry Regnery, 1967.
    • Levinas, Emmanuel. Otherwise than Being, or Beyond Essence. Trans. Alphonso Lingis. Pittsburgh: Duquesne UP, 1998.
    • —. Totality and Infinity: An Essay on Exteriority. Trans. Alphonso Lingis Pittsburgh: Duquesne UP, 1969.
    • Merleau-Ponty, Maurice. Phenomenology of Perception. Trans. Colin Smith. London: Routledge, 2004.
    • Žižek, Slavoj. The Puppet and the Dwarf. Cambridge: MIT P, 2003.

     

  • Derrida, Hegel, and the Language of Finitude

    Jan Mieszkowski

    German Department
    Reed College
    mieszkow@reed.edu

     

    From his earliest essays to his final lectures, Jacques Derrida endeavored to come to terms with the legacy of German Idealist philosophy. First and foremost, this involved a sustained engagement with the work of G.W.F. Hegel, a thinker who makes extraordinary claims for the self-grounding, self-explicating authority of his project. Seemingly resistant to the usual interpretive strategies, Hegel is notorious for presenting his readers with unique challenges, or threats. There is a widespread sense, as William James put it more than a century ago, that the Hegelian “system resembles a mousetrap, in which if you once pass the door you may be lost forever. Safety lies in not entering” (275). As the history of Hegel scholarship attests, grappling with a philosopher by steadfastly refusing to do so is a chaotic endeavor at best. Of course, Derrida has inspired somewhat similar reactions. Like Hegel, he is frequently accused of redefining the standards of argumentation to such a degree that he cannot help but have the last word, pre-empting commentary or criticism before it is ever formulated. Does this mean that the only recourse one has in the face of the Hegelian monolith is to seek to outdo it by undertaking an even more radical transformation of conceptuality, or is it simply the case that Derrida was profoundly influenced by his Idealist predecessor?

     

    Derrida wrote a great deal about his relationship with Hegel. What I want to argue in this essay, however, is that some of Derrida’s most important contributions on Hegel are in texts that never cite him by name. In particular, Derrida’s account of linguistic performance–an analysis developed across a host of essays on different literary and philosophical figures–offers insights into the more radical dimensions of Hegel’s understanding of language and subjectivity. The result is a call to view language not as an infinite resource of signification or performance, formation or destruction, but as a dynamic whose transgressive potential paradoxically depends precisely on its essentially finite character. It is only from this perspective, Derrida suggests, that a full evaluation of Hegel’s theory of praxis is possible.

     

    Although he is sometimes described as “transcending” Hegel, if not rendering him obsolete, Derrida himself avoids such gestures. On the contrary, Hegel is to be championed, for his work shows “that the positive infinite must be thought through . . . in order that the indefiniteness of différance appear as such” (Speech 101-2). At the same time, Derrida stresses the need to at least attempt to mark one’s departure, even if it is only infinitesimally slight, from the Hegelian project: “Différance (at a point of almost absolute proximity to Hegel . . . ) must sign the point at which one breaks with the system of the Aufhebung and with speculative dialectics” (Positions 44). To attempt to “break” with a system founded on the capacity to mobilize the conceptual authority of breaks is already to enter into an extremely complex “mousetrap” in which a discourse’s ability to assert a reflexive relationship to its own presuppositions and procedures is at once a demonstration of self-affirmation and of abnegation. In the simplest terms, it is very much an open question whether a “break” with Hegel can be effected at all.1

     

    The influence of Derrida’s work on contemporary Hegel scholarship provides a good starting point from which to consider the challenges of interpreting a philosophy that claims always already to have interpreted itself. Self-described “deconstructive” commentators have sought to reveal “cracks” or “flaws” in the Hegelian system, locating passages with which to argue that he is not a thinker of mastery because he understands subjectivity as a constant process of abandoning oneself and that he is not a thinker of totality and of pure self-presence because he treats discord and privation as constitutive of any position. To some degree, these demonstrations must be welcomed given the all-too-common impression that Hegel is a purveyor of reconciliation who strives to “mediate” between extremes, employs negativity to “erase” negativity, and offers us unlimited optimism in the form of a system that can only make progress in its quest for the truth of absolute knowledge.2 Unfortunately, such efforts to locate instabilities internal to the Hegelian system may lack a broader interpretive significance. As Derrida never tires of reminding us, merely reversing the terms of an oppositional hierarchy does not necessarily even alter the dynamic at work, much less explain why it takes the form it does or what its pretensions to a totalizing authority may be. To highlight a passage in which it is revealed that identity is difference rather than the other way around may help counter some clichés about Hegel’s “monolithic” idealism, but in a corpus in which the relationship between part and whole is subject to unparalleled scrutiny, the stakes in when and how one intervenes in the analysis cannot be higher.

     

    It is also not obvious that the goals of Hegel’s project can be assessed by isolating a single moment in the argument and elevating it to the status of a truism to be celebrated or debunked–“everything ismediated”/”theslave is the master”–a point Derrida attributes to Georges Bataille (see “From a Restricted to a General Economy” 253). At every stage in his reading of Hegel, then, Derrida asks to what extent the system under examination already accounts for and explains itself far more completely than any “external” argument can hope to do. One of the best-known Hegelians of the twentieth century, Theodor W. Adorno, describes the challenge in the following way:

     

    Like other closed systems of thought, Hegel's philosophy avails itself of the dubious advantage of not having to allow any criticism whatsoever. All criticism of the details, according to Hegel, remains partial and misses the whole, which in any case takes this criticism into account. Conversely, criticizing the whole as a whole is abstract, "unmediated," and ignores the fundamental motif of Hegelian philosophy: that it cannot be distilled into any "maxim" or general principle and proves its worth only as a totality, in the concrete interconnections of all its moments. (Three Studies 2)

     

    The bind in which Adorno situates the would-be explicator of Hegel must be taken seriously. To suggest, as Derrida repeatedly does, that Hegel’s text is “not of a piece” and that it can be read “against” itself can invite one to make a great deal out of individual tensions, “hiccups” that ostensibly trouble the smooth modulations of the dialectic. The problem is that from the perspective of the whole, the dialectic is driven by nothing but interruption and resistance. When Derrida calls for us to reexamine Hegel’s work, “that is, the movement by means of which his text exceeds its meaning, permits itself to be turned away from, to return to, and to repeat itself outside its self-identity,” one cannot help but feel that Derrida is basically just summarizing the account that Hegel’s philosophy offers of its own operations (Positions 78-9).

     

    On the other hand, an attack on the viability of dialectical analysis as such is bound to reduce the content of Hegel’s thought to a set of slogans–“being is nothing,” “the rational is the real”–thereby negating the object of study in the course of analyzing it (and ironically repeating the very dialectical gesture from which one is seeking to break). These efforts to critique Hegel only end up confirming his authority, which is one reason that Hegelian scholarship has a tendency to assume an almost comical form in which one commentator after another accuses his peers of unwittingly quoting Hegelian doctrine at the very moment they claim to take leave of it.3

     

    For Derrida, the way in which the Hegelian system anticipates the criticisms to which it is subject must be considered in terms of Hegel’s account of the history of spirit as the story of an essentially self-interpreting entity. Hegel writes:

     

    The history of spirit is its own act (Tat); for spirit is only what it does, and its act is to make itself--in this case as spirit--the object of its own consciousness, and to comprehend itself in its interpretation of itself to itself. This comprehension is its being and principle, and the completion of an act of comprehension is at the same time its alienation and transition.[(Elements 372)4

     

    The subject of Hegelian thought only is insofar as it is engaged in the process of interpreting itself, even as this act of self-comprehension, the product of its own being as self-interpretation, is equally an act of self-alienation, the relentless exposure of itself to yet another interpretive revision. To enter into an evaluation of this dynamic is necessarily to become part of a process in which meaning and the act of making something meaningful are supposed to coincide in the praxis of a self that aims to grasp itself as an entity with an unlimited interpretive grasp. The discourse of spirit is the discourse in which signification becomes both possible and actual in and through self-referential self-clarification.

     

    This dimension of Hegel’s thought–which may in one sense be its only dimension–is an attempt to explore the full implications of J.G. Fichte’s foundational claim that the self “is at once the agent and the product of action; the active, and what the activity brings about; action (Handlung) and act (Tat) are one and the same, and hence I am is the expression of a deed (Ausdruck einer Tathandlung), and the only one possible” (97). For Hegel, the “expression” of a deed (“and the only deed possible”) is the expression of the very condition of performance such that the acts of the self can facilitate its own self-interpretive presentation of itself to itself as itself. The expression of a deed is the act of coming to know oneself as the one who renders one’s own meaningfulness meaningful. Historical praxis is this, and nothing else.

     

    Because “the completion of an act of comprehension is at the same time [spirit’s] alienation and transition,” the self is never finished making itself into the subject and object of the acts by which it establishes itself as the standard of all agency. Paradoxically, the much-disparaged drive to totality in Hegel’s system stems from its frankness about its own incompleteness, its tireless self-exposure to everything that has not yet become conscious of the fact that its own significance will stem from this auto-interpretive onto-logic. Hegel’s text holds out the promise of a system to end all systems because it is permanently open to the readings to which it has yet to submit itself, and which will in turn be submitted to it. This is a philosophy that pre-reads and pre-writes all its future encounters as events that will only become meaningful in their own right insofar as they come to know themselves as subjects–in both senses of the word–of the spirit’s self-interpretive dynamic.5

     

    As the attempt to control the difference (or lack thereof) between reference and signification where its process of auto-confirmation is concerned, Hegel’s work anticipates what Derrida calls “the figures of its beyond, all the forms and resources of its exterior” (“Restricted” 252). Hegel offers the promise of systematicity as such, the promise of a systematizing force that can pre-posit all the standards on the basis of which it will call itself meaningful and be called meaningful by its other. Importantly, this system does not just prefigure the evaluations it will inspire; it pre-judges them, as well. To prove that you have really begun to read Hegel, you have to be able to demonstrate that he has been expecting you. In other words, you confirm your ability to say something about Hegel by becoming part of a process in which the very possibility of making sense of your own activities depends on the extent to which you can show that you are always-already written and read by your object text, by the textyou–perhapsfancifully–imagine that you selected, rather than the other way around.

     

    Even to aim at willfully misunderstanding Hegel in order to elude the self-interpretive dynamic with which he confronts us does not help. In Glas, Derrida reflects on the paradox that since any finite misreading is already anticipated by the Hegelian text, one can never miss by enough to confound the system’s ability to take one’s commentary into account. Hegel’s interpretation of his own work is “too conscientious,” says Derrida; it leaves no place for an acolyte or a detractor to make his or her mark (“Restricted” 260). One can choose either to salute Hegel or to reject him, but one should not be deluded into thinking that one’s decision is of any consequence for (or surprise to) his system: “Dialectics is always that which has finished us, because it is always that which takes into account our rejection of it. As it does our affirmation” (“Theater” 246). Among other things, this means that one does not have the luxury of electing first to take up the task of understanding Hegel’s philosophy and only later, having garnered some command of the material, deciding whether or not to embrace it. Even to engage minimally with this thought is already to become part of its own auto-evaluating structure.

     

    The challenge, then, is to adopt a stance that neither misses the whole nor the concrete interconnection of the moments and yet that allows one to do more than play the role of Hegel’s puppet. Derrida’s most important reflections on these difficulties may lie in his analysis of linguistic performance. Thanks to his polemic with John Searle, Derrida’s work on iterability in J.L. Austin is eminently familiar to his allies and detractors alike.6 Indeed, many projects concerned with the significance of Hegelian thought for contemporary debates about ethnic and gender identities take Derrida’s discussions of repetition as their starting point.7 It is equally critical, however, to recognize that Derrida does not simply think about speech acts with reference to the conventions or codes that ostensibly give an utterance such as “I do” its authority at the altar. Derrida is equally concerned to ask about the ways in which a language of acts–like the discourse of Hegel’s spirit–claims to institute its own conditions of possibility. How, inquires Derrida in his reading of Franz Kafka’s “Before the Law,” are “the conditions of a performative . . . established,” that is, how are they originally possible, prior to the formulation of any empirical rules or regulations (216)? The topic is vast, encompassing a host of questions about the linguistic dimensions of contracts and compacts that have occupied philosophers and political theorists since the eighteenth century. In much of his later work on law and justice, Derrida grapples with the issue of performance in precisely these terms.

     

    Where the relationship between performance and self-interpretation in Hegel is concerned, Derrida’s discussions of Paul de Man’s work on performativity–part of the two critics’ extensive debate about Rousseau–are crucial.8 Is it the case, inquires Derrida, that all utterances are preceded by a pre-formative, a promise–to use the figure on which de Man dwells–to be language, a promise on the part of language to perform meaningfully, a promise that is itself neither simply constative nor performative?9 Although Hegel is rarely present by name, he is clearly the guiding figure for much of what Derrida has to say about proto-performative acts of language in a series of texts that, like his Kafka piece, focus primarily on literary works. In his analysis of the end of Ulysses, for example, Derrida takes up the Fichtean notion of self-positing and argues:

     

    Before the Ich in Ich bin affirms or negates, it poses itself or pre-poses itself: not as ego, as the conscious or unconscious self, as masculine or feminine subject, spirit or flesh, but as a pre-performative force which, for example, in the form of the "I" marks that "I" as addressing itself to the other, however undetermined he or she is: "Yes-I" or "Yes-I-say-to-the-other," even if I says no and even if I addresses itself without speaking. (298)

     

    Before positing itself as a content, before even presupposing the announcement–“I am”– that will become its self-inaugural declaration, the language of the self must pre-pose a mark–“yes”–that refers to nothing outside of language, a “quasi-act,” as Derrida also describes it, that shows nothing, states nothing, and ultimately says nothing, yet which constitutes language’s own minimal assertion that language will happen. “Yes” is language’s avowal that a statement can be a performance rather than a mere instance of a code, that an utterance can be active or productive rather than just passive and mimetic, that a verbal event can be an end as well as a means. In the beginning there is what Derrida terms the “transcendental adverbiality” of “yes,” the condition of possibility for any speech act, the pre-formative on which the ecstatic quality of language–its power to posit the very possibility of positing–depends (297).

     

    At first glance, this might seem like a simplistic exercise in unearthing layer upon layer of conditions of possibility–“A positing is made possible by a pre-positing, which is in turn made possible by a pre-pre-positing, etc.”–as if each stage in the expansion of our meta-(meta-)languagenecessarily constituted a corresponding advance in understanding. Derrida insists, however, that to ask about the conditions of possibility of linguistic performance is necessarily to call the possibility of a meta-language into question because any discourse about language “will itself assume the event of a yes [a pre-performative force] which it will fail to comprehend” (299). Prior to saying anything in particular, all language must assume that it has always already said “yes” to language and “yes” to its own status as the producer of possibilities; but no language is capable of making this proto-active “yes” into a content that it could then recognize as the product of the activity of itself or of an other.10 Language necessarily assumes that it has said “yes” to its own ability to affirm itself, but no language can actually state this assumption as an affirmative claim. In other words, any proposition–be it part of a discourse about language or not–presupposes a pre-positional force that never takes the form of a subject or object of representation. No instance of language can present its own promissory “yes” as the formative act or pre-act that it “pre-supposedly” is. Far from confirming language’s self-identity, “yes” reveals language to be anything but present-to-self, suggesting, among other things, that it is by no means clear whether or not the Hegelian subject can ever make good on its commitment to fashion a self-meaningful discourse in which constation and performance coincide.

     

    The reflexivity of linguistic concepts and the self-representation of language are among the most challenging problems in contemporary theory. For the purposes of our discussion, the question is whether the issues Derrida raises about pre- or proto-performance constitute a genuine stumbling block for the self-interpretive praxis of the Hegelian subject, fundamentally challenging either its ability to be a discourse about the self or its ability to be a self-interpretive discourse. In other words, is the problem that the self cannot comprehend itself–that its acts of self-reflection can never catch up with its acts of self-positing–or is the problem that the self cannot comprehend itself and is fated to discover that its models of semantic coherence apply to anything but its own determinations? To evaluate the full significance of Derrida’s argument, we have to look more closely at Hegel’s own account of the relationship between language and subjectivity. To this end, it will be helpful to turn to the theory of poetry he offers in his Lectures on Aesthetics.

     

    Hegel declares that poetry is supreme among the arts, combining music’s apprehension of the inner life of the mind with the determinate phenomenal character of sculpture and painting.11 In contrast to many of his contemporaries who make similar claims, however, Hegel never wavers in insisting that poetry is the crisis of art as much as it is its triumph. Poetry’s uniqueness stems from the fact that the subject and the object of poetry, the medium and the message, are one and the same. Unlike painting or sculpture, poetry can deal with any and every topic in any and every fashion because in the final analysis what poetry really expresses is the mind’s apprehension of itself to itself in itself.12 The medium of poetry is the imagination, and “its proper material is also the imagination, that universal foundation of all the particular art-forms and the individual arts” (Aesthetics 967). Cut off from any material restraints, any restrictions on form and content, poetry

     

    appear[s] as that particular art in which art itself begins . . . to dissolve . . . . [P]oetry destroys the fusion of spiritual inwardness with external existence to an extent that begins to be incompatible with the original conception of art, with the result that poetry runs the risk of losing itself in a transition from the region of sense into that of the spirit. (968)

     

    No longer comprehensible in terms of a connection between a material medium and an intelligible meaning, poetry is the highest achievement of art as the confirmation of spirit’s pure self-apprehension, but this triumph is equally art’s demise. The ultimate articulation of the sensible with the intelligible, of the world of appearances with the world of ideas, poetry’s success leads it astray–in its autonomy, it threatens to abandon its mediating role and evacuate itself of any representational duties whatsoever.

     

    The pinnacle of art and its collapse, poetry forces Hegel to rethink his account of self-determination as linguistic praxis. Predictably, this occurs in his discussion of lyric, traditionally the verse of the self and the first member of his tripartite genre scheme, which is rounded out by epic and drama. Having stressed that it makes no difference whether we read or hear poetry since its medium–language–is essentially non-phenomenal, Hegel nonetheless insists that because lyric is the highpoint of artistic subjectivity, the expression of interiority as such, it must be grasped as an act of a self in a way that epic and drama cannot be. The important thing to realize is that a lyric act of self, unlike the deeds of the self-interpretive spirit described in the Philosophy of History or the Philosophy of Right, must remain stillborn. Lyric praxis, writes Hegel, cannot “be so far continued as to display the subject’s heart and passion in practical activity and action, i.e., in the subject’s return to himself in his actual deed” (Aesthetics 1112). For the model of self-interpretive subjectivity, the self is nothing other than its own acts of self-interpretation, yet lyric, the poetry of the self, must be language that acts in such a way that the action can never be grasped as the coordination of a self and an act. Lyric acts without becoming someone’s action. To think about this even as a claim for the agency of language replacing the agency of a willful entity would be misleading. The lyric poet, the poet of poets, the poet whose discourse will articulate the very subjectivity of poetry as the discourse of spirit itself, acts by losing his power to articulate a language that would tell its own story, the story of language’s coming into meaningfulness by its own hand, the story of language being able to make sense of its own promissory “yes.” Lyric is the last language in which an act and the explanation of that act will coincide in the self-signification of an auto-interpretive process.

     

    In setting the imagination free, poetry reveals that the imagination talks only to itself. Poetry, says Hegel, “must emphasize . . . the spiritual idea (geistige Vorstellung), the imagination which speaks to the inner imagination (die Phantasie, die zur inneren Phantasie spricht)” (Aesthetics 969). The point is not that the lyrical imagination speaks nonsense (or remains silent). With the simultaneous triumph and dissolution of art in poetry, we encounter a language that, in contradistinction to the prose of spirit, does not present itself as a discourse that understands itself in and as its own acts of self-understanding. This is a language that never offers a grammar or syntax that could serve as a model for relations between agents and their deeds or between subjects and objects. With lyric, says Hegel, the imagination “is essentially distinguished from thinking by reason of the fact that . . . it allows particular ideas to subsist alongside one another without being related, whereas thinking demands and produces dependence of things on one another, reciprocal relations, logical judgments, syllogisms, etc.” (1035). The inactive praxis of lyric confronts us with a paratactic discourse in which hierarchy and synthesis have no place. In the final instance, it is a war against both art and thinking: “Lyric . . . becomes the outpouring of a soul, fighting and struggling with itself, which in its ferment does violence to both art and thought because it oversteps one sphere without being, or being able to be, at home in the other” (1128). The language of radical non-self-understanding, lyric poetry cannot self-clarify or self-interpret in the course of articulating itself as the product of its own articulations. Where lyric subjectivity is concerned, the self’s expression of itself to itself is as destructive as it is creative. Lyric presents the subject as that which does violence to itself, but not, as the commonplaces about subject philosophy would have it, by treating itself as an object. Lyric fails to demonstrate that its own self-interpretation begins and ends with the acts by which it makes its own significance self-evidently meaningful to itself. On the most basic level, this means that the self-interest of self–the notion of the self as even minimally self-related or self-concerned–has lost its inevitability.

     

    If lyric, the pinnacle of subjective expressivity, turns out to be a discourse in which both self-interpretation and self-interpretation are in jeopardy, this does not simply mean–again, as the clichés about Hegel and Derrida would have it–that identity is irremediably compromised by the force of difference. Interpretation and attempts to coordinate reference and signification continue unabated in poetry, but it is no longer evident that such efforts are primarily waged in the service of a self that performs them. The question for our study of the relationship between Hegel and Derrida is whether the negativity at work in this dynamic requires us to alter our customary picture of dialectical negation. Is lyric praxis an example of what Derrida describes in Bataille’s reading of Hegel as a negativity that is no longer part of the semantic work of the concept “because it literally can no longer labor and let itself be interrogated as the ‘work of the negative’” (“Restricted” 260)? According to Hegel’s Aesthetics, lyric poetry occurs as an event that does not reflexively tell the story of its own emergence as a semantic agent, and in this respect, it challenges the understanding of poetry as “productive” if that term necessarily implies the appearance of a product that can be known as the effect of its producer. At the same time, is it clear that lyric’s repeated acts of non-self-understanding could not be recuperated via the inversion whereby subjectivity, brought to its radical extreme, would coincide with its other and thus confirm its implicit sovereignty after all? Hegel’s theory of art provides the resources for a more radical vision of self-expressive activity than is normally attributed to him, but ultimately, Derrida is interested in pushing the account of lyric even further. In “Shibboleth: for Paul Celan,” one of relatively few of his texts that is primarily devoted to verse, Derrida writes about the way in which Celan’s work effects a break with the very idea of agency as self-expression. The voice that speaks in his oeuvre is in retreat from the paradigm of self-determination as self-representation; and subjectivity, such as it appears, makes no claim to being either the cause or the effect of the referential powers of language. For the philosophical project, argues Derrida, the encounter with Celan is the “experience of language, an experience always as poetic, or literary, as it is philosophical” (“Shibboleth” 48). For Derrida, this experience is the experience of linguistic finitude. This does not mean that it is an encounter with a discourse that fails to refer to or perform anything and everything. Rather, it is an engagement with a language that–unlike the self-interpretive dynamic of Hegel’s historical spirit–no longer presents itself as the deciding instance in virtue of which all past, present, and future utterances become meaningful through the evaluation to which this language subjects them. This is the experience of a language in which all reading and writing are no longer always-already pre-written and pre-read by its own self-confirming conditions of signification, a language in which the resources of the “yes” Derrida reads in Joyce are not necessarily inexhaustible.

     

    It is around the question of finitude that the challenges posed by Hegel’s lyric intersect with Derrida’s work on the notion of the event (Ereignis) in Martin Heidegger. A true event, argues Derrida, is entirely unforeseeable; it is a pure surprise, something impossible to accommodate through existing norms or schemas, something that literally comes upon us out of nowhere and overwhelms our ability to process it. In this sense, a confrontation with an event is an encounter with the experience of a limit of experience, an encounter with the very impossibility of fully understanding or appropriating that with which we are faced.13 Importantly, this experience of limits as limits of experience does not itself become a definite border, something that one can “tackle head on” and thereby overcome. For Derrida, the experience of a limit is simultaneously the experience of the limit of limits, an experience of the way in which something that is truly limited, something that is not simply a temporary delimitation that can facilitate its own supersession, fails to manifest itself as decidedly determined or determining. It is in these terms that Derrida invites us to think about the event of Hegelian lyric as an irreducibly finite act. Such a lyric “happens” by exposing the limits of auto-interpretation, by questioning whether the self-interpretive project is inherently self-compromising, and this occurs, moreover, in such a way that the limits never become a fixed border to be transgressed, as if the act of self-interpretation could interpret itself as self-limiting and, having confirmed that the limitation was wholly its own, surpass it. Such a lyric points beyond itself, calling out for description and comprehension, but it never verifies that this call is the promise of its own meaningfulness. Language’s self-avowing “yes” can never completely say “yes” to “yes.”

     

    From this standpoint, Derrida is demanding nothing less than a reconceptualization of the classical opposition between the finite and the infinite. Finitude, claims Hegel, is a matter of boundaries that are themselves endpoints, boundaries that in marking completion, termination, or death reveal themselves to be true restrictions rather than thresholds, conclusions rather than bridges to something new. One should thus understand finitude as that which is ceasing to be: as a positively extant phenomenon, finitude is only insofar as it is becoming something that always-already no longer is. Finite things, writes Hegel, “are not merely limited . . . but on the contrary non-being constitutes their nature and being” (Science 129). To say that something is finite means that non-being, the negative determination organizing the opposition between being and nothing, constitutes its existence without rendering it purely indifferent to what is or is not. In a slightly more dramatic formulation, where finite things are concerned, “the hour of their birth is the hour of their death” (Science 129).

     

    Approached in this fashion, finitude is the condition of always-already being through, yet ironically, even this may not be finite enough. If something is to be truly finite, its limits must be absolutely limiting and limited, but the moment limitation is invoked as a category with which to explain finitude, the resulting boundary between what is and is not finite potentially opposes itself to finitude–it is the other of finitude, the frontier at which finitude confronts something beyond itself–at which point the finite is no longer merely terminal. In other words, the negativity characteristic of finitude is permanently at risk of serving as the grounds for a self-relation that will implicate the finite in a dynamic of self and other. The consequence is that the exposition of finitude can become an exercise in determining a series of transitions–alterations, as Hegel calls them–between different finite entities, each of which is shown to be a “something” in its own right that is limited by yet another change via expiration, and so forth: “We lay down a limit; then we pass it; next we have a limit once more, and so on for ever” (Encyclopedia 138). Either an infinite regression emerges–each finitude produces yet another finitude, ad infinitum–or else what has been described is a straightforward double negation–“the limit is limited in such a way that it is not just limited”–that becomes the ground of an unlimited field of finite phenomena. Both alternatives leave us with what Hegel famously calls a “bad” or “wrong” infinity, an interminably repeated negation of the finite that never actually completes the task of negating it.

     

    In the Science of Logic and the first volume of the Encyclopedia, Hegel devotes a great deal of energy to confirming the possibility of articulating an infinitude that can be distinguished from this “bad” infinity.14 At the same time, he more than hints that finitude offers a resistance to thought that is not the customary resistance of negation:

     

    The thought of the finitude of things brings this sadness (Trauer) with it because it is qualitative negation pushed to its extreme, and in the singleness of such determination, there is no longer left to things an affirmative being distinct from their destiny to perish. Because of this qualitative singleness of the negation, which has gone back to the abstract opposition of nothing and ceasing-to-be as opposed to being, finitude is the most stubborn category of the understanding; negation in general, constitution and limit, reconcile themselves with their other, with determinate being; and even nothing, taken abstractly as such, is given up as an abstraction; but finitude is the negation as fixed in itself, and it therefore stands in abrupt contrast to the affirmative. The finite, it is true, lets itself be brought into flux, it is itself this, to be determined or destined to its end, but only to its end--or rather, it is the refusal to let itself be brought affirmatively to its affirmative, to the infinite, and to let itself be united with it. (Science 129-30)

     

    Finitude’s refusal to yield to the negation of its negative stance, its refusal to be brought “affirmatively to its affirmative,” is equally its refusal to yield to the positivity of its negative stance, hence, finitude literally has no posture that could be called its own. Foreign to both determinate being and abstraction, finitude is not really a determination at all, and yet, it is not indeterminate, either. “The most stubborn category of the understanding,” finitude “stands in abrupt contrast to the affirmative” because it presents us with a negation taken “to its extreme,” but for once, this radicalization of negativity does not subject finitude to a reversal whereby it would become an affirmative positing in its own right. Finitude is a negation that refuses to be in-itself or for-itself. It is a negation with neither a positive nor a negative valence.

     

    The first question to ask is whether the interruptive, even paralyzing function of finitude has always already been re-written and re-read as part of a larger reflective process that sits in judgment on any effort to “radicalize” the argument by tarrying with this disruption. If the concept of finitude is to be ascribed a broader significance, it will have to be shown that it in some way forces Hegel to alter his account of signification itself. To move in this direction, it could be argued that the thought of finitude brings with it a sadness or mourning (Trauer) not simply because mortal entities die, but because once finitude is invoked, the usual procedures of thought–determination, negation, determination as negation–are themselves at risk of being revealed as essentially limited, too. Hegel stresses that the experience of the concept of finitude is an encounter with something that is not precisely of the order of being or nothing, and he appears to acknowledge that what is lost in the transition from the finite to the infinite is not just finitude, but the possibility of another kind of thinking, a possibility he declines to explore.15 Thought, we might say, never gets over its brush with the finite, however dexterous the ensuing presentation of the infinite proves to be, however ardently it is maintained that the infinite carries the finite within it. Mourning (Trauer) becomes melancholia, and finitude is transcended only at the price of thought–in contradiction to the most basic tenet of Idealism–showing itself to be finite rather than infinite. This is the concern Hegel expresses in the Encyclopedia when he cautions against doing exactly what he does in the greater Logic, namely, juxtapose the finite and the infinite in a stark opposition, thereby implicitly granting that the infinite is limited rather than unlimited, bounded rather than boundless.

     

    At this juncture, it might be clarifying to distinguish the finite from the concept of finitude by arguing that the latter always bears a mark of the generality of thought that contravenes the singularity that is its ostensible substance. In slightly different terms, if the articulation of finitude as a concept in a discourse invariably betrays what we mean by the finite, then can we speak about the emergence of finitude as an event whereby the universality organizing any act of reference or signification is compromised in being exposed to a limit? Hegel seems to go in this direction when he argues that finitude is the expression of the nothing as something limited and hence as not merely nothing. Hardly just another way of facilitating the reversal of the finite into the infinite, the expression of finitude betrays a contradiction in expressivity itself. Finitude interrupts the smooth modulation from the act of representation to the content of what is represented, as if once you represent finitude, you no longer know precisely what representation is or does. In this respect, the language that purports to express finitude challenges its own ability to continue to be language; it confronts itself not as a self-grounding force that posits its own conditions of possibility, but as something restricted, fragmentary, or even mortal. At least for the moment, “yes” is only a half-hearted “more or less ‘yes.’”

     

    If the expression of finitude renders expression finite, it is still unclear whether this fundamentally alters the Hegelian model of self-signification. The language of Hegelian lyric praxis may constitute a genuine alternative to spirit as auto-interpretation, but we need to say more about finitude’s peculiar “refusal,” as Hegel puts it, to play along with affirmation and negation alike. One way that Derrida tries to describe this “other” negation can be found in his discussion of totalization in Claude Lévi-Strauss:

     

    Totalization can be judged impossible in the classical style: one then refers to the empirical endeavor of a subject or of a finite discourse in a vain and breathless quest of an infinite richness which it can never master. There is too much, more than one can say. But nontotalization can also be determined in another way: no longer from the standpoint of a concept of finitude as relegation to the empirical, but from the standpoint of the concept of play. If totalization no longer has any meaning, it is not because the infiniteness of a field cannot be covered by a finite glance or a finite discourse, but because the nature of the field--that is, language and a finite language--excludes totalization. This field is in effect that of play, that is to say, a field of infinite substitutions only because it is finite, that is to say, because instead of being an inexhaustible field, as in the classical hypothesis, instead of being too large, there is something missing from it: a center which arrests and grounds the play of substitutions. One could say . . . that this movement of play, permitted by the lack or absence of a center or origin, is the movement of supplementarity. One cannot determine the center and exhaust totalization because the sign which replaces the center, which supplements it, taking the center's place in its absence--this sign is added, occurs as a surplus, as a supplement. ("Structure" 289; translation modified)

     

    This passage is part of a larger argument made in Of Grammatology and Speech and Phenomena about signification in Rousseau, Edmund Husserl, and Saussure. With each of these authors, Derrida shows that the attempt to describe the logic of the sign reveals that the referent it “announces” or “substitutes for” is always already implicated in a broader semiosis. With respect to its presence-to-self, an object of reference is thus invoked only via a process that exposes it as fundamentally empty or lacking.16 The result is that expression can no longer be understood as the articulation of something that exists independently of expression. Every signifier marks the difference between a signifier and a signified, but no signifier can signify that what it signifies is actually a signified rather than just another signifier.

     

    The inscription of the infinite within an inherently incomplete field coupled with the suggestion that the inexhaustibility of the field stems precisely from its constitutively deficient state fundamentally alters the way in which we must understand language as limited or unlimited. Instead of speaking of a discourse’s inability to refer to or perform anything and everything–even when that anything and everything is the discourse itself–the very possibility of language as a signifying force is now said to rest on its inherently unfinished status: “The overabundance of the signifier,” writes Derrida, “its supplementary character, is thus the result of a finitude, that is to say, the result of a lack which must be supplemented” (“Structure” 290). The point is not just that any act of language misfires or fails to constitute itself in the form it promises. Understood as a system of signification, language acts by disrupting the grounds for identifying the infinite with totality or completion. Conversely, it is no longer possible to speak of the finite as terminal or as the antithesis of open-ended. By radicalizing the idea of limitation and its role in effecting semantic determinations in general, Derrida reveals that the classical opposition between the finite and the infinite is incompatible with his understanding of linguistic performance.17

     

    This argument has enormous consequences for the study of Idealism and Romanticism since both are routinely characterized as celebrating the unlimited authority of language as a force of creation or destruction. Following Derrida’s analysis of Lévi-Strauss, the power we accord language can no longer be evaluated in terms of language’s ability to supersede boundaries, even its own, and must instead depend on the manner in which language proves to be irremediably self-compromising–a misprision that cannot be inscribed within the polarities of complete and incomplete or of fragment and whole. Still, if we are to link the dynamic of supplementarity to the logic of proto-performance Derrida interrogated as the pre-positional mark enabling the I am to establish itself as the archetypal utterance of subjective self-actualization, we need a more precise picture of the negativity at work in this theory of linguistic finitude. Derrida has written extensively on the subject of negation, perhaps most famously in response to the charge that deconstruction is merely a version of negative theology (see “How to Avoid Speaking”). One of his central concerns is whether any negation is invariably treated as somehow derivative of an affirmation, i.e., as the “counter-position” to a pre-existing assertion. What would it mean to understand negativity as a power in its own right, a power that may be constitutive of all determinations, positive or negative?18 Derrida pursues this question by examining the French negating particle pas (which is, of course, also the word for “step”), and we may be able to work in parallel with his argument by considering the term not. If not is to be read as the mark of the compromising expression of a finite discourse that cannot be governed by the auto-practical subject of self-interpretation, not must first and foremost be disassociated from any representation of lack or incompletion, which can always be recuperated as the presentation of something positively given as a signified or referent. Like the compromised figure of Hegelian finitude that interests Derrida, not hovers uneasily between the poles of being and non-being, but perhaps even more importantly, it puts strain on the categories on which we customarily rely when we talk about the elements of a sentence. Like all adverbs, not modifies verbs, yet it is the “limit” case of an adverb–ad-verbal to the point of annulling the very nature of what verbs, if not all words, do. Unique to language, not changes what we understand by linguistic acts. Insofar as it is dependent on the proposition of which it is a part, it cannot be said to confirm the power of language to perform or posit (like Derrida’s “yes”); and it cannot be understood as the self-elision of language by language (as the “transcendental adverbiality” of “no”), either. If anything, not seems to be the point at which language speaks to itself about what it is not doing and cannot ever do: “I do not promise” / “I do not take thee as my lawful wedded wife.”

     

    In On Interpretation, one of the founding texts of dialectical logic in the West, Aristotle famously declares the basic linguistic utterance to be a proposition (logos apophantikos) that is either true or false. The paradigmatic form of speech is thus established as “a statement that possesses a meaning, affirming or denying the presence of some other thing in a subject in time past or present or future,” or more simply, it is a “statement of one thing concerning another thing” (17). This doctrine has been enormously influential for a host of attempts to describe the relationship between language and the things about which language speaks. It is less often noted, however, that Aristotle’s commitment to an apophantic model of predicative expression is paralleled by his insistence that any proposition is permanently exposed to the authority of not (ou). “He is a man,” to use his example, conforms to the paradigmatic form of language only insofar as it is equally plausible to say, “He is not a man.” We may readily assent that from a logical perspective any affirmation is structurally exposed to the possibility of its denial and vice versa, but it is precisely the condition of possibility of such a “logical perspective” that is at stake. The very opportunity for an utterance to become a proposition, to say something about something, rests on the utterance’s openness to not, its openness to the possibility that language may equally well pronounce, truly or falsely, that the contrary is the case. Not marks language’s minimal autonomy from that about which it speaks; it reveals that a proposition is never entirely reducible to what it refers to or signifies. In this sense, not is a proto-logical condition, fundamental to and yet never explained by the accounts of syllogistic reasoning that follow in On Interpretation.

     

    If basic utterance is conceivable only on the condition of its exposure to not, then even when not is not uttered, the fact that it could potentially pop up at any moment ensures that its impact is felt. In this way, not underscores its own independence from any act of negation (or, in its absence, affirmation) in which it participates. Not, the para-word of words, literalizes the potential of any statement to be ironic, that is, the ability of all language to say one thing and nonetheless mean the opposite. Any instance of language may or may not say “not,” whether or not it says so, and yet no given statement can assert its control over this possibility, since one can always add or subtract one more not and reverse the proposal: not is (not) the condition of possibility of (not) saying “not.” Understood as a referential statement about what is or is not, the function of not amounts to nothing more than a definition of contingency. Expressed as a condition of possibility of discourse, however, the authority of not marks the absolute disjunction between what words say and how they are (or are not) meaningful. Not is the moment language says something about itself, and what it says is that language can not exhaustively refer to its own capacity to signify (or not) as something it does (or does not) meaningfully perform. It is along these lines that Derridean supplementarity can be recast as a theory of linguistic finitude.

     

    Uncertainty about not and the operations it does or does not facilitate is legible throughout the history of Western philosophy. When it is explicitly identified as an issue in its own right, not is usually subordinated to the discussion of negation and of nothing, but each time this happens, there is a hint that not is less derivative than we are being asked to believe. The problem could be explored in G.E. Leibniz’s consideration of why there is something rather than nothing; in Fichte’s description of the primordial co-positing of I and not-I; and in Heidegger’s declaration that “the nothing is more original than negation and the ‘not,’” a claim immediately followed by the qualification that only in the revelation that they are beings and not nothing do beings become aware of their own radical finitude (99). For each of these thinkers–and many similar examples could be given–the word not is never simply an expression of alterity or a reference to contingency, limitation, or mortality. Not always also names a failure peculiar to itself, the failure of the word not to become a force of self-reflexive self-determination in its own right. Not cannot guarantee the performance of the negations it announces, which is also to say that not is not a performative failure that lays the grounds for a future success. In this regard, not does not facilitate the self-transcendence of the finite. It does not impel language to establish itself as inherently self-transgressing.

     

    To appreciate the full implications of this “alternative” dimension of negation and its significance for Derrida’s rethinking of the relationship between finite and infinite discourse, it will be useful to look briefly at one example of how Derrida’s work differs from another well-known call for a transformation of our understanding of language. In his 1916 essay “On language as such and on the language of man,” Benjamin inveighs against what he terms the “bourgeois” strategy of reducing language to its instrumental function, completely subordinate to the ends to which it is employed by those who use it to communicate. Benjamin thus invites us to distinguish between the customary, that is, the reductive, sense of communicating through language and a new notion of communicating in language. Rejecting the assumption that a word is a means for relating something to an addressee, he argues that language has no content but imparts itself in itself. The condition of possibility for any instrumental language is this idea of language as the communication of the possibility of communication, communicability (Mitteilbarkeit) as such, prior to any particular instance of mediation or information transfer. This is a language of pure means that can never fully be grasped as a collection of means to ends.19

     

    In recent years, Benjamin’s work has been extremely influential in prompting critics to ask what it would mean to think about language without relying on the instrumentality inevitably ascribed to it in even the minimal gesture of conceptualizing it as an object of study. At the same time, there is a crucial respect in which Benjamin’s essay is still governed by the classical opposition of the finite and the infinite Derrida seeks to unsettle. Benjamin re-describes the relationship between the bourgeois and non-bourgeois understandings of language as a fall from the discourse of Adamic naming into its mere parody, the instrumental human word, which always refers to something beyond language: “The Fall marks the birth of the human word, in which name no longer lives intact and which has stepped out of name-language, the language of knowledge . . . .The [human] word must communicate something (other than itself)” (71). Accordingly, even the proper names in human language, the very “frontier” between “finite and infinite language,” have to be understood as “limited and analytic in nature in comparison to the absolutely unlimited and creative infinity of the divine word” (69-70). In contrast to these formulations, Derrida’s reading of Hegel suggests that the power of a discourse may lie in its limited rather than its unlimited character. Derrida and Benjamin differ on this point because the latter’s critique of the instrumentalization of language remains committed to one of the most traditional gestures in Western linguistic theory, the absolute privileging of the noun or name, the onoma, as the key to semantic dynamics. In its most canonical form, the move is readily legible in Aristotle’s definition of metaphor as the transfer (epiphora) of the name (onomatos) of one thing to something else (allotriou), a structure of analogy based on the transposition of words that presents changes in meaning as patterns of substitutions of one unit for another (Poetics 57b 7-9).

     

    Naturally, we should not underestimate the radicality of denomination. At the very least, it can be argued that naming is a linguistic act that breaks with the tropological model of language to which, thanks to Aristotle, it owes its preeminence. At the same time, it is not by chance that in “White Mythology” a sustained exposition of the Aristotelian doctrine of metaphor leads Derrida to a discussion of catachresis in which “the order of the noun is largely surpassed” as we begin to speak of the “metaphor-catachreses of prepositions” (256). Derrida urges us to think about linguistic finitude in terms of the syntactic resistance of a not that traverses the Hegelian discourse of self-interpretation without becoming just one more resource of self-negation. Perhaps, then, we can describe not as the metaphor-catachresis of ad-verbiality that confounds any effort to explain performativity with a model in which, as in Benjamin, denomination would be the formative schema of linguistic praxis and the noun the paradigmatic linguistic unit.

     

    From this perspective, we can see why Benjamin’s transformation of linguistic theory remains limited by not being limited enough, that is, it is committed to the traditional understanding of the infinite resources of language and the creative authority of divine naming. At the same time, we should not miss the polemical import of Benjamin’s argument. His analysis warns that in our efforts to characterize a finite discourse that will counter the absolute semantic rule of the auto-interpretive Hegelian spirit, we risk returning to the most old-fashioned instrumental conception of signification in which words passively do what they are used to do. It is therefore essential that the problems we have explored in Derrida not be mistaken for an announcement of the death of verbal creativity and the demise of coordination between an utterance and its effects. The language of finitude and the discourse of not suggest that no speech act can entirely make good on its promise to be meaningful. This is not, however, a claim about the impossibility of performance per se. Rather, it is an injunction to conceptualize linguistic events less in terms of agents who act and more with reference to modalities of expression–adverbial or adjectival–that are impossible to assimilate to a traditional logic of constative affirmations.

     

    Revealing language to be a dynamic whose finite resources are not unfailingly devoted to its own self-determination, Derrida provides both a new picture of self-interpretive agency in Hegel and a vantage point from which to assess the limits of any project that would base its critical authority on its own self-reflexivity. In this respect, Derrida’s interrogation of discursive finitude is a far-reaching challenge to the humanist enterprises that valorize introspection as the grounds of analysis and insight. As the importance of Derrida’s work for contemporary social and political thought is debated in the decades to come, these issues may well prove to be an increasingly central dimension of his legacy.

     

    Notes

     

    1. Derrida says that this break with speculative thought may only be a break from a “certain” (as the familiar qualification runs) reading of Hegel, a “certain” Hegelianism, for Hegel’s corpus offers considerable resources to the operations that seek to oppose it: “I emphasize the Hegelian Aufhebung, such as it is interpreted by a certain Hegelian discourse, for it goes without saying that the double meaning of Aufhebung could be written otherwise. Whence its proximity to all the operations conducted against Hegel’s dialectical speculation” (Positions 40-1). Hegel can be pitted against the inheritors who celebrate him as their own–Hegel the idealist can be matched against Hegel the realist, Hegel the formalist can war with Hegel the nominalist, and so on–assuming it is still clear what conflict means in this context.

     

    2. Hegel is frequently accused of being overly abstruse, if not downright obscurantist, yet the ferocity of these charges appears to be inversely proportional to the accuracy with which his arguments are popularized. Far more than with Immanuel Kant or Friedrich Schelling–hardly easy reads–it is the caricatures of Hegel’s thought that hold sway, even at an advanced level of scholarship. It seems that we constantly need to be reminded that in Hegel the disruption that inevitably manifests itself within a concept is not unambiguously an opportunity for an advance in insight. Each “negation of negation” is as much a confirmation of the incoherence of the prior stages of the argument as it is a resolution of confusion, which is simply to say that Hegel’s philosophy does not inexorably build skyward on increasingly solid ground. It would be equally accurate to maintain that things get shakier every step of the way, a point that has been emphasized by much of the criticism that takes its cue from Derrida’s work.

     

    3. Over the last fifteen years, this charge has frequently been leveled at Derrida by Slavoj Žižek:

     

    Derrida incessantly varies the motif of how full identity-with-itself is impossible; how it is always, constitutively, deferred, split; how the condition of its possibility is the condition of its impossibility; how there is no identity without reference to an outside which always-already truncates it, and so on, and so on. Yet what eludes him is the Hegelian inversion of identity qua impossible into identity itself as a name for a certain radical impossibility. The impossibility unearthed by Derrida through the hard work of deconstructive reading supposed to subvert identity constitutes the very definition of identity [in Hegel]. (37)

     

    What is notable is that Žižek–who is fond of quoting his subject matter at considerable length–almost never offers even a phrase-length citation of Derrida, and in the extended discussion of Derrida and Hegel from which this passage is taken, there is not so much as a single reference to any of Derrida’s numerous published writings on Hegel. In accusing Derrida of working with a straw-man Hegel (“identity is privileged over difference,” “the self reigns supreme over the other”), Žižek is himself working with a straw-man Derrida, (“self-presence is impossible,” “all binary oppositions auto-deconstruct”). In fact, upon closer examination it becomes obvious that Žižek’s account of Derrida’s understanding of Hegel takes as its primary source not a book or essay by Derrida, but a book about Derrida, Rodolphe Gasché’s The Tain of the Mirror. In a curiously ambiguous gesture, Žižek relies on Gasché as his reference for condemning Derrida’s analyses at the same time as he goes out of his way to accuse Gasché of the error he attributes to Derrida: “Gasché presents as specifically ‘Derridean’ a whole series of propositions which sound as if they were taken from Hegel’s Logic” (74). For Žižek, the would-be critic of Hegel–Gasché, Derrida–is unable to recognize that his “refinements” of Hegel simply are Hegel’s positions. Remembering the interpretive bind described by Adorno, it is perhaps inevitable that Gasché responds to this critique by arguing that Žižek has erred by taking one section of the greater Logic on identity and reflection as Hegel’s last word on the topic and ignoring the broader teleological parameters of his thought. His assertions about the radicalism of Hegelian reflexivity notwithstanding, Žižek is said to lapse into an extremely primitive oppositional model. (Gasché adds that “in Žižek’s theory of identity, socio-psychological and psychoanalytic concepts have become mixed up with [identity’s] philosophical concept” [Inventions278-9 n14].)

     

    4. This section of the Philosophy of Right condenses an argument made at greater length in the opening section of Hegel’s Philosophy of History.

     

    5. For two important discussions of the way in which a truly totalizing system is never done totalizing, never done anticipating (and co-opting) its future readers, see Hamacher’s Pleroma (esp. 1-81) and Part II of Warminski’s Readings in Interpretation, “Reading Hegel” (95-182).

     

    6. See in particular “Signature, Even, Context” and Limited Inc.

     

    7. In this context, Judith Butler’s work has been enormously influential for attempts to assess the Derridean understanding of linguistic performance and its importance for the understanding of identity “after” Hegel.

     

    8. See Mémoires for Paul de Man (esp. Chapter 3, “Acts”) and “Typewriter Ribbon: Limited Ink (2).”

     

    9. Hamacher has written extensively on the promise and its importance for Kantian thought (see Premises) and has explored this dimension of Derrida’s project and its intersections with his own work in “Lingua Amissa.”

     

    10. Fynsk explores the presuppositional structure of language in detail in Language and Relation: … that there is language. See also Agamben’s Potentialities, especially §13, “Pardes: The Writing of Potentiality.”

     

    11. As poiesis, the discourse of productivity as such, poetry should be the place where the auto-generative act of self-interpretation and the product of that act, the discourse of self-creation, coincide. Of course, a glance at almost any nineteenth-century thinker reveals that the productive powers of the artistic self are not easily coordinated with the forms this productivity assumes. While there is widespread consensus in post-Kantian thought that poetry distinguishes itself by its ability to give full expressive range to the imagination–literally setting it free, as Kant himself says in the third Critique–this does not simply mean that poetry gives the mind a forum in which to run wild with ever more novel creations. Rather, poetry liberates the imagination from the requirement that it be defined by its capacity to synthesize a product. To put this slightly differently, radical creative autonomy would appear to imply at least a degree of independence from self-creation as the sole standard of autonomy. The discourse of poiesis is thus ironically the field in which the mind is emancipated from the requirement that it be poietic; it is the discourse in which producer and product are revealed to co-exist in an indifferent rather than a mutually reinforcing relationship.

     

    12. Hegel writes that “den Geist mit allen seinen Konzeptionen der Phantasie und Kunst . . . für den Geist ausspricht” (225).

     

    13. Derrida explains:

     

    The event is what comes and, in coming, comes to surprise me, to surprise and to suspend comprehension: the event is first of all that which I do not first of all comprehend. It consists in that, that I do not comprehend: that which I do not comprehend and first of all that I do not comprehend, the fact that I do not comprehend: my incomprehension. That is the limit, at once internal and external, on which I would like to insist here: although the experience of an event, the mode according to which it affects us, calls for a movement of appropriation (comprehension, recognition, identification, description, determination, interpretation on the basis of a horizon of anticipation, knowledge, naming and so on), although this movement of appropriation is irreducible and ineluctable, there is no event worthy of its name except insofar as this appropriation falters at some border or frontier. A frontier, however, with neither front nor confrontation, one that incomprehension does not run into head on since it does not take the form of a solid front: it escapes, remains evasive, open, undecided, indeterminable. (Philosophy in a Time of Terror 90-1)

     

    14. In the greater Logic, Hegel’s response to the quandaries we have been describing is to offer a complex argument about the finite’s doubly negative relation to its limit as both the determination of what it is and is not. This line of discussion culminates in the conclusion that the finite, “in ceasing-to be, in this negation of itself, actually attains a being-in-itself [and] is united with itself” as the negation of the finite, or the infinite (Science 136). One need only compare this demonstration with the treatment of the transition from the finite to the infinite in the Encyclopedia Logic, however, to recognize that the entire topic leaves Hegel uneasy.

     

    15. For an effort to explore this “other” thinking, see Nancy’s A Finite Thinking and Hegel: The Restlessness of the Negative.

     

    16. Derrida writes: “The supplement adds itself, it is a surplus, a plenitude enriching another plenitude”; but the supplement “adds only to replace. It intervenes or insinuates itself in-the-place-of; if it fills, it is as if one fills a void. If it represents and makes an image, it is by the anterior default of a presence. Compensatory and vicarious, the supplement is an adjunct, a subaltern instance which takes-(the)-place” (Of Grammatology 144-45).

     

    17. In Speech and Phenomena, the discussion of supplementarity leads to the explicit claim that différance explodes the classical opposition of the finite and the infinite (cf. Speech 101-102).

     

    18. On this question, see in particular Derrida’s “Pas.”

     

    19. Following Derrida’s “Force of Law: The ‘Mystical Foundation of Authority’” (1989), discussions of pure means in Benjamin have proliferated, largely as part of an ongoing study of the Benjamin essay Derrida analyzes there, “The Critique of Violence.” For an account of the political stakes of these arguments and in particular their connections with Benjamin’s theory of language, see Hamacher’s “Afformative, Strike.”

     

    Works Cited

     

    • Adorno, Theodor W. Hegel: Three Studies.Trans. Shierry Weber Nicholsen. Cambridge: MIT P, 1993.
    • Agamben, Giorgio. Potentialities: Collected Essays in Philosophy. Trans. Daniel Heller-Roazen. Stanford: Stanford UP, 1999.
    • Aristotle. Categories. On Interpretation. Prior Analytics. Trans. H.P. Cooke and Hugh Tredennick. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1983.
    • —. Poetics. Ed. D.W. Lucas. New York: Oxford, 1988.
    • Benjamin, Walter. “On Language as Such and on the Language of Man.” Selected Writings. Vol. 1. Eds. Marcus Bullock and Michael W. Jennings. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1996. 62-74.
    • —. “Über Sprache überhaupt und über die Sprache des Menschen.” Gesammelte Schriften II:1. Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, 1991. 140-57.
    • Derrida, Jacques. “Before the Law.” Acts of Literature. Ed. Derek Attridge. Trans. Avital Ronell and Christine Roulston. New York: Routledge, 1992. 181-220.
    • —. “The Double Session.” Dissemination. Trans. Barbara Johnson. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1981. 173-285.
    • —. “Force of Law: The ‘Mystical Foundation of Authority.’” Deconstruction and the Possibility of Justice. Eds. Drucilla Cornell, Michel Rosenfeld, and David Gray Carlson. Trans. Mary Quaintance. New York: Routledge, 1992. 3-67.
    • —. “From a Restricted to a General Economy: A Hegelianism without Reserve.” Writing and Difference. Trans. Alan Bass. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1978. 251-77.
    • —. Glas. Trans. John P. Leavey and Richard Rand. Lincoln: U of Nebraska P, 1986.
    • —. “How to Avoid Speaking: Denials.” Languages of the Unsayable: The Play of Negativity in Literature and Literary Theory. Eds. Sanford Budick and Wolfgang Iser. Stanford: Stanford UP, 1996. 3-70.
    • —. Limited Inc. Evanston: Northwestern UP, 1988.
    • —. Of Grammatology. Trans. Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 1976.
    • —. “Pas.” Gramma: Lire Blanchot I 3-4 (1976): 111-215.
    • —. Philosophy in a Time of Terror: Dialogues with Jürgen Habermas and Jacques Derrida. Ed. Giovanna Borradori. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 2003.
    • —. Positions. Trans. Alan Bass. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1981.
    • —. “Shibboleth: For Paul Celan.” Word Traces: Readings of Paul Celan. Ed. Aris Fioretos. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 1994. 3-74.
    • —. “Signature Event Context.” Margins of Philosophy. Trans. Alan Bass. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1982. 307-30.
    • —. Speech and Phenomena and Other Essays on Husserl’s Theory of Signs. Trans. David B. Allison. Evanston: Northwestern UP, 1973.
    • —. “Structure, Sign, and Play in the Discourse of the Human Sciences.” Writing and Difference 278-293.
    • —. “The Theater of Cruelty and the Closure of Representation.” Writing and Difference 232-50.
    • — “Typewriter Ribbon: Limited Ink (2).” Without Alibi. Trans. Peggy Kamuf. Stanford: Stanford UP, 2002. 71-160.
    • —. “Ulysses Gramophone: Hear Say Yes in Joyce.” Acts of Literature 253-309.
    • —. “White Mythology: Metaphor in the Text of Philosophy.” Margins of Philosophy 207-71.
    • Fichte, J.G. The Science of Knowledge. Eds. Peter Heath and John Lach. New York: Cambridge, 1991.
    • Fynsk, Christopher. Language and Relation: . . . that there is language. Stanford: Stanford UP, 1996.
    • Gasché, Rodolphe. Inventions of Difference: On Jacques Derrida. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1994.
    • —. The Tain of the Mirror: Derrida and the Philosophy of Reflection. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1986.
    • Hamacher, Werner. “Afformative, Strike: Benjamin’s ‘Critique of Violence.’” Trans. Dana Hollander. Walter Benjamin’s Philosophy: Destruction and Experience. Eds. Andrew Benjamin and Peter Osborne. New York: Routledge, 1994. 110-38.
    • —. “Lingua Amissa: the Messianism of Commodity-Language and Derrida’s Specters of Marx.Ghostly Demarcations: A Symposium on Jacques Derrida’s Specters of Marx. Ed. Michael Sprinker. New York: Verso, 1999. 168-212.
    • —. Pleroma–Reading in Hegel. Trans. Nicholas Walker and Simon Jarvis. Stanford: Stanford UP, 1998.
    • —. Premises: Essays on Philosophy and Literature from Kant to Celan. Trans. Peter Fenves. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1996.
    • Hegel, G.W.F. Elements of the Philosophy of Right. Trans. H.B. Nisbet. New York: Cambridge UP, 1991.
    • —. Hegel’s Aesthetics: Lectures on Fine Art. Vol. 2. Trans. T.M. Knox. New York: Clarendon, 1998.
    • —. Hegel’s Logic (Encyclopedia Part I). Trans. William Wallace. New York: Oxford UP, 1975.
    • —. The Philosophy of History. Trans. J. Sibree. New York: Prometheus, 1991.
    • —. Science of Logic. Trans. A.V. Miller, New Jersey: Humanities, 1991.
    • —. Vorlesungen über die Ästhetik. Werke in zwanzig Bänden. Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, 1983.
    • Heidegger, Martin. “What is Metaphysics?” Basic Writings. New York: Harper, 1977.
    • James, William. “On Some Hegelisms.” 1882. The Will to Believe and other Essays in Popular Philosophy. New York: Longmans, 1911.
    • Kant, Immanuel. Critique of Judgment. Trans. Werner S. Pluhar. Indianapolis: Hackett, 1987.
    • Nancy, Jean-Luc. A Finite Thinking. Ed. Simon Sparks. Stanford: Stanford UP, 2003.
    • —. Hegel: The Restlessness of the Negative. Trans. Jason Smith and Steven Miller. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 2002.
    • Warminski, Andrzej. Readings in Interpretation: Hölderlin, Hegel, Heidegger. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1987.
    • Žižek, Slavoj. For They Know Not What They Do: Enjoyment as a Political Factor. New York: Verso, 1991

     

  • We, the Future of Jacques Derrida

    Eyal Amiran

    Department of English
    Michigan State University
    amiran@msu.edu

     

    This special issue of Postmodern Culture is dedicated to the work of Jacques Derrida. The issue does not attempt to consider his achievements as a whole or to say what place his work will have in philosophy, literary theory, or literature. What has been apparent for some time during his extraordinarily prolific career, however, is that people who have spent time with his writings and have learned to think with him have been thankful to live and work while he was around. To us it has seemed that Derrida was and will be a major figure in intellectual history. Part of our enjoyment and astonishment may have come from the experience of being in the presence, more or less, of such a phenomenon. Socrates knew he was the talking cure of his age, but probably did not expect to doctor the future; Nietzsche said he was a destiny, but other people did not reflect that knowledge back to him. Derrida, whether in the future we will think of him with them or not, has, to paraphrase Beckett’s Waiting for Godot, always compared himself to them, and seemed to us to be in that company.

     

    That sense could not have been easy to live with, and in light of it one of Derrida’s remarkable talents has been his intuition or inclination to do and to be Derrida over the years. With that rhetoric of destiny hovering over him, he collaborated with translators, conference organizers, colleagues and students. He traveled often and far, lectured, taught, lent his name to social causes and to institutions. For example, in 1984 Derrida both wrote and travelled more than he had in a previous year: by his own calculation he lectured in fourteen cities, and published Memoires: for Paul de Man, the important Psyché, “No Apocalypse, Not Now,” Ulysse Grammophone, which gestures toward his own odysseys, and Schibboleth (Malabou 209, 211). Whatever his sense of destiny, he includes in his writings people who have a claim on his attention. His interlocutors, like Socrates’s, show the social and communal nature of philosophy, especially when it is at its most abstract and may seem to be mostly about itself. It is often remarked how generous and responsive Derrida has been–at lectures people would introduce him as the one to whom we owe debts that cannot be paid, whose gift exceeds our capacity for exchange, etc. That is precisely the rhetoric that does not trip his writings. On the other hand, being so open to others produces a logic of loss too, as David Wills suggests in his essay here: the danger of having no friends because everyone is your friend. Wills cites Derrida’s epigraph, “of doubtful origin,” from The Politics of Friendship: “O my friends, there is no friend,” which can mean, Wills writes, that “he who has (many) friends can have no true friend.” The logic applies to the authenticity of the voice of the one whose work is translated by so many hands: the Derrida most readers know is in English translation, and, as Megan Kerr points out in her essay, there are for that reason many Derridas. When we read Derrida in translation we are actually reading another name, though we call it Derrida. These translators include David B. Allison, Alan Bass, Geoffrey Bennington, Rachel Bowlby, Pascale-Anne Brault, Eduardo Cadava, Mary Ann Caws, George Collins, Mark Dooley, Joseph F. Graham, Barbara Harlow, Michael Hughes, James Hulbert, Barbara Johnson, Peggy Kamuf, John P. Leavey, Jr., Ian McLeod, Jeffrey Mehlman, Patrick Mensah, Eric Prenowitz, Michael Naas, Jan Plug, Mary Quaintance, Richard Rand, Avital Ronell, Elizabeth Rottenberg, Gayatri C. Spivak, Samuel Weber, David Wills, Joshua Wilner, David Wood, and others. Without them we would have a different Derrida, just as without Derrida they and other readers of Derrida too would be different. As Derrida points out, translation does not reproduce or copy an original, does not translate translation, and one cannot translate a name or a signature: for these reasons a translated work “does not simply live longer, it lives more and better, beyond the means of its author” (“Des Tours” 179). Who then is the Derrida whom translators and readers embody, and can there be a Derrida when he is embodied in so very many different ways? Like Elvis, Derrida is a king with many bodies. As Jean-Michel Rabaté has written, Derrida’s circumfessional efforts have multiplied rather than answered the question of his identity (100-1). What does it mean to be Derrida, to keep an intuition of the work and career in the face of its own self-contradictions?

     

    Derrida’s intuition allies him with Western philosophical and literary tradition, often overtly, and sometimes less so (as Jan Mieszkowski’s essay argues in relation to Hegel), and is expressed as a fierce social idealism. Derrida’s investment in literary and philosophical traditions lends his work shape and teleology. He rarely writes about little-known or “marginal” intellectual figures. By definition he battles with giants. There is a price for that kind of allegiance: Derrida’s work builds on and values foundational structures as it dismantles them. Building may be a price of doing philosophy–a price even Wittgenstein could not avoid. One such structure is Derrida’s own work, which revisits itself in the late work (as Alex Thomson suggests in his essay), as the visionary short late books of the Hebrew Bible follow upon the long and historical early books. Derrida’s idealism is expressed in his style, the coloring and value of his strokes, as well as in his topics and arguments, and produces an odd kind of perfectionism and qualification in his writing. It is unusual for a perfectionist to write as many works as Derrida has–and to find a form of perfectionism that opposes the idea of perfection and the need for completeness. The desire to be adequate is everywhere in his writing as a desire to do justice to ideas, rather than for example to complete or to perform justly those ideas themselves. The justice is to the impulse, the motive, the desire, which is often represented by the declarations of incompleteness Michael Marder notes in his essay here (if I only had more time for this talk, he often writes). The purity of motive leads to an unfinished project, the sense of being on the way. Hence it is not surprising that JD turns to justice itself as a concept eventually. His later work can be thought of in part as a meditation on the principles that motivate the earlier work, and not on deconstruction as a method which was a subject earlier on.

     

    In a late interview (“Je Suis,” quoted in Thomson’s essay), Derrida confesses to two “contradictory feelings” concerning his legacy:

     

    on the one hand, to say it smiling and immodestly, I feel that people have not even begun to read me, that if there are very many good readers (a few dozen in the world, perhaps), they will do so only later. On the other hand, I feel that two weeks after my death, nothing at all of my work will be left.

     

    It is an odd claim, as though only by standing guard over his own work was Derrida compelling to the many who read and wrote about and with and published and edited his work. It is as though Derrida imagines himself the living consciousness of the world, and that once he is gone a night light would go out and with it the world itself. And yet he knows, as he says, that the future is the future of reading him, that he will be read “only later.” The contradictory sentiments echo Freud’s claim in a 1920 letter to Ernest Jones, a claim Derrida cites in his essay, “Coming Into One’s Own.” Freud rejects the charge that he is an artist, not a scientist: “What the great speculator is saying,” writes Derrida, “is that he is ready to pay for the science [of psychoanalysis] with his own name [payer la science de son propre nom], to pay the insurance premium with his name” (142). “I am sure,” writes Freud, “that in a few decades my name will be wiped away and our results will last.” In Freud’s case especially, Derrida argues, the name and the work are not separable, so that Freud’s idea that he would lose his name to gain the success of his work cannot work (143). “Note,” Derrida adds in a parenthesis, “that he can say ‘we,’ ‘our results,’ and sign all alone” (142). Freud recognizes the plurality of the work but not the plurality of the signatory–for it is “the science of his own name” that “remains to be done” (143). Derrida writes: “There must be a way to link one’s own name, the name of one’s loved ones (for that’s not something you can do alone), to this ruin–a way to speculate on the ruin of one’s name that keeps what it loses.”

     

    Derrida in his interview speculates, in effect, that his fate may be Freud’s, to create a system in ruin that relies on others to be and keep itself. His ideas of himself over the years–as a gambler, a rogue, a chance taker, a thief like Genet and also someone who gives it all away–fit this vision of Freud the speculator. If we mourn Derrida by reading, as Vivian Halloran writes in this collection, we also live with Derrida by taking part in a system that he built, the great deconstructionist. “Paying for the science with his own name,” writes Derrida, Freud “was also paying for the science of his own name . . . he was paying (for) himself with a postal money order sent to himself. All that is necessary (!) for this to work is to set up the necessary relay system” (134). We say yes, we reply to and embody the idealism and energy of Derrida as best we can, we think with Derrida here and in the future.

     

    Works Cited

     

    • Derrida, Jacques. “Coming Into One’s Own.” Trans. James Hulbert. Psychoanalysis and the Question of the Text. Ed. Geoffrey H. Hartman. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 1978. 114-48.
    • —. “Des Tours de Babel.” Trans. Joseph F. Graham. Difference in Translation. Ed. Graham. Ithaca: Cornell UP, 1985. 165-207.
    • Malabou, Catherine, and Jacques Derrida. Counterpath: Travelling with Jacques Derrida. Trans. David Wills. Stanford: Stanford UP, 2004.
    • Rabaté, Jean-Michel. The Future of Theory. Oxford, UK: Blackwell, 2002.

     

     

     

  • Economy of Faith

    Andrew Saldino

    Department of Philosophy and Religion
    Clemson University
    asaldin@clemson.edu

     

    Review of: Mark C. Taylor. Confidence Games: Money and Markets in a World Without Redemption. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 2004.

     

    In Confidence Games: Money and Markets in a World Without Redemption, Mark C. Taylor turns his attention to the topic of money and markets in order to shed light on what are undoubtedly among the most important and complex structures of the world in which we live. For, whatever else one understands, one is missing a crucial piece of the puzzle if one does not understand how money operates in the global economy. Taylor’s book represents an extraordinary attempt to do just that and, in the process, reminds its readers that no one book, no matter how smart, can put all the pieces of this puzzle together. For in its attempt to explain the profound theoretical complexities of financial marketplace, this book glosses over real issues of power that are fundamental to understanding the causes and effects of the ways that money get circulated in our world.

     

    In his preface, Taylor suggests that this book has its origin in two events: the suspension of the gold standard by Nixon in 1971 and the stock market crash of 1987. The first event occurred without Taylor’s knowledge while he was abroad in Denmark and left him bewildered when he converted his small stipend into Danish kroner and received $200 less than he had the previous semester. “Where did the money go,” he wondered, trying to process this first experience of money’s “virtuality.” Regarding the second event, Taylor recounts a conversation with his son, Aaron, in October 1987:

     

    "You know," I said, "the past few days have been pretty amazing."
    Aaron, who was fourteen at the time, asked, "Why, what's going on?"
    "The stock market has crashed and billions and billions of dollars have vanished."
    "Really? Where's the money go?"
    Once again, I had no answer. But by this time, I had come to suspect that the issue was not merely a matter of economics. (xv)

     

    And a matter of mere economics it is not. Taylor spends the next 300 pages unpacking an entire history and philosophy of culture that is astounding in both its scope and depth. In taking account of this project, Taylor suggests that it “represents the culmination of an argument I have been developing for more than three decades” (xvi). And for those familiar with the richness of Taylor’s work during that period, that alone is reason enough to give this book some attention. While many elements of Taylor’s previous work are in evidence here, Confidence Games does mark a culmination in his attempt to develop a philosophy of culture consistent with the complexity of our world.

     

    In summarizing the goals of this book in a subsequent interview, Taylor says:

     

    I have three major objectives in this book. First, to explain how art displaces religion and then markets and finance displace art as the expression of spiritual striving during the past two centuries; second, to examine the interrelationship between postmodern philosophy and art on the one hand and finance capitalism on the other hand; third, to develop a model of global financial markets as complex adaptive systems. In the course of this analysis, the intricate interrelation of neo-liberal economics, neo-conservative politics and neo-fundamentalist religion becomes clear. (Taylor, Interview)

     

    In seeking to explain the development of the global financial marketplace and its relationship to culture, Taylor has set an enormous task for himself. How well does he succeed in accomplishing these goals? Well, sometimes Taylor’s broad historical arguments are persuasive, and other times they seem strained. Consider, for instance, Talyor’s argument that the last two centuries have witnessed a broad transition from religion to art to the market as the preeminent locus of spiritual meaning in our culture. Certainly many other genealogies could be constructed to account for the rise to prominence of global capital, and I suspect that this history records the development of Taylor’s own thinking over the last thirty years, as it has moved from philosophy of religion to art and now into broader cultural issues, as much as it accurately describes the transitions in Western culture. However, while the exact genealogy that Taylor traces may not be convincing (is art necessarily the middle term between religion and money?), the more important point that there has been a transition from God to money as the foundational principle of Western society is almost beyond dispute. This crucial idea provides all of the historical support that Taylor needs for underscoring the importance of markets in the contemporary world.

     

    Up until the Protestant Reformation, Taylor notes, the Church had a strong aversion to market activity (but not to money!), based on, among other things, the prohibitions of taking interest found in the Bible. Without interest the expansive power of a market economy is highly curtailed. Luther, while breaking from the Church, affirmed the prohibition of collecting interest as an element of his basic disdain for worldly activity. Indeed, as Taylor notes, “for Luther the greatest sin of the Catholic Church was the commodification of religion” (78). All this changes with Calvin’s view of economic success as a sign of an omnipotent God’s blessing and his subsequent acceptance of collecting interest as a vehicle of this success:

     

    By emphasizing God's omnipotence so strongly, Calvin inadvertently collapses transcendence into immanence. If all acts and events are ultimately the result of God's providence, divine and human wills are finally indistinguishable even if they are not precisely identical. No longer imposed from without, divine purpose now emerges within the play of worldly events. With this aestheticization of creation and the immanentization of purpose, the way is prepared for Scottish moral philosophy and the birth of modern political economy. (84)

     

    The fascinating point that Taylor makes in tracing this history is that the Smithian metaphor of the “invisible hand,” which comes to play so central a role in modern economic theory, was originally a theological metaphor derived from Calvin’s belief in God’s workings in the world: “God’s hand is not, of course, always visible; on the contrary, since God’s plan is ‘secret,’ ‘true causes of events are hidden to us,” Taylor writes, quoting Calvin (84). And given the prominence of Calvinism within eighteenth century Scotland, Taylor’s insinuation that the centrality of the “invisible hand” to Smith’s economic theory has its roots in Calvinism is both compelling and important.

     

    In connection with this history, Taylor unfolds two related histories: that of money and representation. Taylor has proven himself an expert in the philosophical issues of representation, and if his treatment of these issues is a bit loose here, it is only because he has a bigger agenda in this work. Both money and representation, Taylor points out, have become increasingly abstract or “spectral,” and when these histories are combined with the theological history outlined above, one gets a real sense of the direction of the book’s argument:

     

    As one moves from exchanging goods through exchange mediated by representational money (e.g., metal and paper) to spectral currencies, which are completely immaterial, there is a shift from immanence (actual things) through transcendence (referential signs) to relational signifiers traded on virtual networks, which are neither immanent nor transcendent. . . This trajectory initially seems to be characterized by progressive abstraction and dematerialization. Industrial and information technologies transform life by creating abstract economic processes and dematerializing financial instruments. Throughout much of the twentieth century, art follows a parallel course: as art becomes more abstract and progressively dematerializes, it becomes further and further removed from the everyday world. The aesthetic equivalent of religious transcendence is the autonomy of the work of art. This autonomy, we have seen, is expressed in the self-referentiality of l'oeuvre d'art, which mirrors the self-reflexivity of capital. At the moment when abstraction seems complete, however, everything changes. Just as the transcendence of God reaches a tipping point at which it inverts itself and becomes radical immanence, so artistic abstraction eventually reverses itself and reengages the world. (117-18)

     

    When artistic abstraction reengages with the world, it does so in the form of an increasingly abstract money whose value has moved from the referential to the relational. This lack of referentiality, latent in the history of money itself, becomes full blown with two crucial policy shifts in the 1970’s: the aforementioned removal of the gold standard in 1971 and the Federal Reserve Board’s 1979 decision to let currencies “float” in relation to one another. With these two moves, the dollar became fundamentally freed from external control and was allowed to regulate itself through the working of the market’s invisible hand, in which absolute faith was required. These principles remain with us, regulating not only commodity markets (as in Smith) but financial markets as well, thus instantiating a faith commitment in the efficacy of this invisible hand at the core of society’s economic organization. The religious dimension of this transformation is not lost on Taylor. Stripping away of money’s ultimate referentiality signifies an economic “death of God,” although not an annihilation of God, if, like Nietzsche, one thinks of God in terms of the absolute foundation that insures social order. “In retrospect,” Taylor concludes, “it is clear that God did not simply disappear, but was reborn as the market” (6).

     

    Increasingly unregulated financial markets in the 1980’s then gave rise to new ways of gambling on the market through stocks, options, futures, and swaps, all of which became highly leveraged and further and further removed from the material economy. “These markets,” Taylor writes in specific reference to derivative markets, index futures, and index options, “are bets on bets on bets, which seem to have little or nothing to do with the value of the underlying assets on which they are based” (180). As financial markets become increasingly spectral or virtual during this period, so our economy has become as postmodern as our philosophy and our art. Taylor here compares Wall Street to Las Vegas, insisting that “one cannot understand Wall Street in the 1970’s and 1980’s if one does not understand Las Vegas” (8). Wall Street’s postmodern economy, while increasingly distinct from the material economy it financially supports, and upon which it depends, is as real and surreal as the architecture, gambling, and culture on the Strip in Vegas.

     

    If the crisis in financial referentiality mirrors the crisis of representation in philosophy, then Derrida and other postmodern theorists become crucial to understanding the postmodern economy, according to Taylor. What Derrida has to teach here is twofold: that the pure relationality of signs (and thus money and markets) in a world without final referents renders the desire for a completely stable financial system a chimera, and that this desire for foundation in economic theory is just another manifestation of a metaphysics of presence that has determined the tradition of Western thought. This presence is found in a wise, benevolent “invisible hand” that guides the flow of capital through the system. That the invisible hand is always pushing the market back towards equilibrium is a fundamental tenet of modern economic theory. This model claims to work without referentiality, that is, as a system of pure relationality in which entirely self-interested participants unconsciously produce the most efficient production and distribution of resources possible. That this system of supposedly pure relationality continually moves towards success, in terms of a stable equilibrium that promotes economic growth, is the final referent of the system itself. The efficiency of the market has, in effect, become the final referent, an invisible God making sense of a complex economic universe. The intelligence and goodness of the “invisible hand” is the guiding metaphysical presupposition of the system, the onto-theo-logical assumption that grounds modern economic theory.

     

    The danger of this philosophical assumption is revealed in tracing the history of the “efficient market hypothesis.” This hypothesis treats the market as a complex but calculable entity that always tends towards equilibrium. Taylor traces the potentially disastrous results of this assumption by looking at the rise and fall of Long Term Capital Management (LTCM). Created in 1994 by financial analysts intent on minimizing investment risk, LTCM “put into practice the mathematical theories financial economists had developed. Their investment strategy rested on an unwavering faith in the efficient market hypothesis” (257). While these models enjoyed great success in the first few years, increasing competition forced the company to leverage itself more and more in order to continue to profit. LTCM, like many investors and institutions in the 80’s and 90’s, utilized the liberalization of stock and bond markets to make “bets on bets on bets.” And when the Russian ruble collapsed in August 1997, it set off a global financial crisis revealing both the interconnectedness of our economies and the lack of stability in a currency system that is purely relational. At the very time when the economists upon whose theories LTCM were built were receiving the Noble Prize in Economics for models that were used to minimize risk in calculating value, LTCM was on the verge of requiring a $3.625 billion bailout to avoid a global financial meltdown. This bailout effectively ended LTCM and, for many, the viability the efficient market hypothesis. Taylor quotes Lawrence Sumners (former Secretary of the Treasury under Clinton and current President of Harvard) in support of this position: “The efficient market hypothesis is the most remarkable error in the history of economic history” (276).

     

    If these models were so bad, why did they gain such credence? Taylor offers this explanation:

     

    The answer, it seems, is that people from universities and Wall Street to Main Street wanted to believe in the models. Paradoxically, these economic formulas and models were symptoms of the very desires and emotions they were designed to eliminate. Rationality, order, and predictability become all the more desirable in a world that appears to be increasingly irrational, chaotic, and unpredictable. The greater the uncertainty and irrationality of the real world, the greater the desire to believe in an ideal world where investors are rational and markets are efficient. (276)

     

    Taylor synthesizes this analysis by highlighting its religious dimension, one that often remained unconscious to those in its grip.

     

    In the final analysis, this dream is a religious vision in which the market is a reasonable God providentially guiding the world to the Promised Land where redemption finally becomes possible. (301)

     

    The mantra here is that “models matter” (xvi), and in a world where relationality has come to replace referentiality, a model that privileges stability over complexity is bound for failure. And given the profound economic interdependence of our world, the consequences of these potential failures become more and more catastrophic. Taylor’s solution? First, a philosophical recognition of the reality that we inhabit:

     

    reality is not an aggregate of separate entities, individuals, or monads that are externally and contingently related; it is an emerging web consisting of multiple networks in which everything and everyone come into being and develop through ongoing interrelations. Within these webs, subjects and objects are not separate from each other but coemerge and coevolve. (277)

     

    Next, we need an awareness of how the economy is a manifestation of this complex adaptive reality:

     

    In contrast to the efficient market hypothesis, which presupposes negative feedback and automatically corrects imbalances and restores equilibrium, complex adaptive systems also involve positive feedback, which can increase imbalances and can push markets far from equilibrium where unpredictable changes occur. Rather than occasional disruptions caused by exogenous forces, intermittent instability and discontinuity are inherent features of complex networks. Unlike isolated molecules, investors are interrelated agents whose interacting expectations make volatility unavoidable but not completely incomprehensible. When the economy is understood as a complex adaptive system, it appears to be a relational web in which order and disorder emerge within and are not imposed from without. (12)

     

    Accepting the consequences of a deep relationality–in all dimensions of life–stands at the core of Taylor’s vision. “A complex time needs a complex vision” (320), Taylor deadpans on the next to last page of this work.

     

    Concluding with religion, which he claims never really to have left, Taylor contextualizes the rise of global religious fundamentalism as both a reaction to the increasing insecurity of our shrinking world and a structural denial of that very insecurity. The simultaneous rise of the religious right in the United States and the emergence of the postmodern economy are not coincidental for Taylor. The rise of religious fundamentalism expresses the need for the certainty and stability that are being challenged by the growth of a destabilizing global economy. And yet, Taylor ironically notes,

     

    outside the U.S, religious fundamentalism often provides a way to resist the expansion of global capitalism and American power, while within the United States, religious fundamentalism tends to legitimize market fundamentalism and sanctify American power. (306)

     

    This is as close to an analysis of the political economy in terms of power that Taylor ever comes in this book. At another point he notes that the Federal Reserve Board’s 1979 decision to let currencies float, and the supply-side policies that followed with Reagan, “obviously favored the wealthy individuals and corporations and substantial financial assets” (134). But this line of analysis is not pursued.

     

    In fact, Taylor explicitly distances himself from the Marxist theorists of global capital. In one of the most provocative passages of the book, Taylor suggests that

     

    cultural critics like Fredric Jameson, Antonio Negri, and Michael Hardt have argued that postmodernism is a symptom of so-called late capitalism. . . .[They] share a Marxist perspective in which cultural processes can always be reduced to a supposedly material economic basis. . . [T]hese critics do not analyze the distinctive characteristics of the new network economy. . . Their theoretical perspective rests on industrial models that are as outdated as the neo-Marxist ideology they promote. . . [T]hese critics do not adequately explore the ways in which culture--art, philosophy, and especially religion--shapes economic realities. (29)

     

    While there may some basis to the charge that these theorists read culture too much in terms of its “material economic basis,” the overwhelming political neutrality that of Taylor’s text seems to perpetrate a great injustice by failing to highlight the inequalities of the complex system that he describes. Power is not merely incidental to the system he describes, and yet relations of power are basically invisible in this text, causing this reviewer to wonder whether a description of the world that makes no reference to the complex ways in which power functions to produce profound material and spiritual suffering can be an adequate description of that world.

     

    This book will not be all things to all people; that I feel compelled to make such a statement underscores the real value of the text. Read along with the very theorists that he dismisses, Taylor’s book presents an utterly remarkable description of the postmodern economy that “grounds” our postmodern culture. As such, it is a book worth reading.

     

    Works Cited

     

     

  • On Poetic Curiosity

    David Caplan

    Department of English
    Ohio Wesleyan University
    dmcaplan@owu.edu

     

    A response to Lori Emerson, Demystifying the Digital, Re-animating the Book: A Digital Poetics

     

    As I write this response on my office computer, three uneven stacks of books threaten to tumble across my desk. On top of the piles perch Jack Spicer’s The Collected Books (for a conference talk that needs expansion), an edition of Shakespeare’s Sonnets (which I just finished teaching), and my MLA ballot (due soon). My computer runs Windows 98 because I am too lazy to have the information systems staff update it and because the program fits my needs just fine. This morning I entered the changes I made on a hard copy, revising the opening in a neighborhood coffee shop. Outside the large front window, tourists admired the cobblestone streets and small brick homes built for German brewery workers and rehabbed by lawyers. Soon–I hope–I will email my response to the editors of Postmodern Culture so they can post it online.

     

    Like our neighborhoods, our desks, and our lives, writing commingles the old and the new. I type, I email, and I write by hand. Alert to such daily facts, contemporary poetry quickly learned to embody familiar dislocations: the white noise of overheard chatter, the experience of listening to a CD while driving down streets organized for walking or walking through a suburban housing development.

     

    Young poets coming of age now also face a particular literary-historical challenge. They follow the generation born around the mid-century, including Charles Bernstein (born 1950), Ron Silliman (1946) and Lyn Hejinian (1941), whose groundbreaking efforts replaced “tradition” with “innovation” as the poetic culture’s keyword. Ben Lerner speaks for his contemporaries when, in his debut collection, The Lichtenberg Figures, he wonders what comes next:

     

    The poetic establishment has co-opted contradiction.
    And the poetic establishment has not co-opted contradiction.
    Are these poems just cumbersome
    or are these poems a critique of cumbersomeness?

     

    To which Lerner offers a qualified solution:

     

    Perhaps what remains of innovation
    is a conservatism at peace with contradiction. (22)

     

    Like the fussy noun, “cumbersomeness,” Lerner’s poetry dramatizes an awkward moment. It wryly recalls the contentious debates that the previous generation’s work inspired. Partisans wrangled over the terms Lerner reproduces, debating what constitutes “the poetic establishment,” co-option, and “critique.” Lerner, though, less refuses to take sides than realize the sloganeering’s acute limitations. “Willful irresolution can stabilize into a manner just as easily as facile resolution, right?” he asks in an interview, responding to a question about the “prevailing post-avant penchant for hyper-cool and fragged surfaces.” “Honk,” another poem more wittily concludes, “if you wish all difficult poems were profound” (23).

     

    Instead of an attachment to “willful irresolution” or “facile resolution,” poets need curiosity–curiosity about the state of language, poetry, culture, and the world in which we live. A lyric’s structure shows the importance of the seemingly trivial–the sound that a syllable makes, a pause’s hesitation, an easily ignored quirk of language. A successful poem, then, offers a model of curiosity. It demands and rewards inquisitiveness, demonstrating less a discovery, a paraphraseable insight, than the process of discovery. To account for this dynamic, we might consider “curious” and “incurious” poetry, depending on the degree to which it attends to the contemporary moment and the art form’s venerable history, the past’s complex, shifting relationship to the present.

     

    Loss Pequeño Glazier’s Anatman, Pumpkin Seed, Algorithm follows Glazier’s Digital Poetics: The Making of E-Poetries, which argues for the aesthetic stance that underpins the poetry. The two books are intimately connected. Anatman, Pumpkin Seed, Algorithm includes passages from Digital Poetics as epigraphs, suggesting that the poetry illustrates the principles that the critical book espouses. According to Glazier, “innovation” marks the most important poetry. In Digital Poetics, he clarifies this point:

     

    In general, the term "poetry" is used in this volume to refer to practices of innovative poetry rather than to what might be called academic, formal, or traditional forms of poetry. (181)

     

    Earlier Glazier responds to his own question, “What makes it innovative?”:

     

    Innovative work avoids the personalized, ego-centered position of the romantic, realist, or modernist "I." Such a sentimentalized 'I," often concerned with its own mortality, can be considered as having passed away. Innovative practice is practice that overcomes the "I" to explore material dimensions of the text. (174)

     

    Lerner prizes an inconsistency that fuses seemingly opposed qualities. He implicitly answers Glazier’s question, “What is innovative?” by presenting “conservatism” and “innovation” as inextricably connected. The most “innovative” work, Lerner suggests, leaves behind the techniques and gestures most often associated with “innovation.” In my terms, such poetry is curious about the complications that literature inspires. In contrast, a defensiveness guides Glazier’s assertions, as he establishes a series of three oppositions, each of which bears some scrutiny.

     

    First, Glazier opposes “innovative poetry . . . to what might be called academic . . . forms of poetry.” Glazier wrote Digital Poetics: The Making of E-Poetries as a dissertation for SUNY Buffalo; his acknowledgements page thanks his committee members Charles Bernstein, Robert Creeley, and Susan Howe. The University of Alabama Press Modern and Contemporary Poetics series published the book; Bernstein serves as the Series Co-Editor and Howe serves on the Series Advisory Board. Bernstein’s and Creeley’s praise adorns the back cover of Anatman, Pumpkin Seed, Algorithm (the book’s two blurbs). Glazier has published two “academic” books: one a dissertation revised for a University Press series co-edited by his director, the other a poetry collection praised by two distinguished poets who served as his committee members.

     

    Glazier, then, is an “academic” author, if we understand “academic” as a descriptive term, neither honorific nor derogatory. (To add an obvious example, I enjoy certain “academic” scholarship and poetry, including several titles published in the Modern and Contemporary Poetics series and by other university presses, and dislike others.) Glazier, though, defines “academic” and “innovative” poetry largely as period styles. “Innovative” poetry, he maintains, “overcomes the ‘I’ to explore material dimensions of the text.” Such elements, though, might be classified as “givens” rather than “discoveries,” as Lyn Hejinian writes of Jena Osman’s collection, The Character:

     

    Ethical density, political ambiguity, shifting subjectivity, multifold social terrains, multicultural identities and interrelations--these are givens rather than discoveries in Jena Osman's work, and as a result the work doesn't stop there. (xi)

     

    An “innovative” poem goes beyond the “givens.” It cannot remain content to reproduce established stylistic techniques and pre-existing accomplishments; it must not “stop there.” Glazier’s understanding of “innovative” poetry strikes me as insufficiently dynamic, inattentive to the terrain that such poetry traverses. In Hejinian’s terms, it confuses “givens” with “discoveries.”

     

    Finally, this separation of “academic” and “innovative” poetry oddly echoes the assumption that so many “innovative” poets dispute (and Glazier himself would dispute in other contexts): the denial that “creative” and “scholarly” work inspire each other. “Various voices speak in my poems. I code-shift,” Rae Armantrout observes of her poetry. Setting it in a broader context, Armantrout observes, perhaps a little too bluntly, the affinity that “innovative” poetry shares with contemporary scholarship. “In the last decade or so,” she continues, “academics have been raising the question of who speaks in literary works and for whom. There is a contemporary poetry that enacts the same questions, a poetics of the crossroad” (24-25). Glazier’s poetry similarly explores the “poetics of the crossroad”; it is “academic” in the sense that it pursues questions about identity, culture, and language that academic scholarship raises.

     

    Second, Glazier opposes “innovative poetry . . . to what might be called formal . . . forms of poetry.” All poetry is formal; otherwise it is not poetry. As the redundancy, the “formal . . . forms of poetry” suggests, no informal forms of poetry exist. There are only informal styles. Terza rima is no more “formal” than poetry written under aleatory or newly developed procedures. To call a sonnet “formal” and not poetry written under aleatory procedures is to deny the complexity of contemporary poetics.

     

    Third, Glazier opposes “innovative poetry . . . to what might be called . . . traditional . . . forms of poetry.” When Jena Osman re-ordered language from press conferences conducted by Bush, Cheney, and Rumsfeld, her “Dropping Leaflets” claims a tradition, as well as a method: Tristan Tzara’s cut-and-paste procedure. She sets the Dadaist technique in a specific political and literary-historical context. This manipulation of tradition might strike readers as more or less curious; partly its effect arises from the manner it extends the past into the present, using a nearly century old technique to address contemporary realities. Glazier’s simple opposition of “innovative” and “traditional” poetry does not account for this process of synthesis, development, and invention. Poets bear no responsibility to develop an adequate critical vocabulary for their work. While Glazier expands our understanding of poetry to include digital poetics, my concern is that his conception of print-based poetry limits his work in that medium.

     

    An author’s note relates that many of the poems in Anatman, Pumpkin Seed, Algorithm “have had digital versions, have grown, have been ‘sounded’, or have been co-developed within the digital medium” (97). In a conspicuous gesture, Glazier, the director of the Electronic Poetry Center, borrows from the vocabulary of computer software for his print-based poetry. “Windows 95” ends:

     

    Artists tend to left-click while
    Republicans tend to the right. If the period might've once
    been called "Error & After" it will now be known as "Eudora &
    after". Thorn and sing-shrub or Subject: I know I shall have
    awful DOS pains in the morning as a result of this. (61)

     

    Reviewing Anatman, Pumpkin Seed, Algorithm for the online technology site Slashdot, Dylan Harris declared his dislike for “a lot of avant-garde poetry’s excess use of strange words.” Glazier, Harris charges, has

     

    succumbed to the usual academic habit of filling his poems with obscure incomprehensibility, like http, chmod, EMACS . . . hang on a second, I know these words. They're not literary jargon, they're software babble, the words I work with.

     

    Harris’s witty reversal demonstrates nicely his experience of reading Anatman, Pumpkin Seed, Algorithm. Because Harris does not expect to see “the words I work with” in a poem, it takes a few moments to recognize them. Such moments of recognition possess a certain charm, as the poetry accommodates unexpected sources of language. Glazier organizes them with his favorite device, the pun. As in this passage, he introduces the puns gently, with an opening phrase suggesting the notion that the second phrase will complicate. The line breaks after “while” and “&” separate the two parts, building the reader’s expectation over how the poem will resolve the syntactical and rhetorical structure. The first pun grafts a spatial cliché (“Republicans tend to the right”). The second pun, “Eudora & / after” addresses the first word in the phrase it echoes, “Error & After.” Following the line break, the second half of the phrase “after” simply confirms the reader’s expectation.

     

    This kind of “word play,” Lori Emerson observes, “becomes perhaps too typical, the puns bearing more amusement value than performing the kind of multi-leveled work that Glazier seeks to install as a centerpiece of his writing.” It is “typical” in another sense; it constitutes the favorite device of much contemporary poetry. Harryette Mullen’s most interesting examples develop intricate sound structures; as in a poetic version of a vaudeville routine, Bernstein’s juxtapose high and low. Glazier’s puns are earnest and well mannered, neither groaningly “bad” nor comically charged and inventive. In this respect, they recall the technically competent sonnets written by the mid-century generation.

     

    Glazier’s favorite pun is his own name, a tendency that Emerson and I interpret differently. She sees such gestures as part the “disintegration of ‘Loss Glazier’ as a coherent and locatable author.” The puns, though, project the author relentlessly onto nearly everything he describes, witnesses, or imagines–places, languages, and creatures. This tendency strikes me as the expression more of poetic narcissism than of authorial disintegration.

     

    Glazier’s interest in the exterior world is most vividly displayed in the sequence, “White-Faced Bromeliads on 20 Hectares (An Iteration).” The author’s note sets the scene:

     

    As to the pumpkin seed in the title of this section, one time I was on a 14-hour journey in Costa Rica, crossing a mountain range in a dilapidated bus with bad shocks, enduring hour after hour of hairpin turns. A gaggle of North Americans on the bus complained vociferously about the inadequacy of the country and its transportation system. At one point, we stopped and boys came on the bus to sell home-baked pumpkin muffins. I began eating mine and found a pumpkin seed in the middle of it, another imperfection. I let the seed linger in my mouth thinking, this is the gift of language I have been given: to have this vocabulary on my tongue, to simply participate in other ways of being in the world. (99)

     

    “A lack of comfort is the obvious burden the American poet carries,” Robert von Hallberg notes in his definitive account of the American “tourist poems of the 1950s,” “this is as much a test as a vacation.”(73). With the setting switched from Europe to Costa Rica, Glazier demonstrates his fittingness by the way he handles hardship. As in other tourist poems, fellow travelers from home–“A gaggle of North Americans”–offer contrasting examples; their complaints highlight the poet’s sophistication as he experiences a moment of pre-industrial imperfection coded as authenticity. When Elizabeth Bishop describes wooden clogs making a “sad, two-noted wooden tune,” she notes, “In another country the clogs would be tested. / Each pair would have identical pitch.” Bishop analyzes her experience shrewdly, realizing “the choice is never wide and never free” (18). Glazier similarly savors the pumpkin seed in the middle of “home-baked pumpkin muffin,” “another imperfection,” yet he succumbs to the illusion of unmediated experience. Forgetting the economic exchange involved, he accepts “the gift of language I have been given . . . to simply participate in other ways of being in the world.” (99)

     

    The sequence embeds this narrative, with suggestive moments of lyric intensity and tourist discomfort: “Sleeping / hummingbird doesn’t wake–even to camera flash in volcanic night” (34) and “Narrow seats and coffee-can sides of rattling bus” (29). The fifth section returns to “the gift of language” embodied in the pumpkin seed: “as language forms / fills the mouths, tongues of tropical light, pura vida, compita” (31). This remarkably energetic conclusion builds to an ecstatic moment, where cultures, languages, and place commingle to sing an epiphany of “pure life.” An updated vocabulary and verse technique barely disguise what Glazier elsewhere calls the “sentimentalized ‘I’” that “can be considered as having passed away.” Rather, Glazier reproduces what he wishes to reject.

     

    Works Cited

     

    • Armantrout, Rae. “Cheshire Poetics.” American Women Poets in the 21st Century: Where Lyric Meets Language. Eds. Claudia Rankine and Juliana Spahr. Middletown: Wesleyan UP, 2002.
    • Bishop, Elizabeth. Complete Poems. New York: Farrar, 1969.
    • Glazier, Loss Pequeño. Digital Poetics: The Making of E-poetries. Tuscaloosa: U of Alabama P, 2002.
    • Harris, Dylan. “Anatman, Pumpkin Seed, Algorithm.” Slashdot 18 Dec. 2003 <http://books.slashdot.org/books/03/12/18/1442246.shtml>.
    • Hejinian, Lyn. “Introduction.” The Character. Boston: Beacon, 1999.
    • Lerner, Ben. The Lichtenberg Figures. Port Townsend: Copper Canyon, 2004.
    • —. Conversation with Kent Johnson. Jacket 26 (Oct. 2004) <http://jacketmagazine.com/26/john-lern.html>.
    • Von Hallberg, Robert. American Poetry and Culture, 1945-1980. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1985.

     

  • Demystifying the Digital, Re-animating the Book: A Digital Poetics

    Lori Emerson

    Department of English
    State University of New York, Buffalo
    lemerson@buffalo.edu

     

    Review of: Loss Glazier. Anatman, Pumpkin Seed, Algorithm. Cambridge, UK: Salt, 2003.

     

    There is no single epigraph that can suitably frame this review of Loss Glazier’s Anatman, Pumpkin Seed, Algorithm. Loss Glazier’s 2003 collection of poetry is simply too variable, straddling well-established print poetry practices (ranging from the work of the Objectivists to language poetry to so-called post-language poetry) and the still supple practice of digital poetry (ranging from generated, hypertext, kinetic, and codework poems). Even the book’s representation of “Loss Glazier” is malleable as the author repeatedly puns on “loss” to the point of effacing Loss altogether–“Loss Glazier” is anything from simply “glazier at ak-soo” (27) to a “loss” who “is mired in some kind of rhyme / game” (44) and who “picks / city for final drawn out stanzas” to call it “Leaving Loss Glazier” (64). Just as confounding is the “real” Loss Glazier whose poems move between English, Spanish, and computer languages and who founded and directs the Electronic Poetry Center–a poetry resource equally committed to digital poetry, print-based contemporary poetry, new media writing, and literary programming.

     

    Likewise reflecting these hybridities and border-crossings, Glazier’s 2001 Digital Poetics: The Making of E-Poetries is, as the title implies, a critical work as well as a statement of poetics that ought to be read alongside Anatman, Pumpkin Seed, Algorithm. On the one hand Glazier’s critical work is an important attempt to forge a thoroughgoing theoretical framework to account adequately for digital poetry; on the other hand his critical work is also fundamentally inseparable from his creative work. Taking after Charles Bernstein’s A Poetics and Susan Howe’s My Emily Dickinson, his books comment on each other, quote from each other, expand on and digress from each other in ways that make it impossible to ignore the fact that Glazier’s whole work to-date represents a lucid, coherent, and clearly articulated project.

     

    As Sandy Baldwin puts it in his review of Digital Poetics in Postmodern Culture, Glazier attempts to position digital poetry as a form of poiesis in order to broaden “the scope of poetic innovation and raise the question of ‘What are we making here?’” Baldwin also claims that the value of Digital Poetics lies in its attempt to “grasp the textuality of e-poetry in the antique textuality of the book.” Such an attempt means, first of all, de-mystifying the digital as either an ideal medium for those poets who still adhere to Pound’s dictum to “make it new” or as a far-from-ideal medium which threatens to ruin reading and writing as we know it. Effectively sidestepping either extreme, Glazier combines the aesthetics and politics made familiar by Bernstein and Howe with a critical approach to new media art articulated by critics such as Espen Aarseth, Johanna Drucker, and Lev Manovich–all of whom look retrospectively at print texts through the lens of the digital–to argue that the digital shares an emphases on method, visual dynamics, and materiality with twentieth-century print-based poetry. For Glazier, a digital poet like Simon Biggs, for instance, uses to similar effect the same text-generating methods based on combinatory mathematics that are also used by print-based poets Louis Zukofsky, John Cage, and Jackson MacLow.

     

    However, what is new about digital writing, according to Glazier, is the materials and processes it offers–materials that make possible the ability to generate text from a vast and complex array of sources, to transform flip-books and concrete poems into kinetic poems, to create extensive hypertextual works and processes to make poetry that may now include computer languages, unix processes, and computer errors. As he puts it in an endnote to “The Parts,” the title poem in the first of three sections comprising Anatman, Pumpkin Seed, Algorithm: “In these poems, I was motivated by the new possibilities of the medium, driven by the difficulties of casting words in the pre-web digital environment, excited by their transmissibility, and influenced by the vocabulary of early technology: mark-up conventions, network protocols, and computer code–themselves ways of working with words” (97).

     

    Placing work at the heart of writing–and thus recalling the twentieth century’s history of procedural and processual poetries–Glazier also dissolves any easy distinctions we might make about working with print and working in the digital realm–distinctions usually used to claim either that the digital is the natural outgrowth of the printed book or that simply using a computer to write poetry constitutes a genre, poetics, or method of writing. As such, what’s particularly notable about Glazier’s account of the “new” in new media is that it affords us ways to reconceive print in the light of the digital; both the web and the way in which a computer stores information demonstrate not only that the computer “writes” in parts, storing information through the hard drive, but also that all writing is made up parts of other writings: “printing it out is only parts of / it, sections somewhere framed / and amenable to being scribbled on // so that perhaps it’s a matter / of clippings you assemble scrap book fashion strings // of form dispersed by light” (22).

     

    It is worth pointing out that it is this move away from a hierarchy of media, where neither medium is superceded and where there is a necessary codependence between the new and the old, that makes his work remarkable. Not only does Glazier’s poetry enact and complicate precepts laid out in Digital Poetics, but he also includes digital accompaniments with both his critical and creative books such that a feedback loop is created between digital and print media–the print commenting and expanding on the digital commenting on the print and so on. This positions Glazier’s work as a self-reflexive rendering of David Jay Bolter’s and Richard Grusin’s groundbreaking concept of remediation. For Bolter and Grusin, every medium is divided between two equally compelling impulses: the desire for immediacy (or the desire to erase media) and the desire for hypermediacy (or the desire to proliferate media) (19). As they put it, the desire for immediacy is linked to proliferation of media because each tries to create a revolution of presence or “presentness” that the other media was not able to achieve; each media presents itself as a refashioned and improved version of other media and so “digital visual media can best be understood through the ways in which they honor, rival, and revise” (15). Undoubtedly the desire for immediacy underlies Glazier’s effort to use digital media to work with words from the inside, to animate, enliven and make language present; the online version of “White-Faced Bromeliads on 20 Hectares” is a clear example of this as images are used to accompany (and so to intensify our experience of) an ever-changing body of text that, in having over five hundred versions, is unique for each reader. As Tristan Tzara might say, “The poem will resemble you. / And there you are–an infinitely original author of charming sensibility” (39). There’s no experience more immediate than reading a poem written just for you.

     

    It is the version of “White-Faced Bromeliads on 20 Hectares”–now with “(An Iteration)” added to the title–that appears in the second section (“Semilla de Calabaza (Pumpkin Seed)”) of Anatman, Pumpkin Seed, Algorithm that best exemplifies the other aspect of remediation: hypermediacy. For Bolter and Grusin, immediacy inevitably leads to hypermediacy as the attempts at presence lead to an awareness of media as media. As such, “White-Faced Bromeliads on 20 Hectares (An Iteration)” is not a static poem with a unified point of view but rather a print version (one among many possible versions) that comes after and comments on the “original” digital version. Further, with phrases like “Do you mind if I slip into something more comfortable? Like what? your public underscore html” (27) or “One small cup on the (World) Wide Verb” (29), we are made aware not only of the extent to which computer-related vocabulary has become familiar to the point of being transparent but also of the printed book’s ability to comment simultaneously on itself and on the digital as media. For Glazier the book stages itself as the contemporary, not the predecessor, of the digital.

     

    “White-Faced Bromeliads on 20 Hectares (An Iteration)” also initiates the aforementioned disintegration of “Loss Glazier” as a coherent self and locatable author–a theme that is taken up more thoroughly in the final section entitled “Leaving Loss Glazier.” While twentieth-century avant-garde poets have shown us that the author as a coherent entity is not inherent to print, this medium has long been used in the service of coherency and stability and we are most certainly made aware of how digital media bear the possibility of renewing and expanding the possibilities inherent in print. That is, with lines such as “I con, I can, I cheat icons. As a shortcut I speak through the ventriloquist” (28) and “I will now toss gloss of Los Angeles, Los Alamos.” (28), Glazier’s inter-media poetry works to unsettle easy assumptions about either medium: a unified author is no more inherent to print than a fragmented author is inherent to the digital.

     

    The poems in “Leaving Loss Glazier” chronicle the rise of Microsoft as a monopoly and how the development of “panoptic software and manipulative word processing programs” (99)–paralleled, of course, by the ongoing colonizing efforts of Anglophone culture and language–works to reinstate coherency and stasis. As Glazier puts it in “Olé/Imbedded Object,” “Wherever you go, / there’s an icon waiting for you.” Moreover, like the language of capitalism that can turn a Greek goddess into a brand of running shoes in the span of a few years, these operating systems work at the level of language such that “the language you are breathing becomes the language you think” (57)–for example, “ever think how your life would have been different if in 1989 you’d stuck to WordStar instead of switching to WordPerfect?” (64). How better, then, to stage “a showdown” than by using the language of, say, Windows 95 against itself? Glazier writes:

     

    Windows offer slivers of context as a frame for commercials as content. This might be the ideal path for the Web, according to many developers, a place you catch glimpses of information as you view windows plastered with ads . . . If you have the right attitude towards directories you will never flail. After making your choice, left-click the Next button or pass go . . . Artists tend to left-click while Republicans tend to the right. (60-61)

     

    Likewise, there’s no better way to counteract the rapid shift toward a linguistically homogenous American than to commit “Tejanismo”–the deliberate hybridization of Spanish and English and, perhaps, even computer languages: “HTML as the world’s dominant language. As in, contact glazier at ak-soo. Well, I bet it has something to do with Nahuatl. Po cenotes. Act of Tejanismo” (27).

     

    However, it must also be noted that by the end of the book the word-play exemplified by “Leaving Loss Glazier”– a section fraught with puns as is typical of both Anatman, Pumpkin Seed, Algorithm and Digital Poetics–becomes perhaps too typical, the puns bearing more amusement value than performing the kind of multi-leveled work that Glazier seeks to install as a centerpiece of his writing.

     

    Nonetheless, Anatman, Pumpkin Seed, Algorithm stands alone in the yet-to-be established field of digital poetry and poetics; it is as unique in its seemingly effortless weaving together of competing philosophies, media theories, languages, and cultures as it is provocative in its refusal to position itself as the print-record of a digital revolution with “Loss Glazier” at the helm.

     

    Works Cited

     

    • Baldwin, Sandy. “A Poem is a Machine to Think With: Digital Poetry and the Paradox of Innovation.” Postmodern Culture 13:2. <http://www.iath.virginia.edu/pmc/text-only/issue.103/13.2baldwin.txt>
    • Bolter, Jay David, and Richard Grusin. Remediation: Understanding New Media. Cambridge: MIT P, 1999.
    • —. Digital Poetics: The Making of E-Poetries. Tuscaloosa: U of Alabama P, 2002.

     

  • Fear of Falling Sideways: Alexander Payne’s Rhetoric of Class

    Derek Nystrom

    Department of English
    McGill University
    derek.nystrom@mcgill.ca

     

    Review of: Sideways. Dir. Alexander Payne. Perf. Paul Giamatti, Thomas Haden Church, Virginia Madsen, Sandra Oh. Fox Searchlight, 2004.

     

    In a moment that we are meant to take as a sign that its protagonist has hit rock bottom, Sideways (2004) puts failed novelist and wine snob Miles (Paul Giamatti) on all fours outside a bedroom in a slovenly, bombed-out looking tract home; there, he watches with surprise and horror as an overweight, tattooed, working-class couple passionately fuck, the man taking intense pleasure in his wife’s recounting of how she had seduced another man. There is much to say about this primal scene of class abjection, but I will start by noting that it echoes the inaugural scene of Alexander Payne’s cinematic oeuvre. His 1996 debut film, Citizen Ruth (which, like all of Payne’s films, was co-written with Jim Taylor), opened by similarly positioning the spectator outside the filthy bedroom of a white-trash couple, their tattered mattress surrounded by empty 40-oz. malt liquor bottles, as the title character (Laura Dern), an aficionado of inhalants, endures joyless intercourse with her soon-to-be ex-boyfriend. One might trace the trajectory of Payne’s career by noting that where the scene from his latest film–which is also his best received–provides us with an on-screen delegate, whose discerning middle-class gaze we are meant to share, the opening sequence of Ruth does not align our perspective on its delinquent working-class protagonist with any reassuring spectatorial stand-in. One might also note that the abjected couple in Sideways seems to be having a much better time–and that it is now the middle-class voyeur who has the chemical addiction. All of these developments point to the complicated, ambivalent rhetoric of class that Payne has developed over the course of his films, a rhetoric that takes a new turn in his latest, Oscar-winning release.[1]

     

    That Payne’s cinema is centrally about class is clear–or at least would be clear to any culture that did not struggle mightily to repress this fundamental condition of social life. The subversive frisson of Citizen Ruth comes as much from its protagonist’s unrepentant resistance to standards of middle-class dignity (indeed, even her choice of intoxicant makes trucker speed look chic) as from the film’s allegedly irreverent take on the abortion debate.[2] Meanwhile, the comically monstrous ambition of Election‘s (1999) Tracy Flick (Reese Witherspoon) is identified as the product of a shrill class ressentiment instilled in Tracy by her stewardess-turned-paralegal mother. The impending tragedy that retired insurance actuary Warren Schmidt (Jack Nicholson) attempts to avert in About Schmidt (2002) is the upcoming wedding of his daughter Jeannie (Hope Davis) to Randall (Dermot Mulroney), a handlebar mustachioed, mulleted doofus whose family resides in lower-middle-class squalor on a street where shirtless men blithely toss their garbage onto the lawn.

     

    Yet the class condescension of these films is complicated by their portrayals of middle-class characters. Ruth finds a way to valorize its title character by critiquing the instrumentalist handling of her situation by anti- and pro-choice advocates–a process that discourages the audience from having a similarly reductive relationship to her. Similarly, in Election we see Tracy largely through the eyes of high school teacher Mr. McAllister (Matthew Broderick), whose annoyance at her relentless striving is mixed with a barely sublimated desire for her and resentment at his own station in life; any disdain for Tracy we might share with him is thus called into question. The audience is forced to adopt an equally dubious perspective in Schmidt, as we are privy only to the information available to its solipsistic and emotionally self-deluding title character. As a result, we are led to recognize that his dismay at his daughter’s choice of partner seems to be as much the product of his disconnection from Jeannie (and from virtually everyone else) as that of Randall’s apparent unsuitability. Our understanding of Randall and of his dissolute post-hippie family, we come to feel, may be constrained by Schmidt’s insistently blinkered viewpoint.

     

    In its treatment of its middle-class protagonist, Sideways is of a piece with Payne’s other films. While we are asked to share Miles’s outlook on the events of the film–for example, we sneer along with him at Frass Canyon, a theme-park-like winery that aggressively markets itself to tour buses of senior citizens–Sideways also goes out of its way to problematize any easy identification with his position. Not only are we introduced to Miles as he awakens groggily at midday from a night of “wine tasting,” but we also watch him steal money from his mother in order to fund his weeklong bachelor vacation with his old college buddy Jack (Thomas Haden Church), a soon-to-be-married, has-been television actor. And, as is often the case in Payne’s films, both the characters’ middle-class self-regard and the film’s critique of it are signified through relations of taste. While Miles’s love of wine is never shown to be anything less than genuine, it also performs a compensatory function for a man who likes to think of himself as a Robbe-Grillet-style novelist and yet must teach eighth-grade English. Sideways also implies that Miles has a drinking problem, for which his oenophilia is a cover. Yet the film is also attuned to ways in which taste is only weakly correlated with class position and with monetary wealth. Although Jack is more successful than Miles, his palate and his appetites are exuberantly undiscriminating. Payne’s casting choices here serve as an allegory of this opposition in middle-class taste cultures: Giamatti is an independent film star, last seen as Harvey Pekar in the brilliant and critically heralded American Splendor (2003), while Church was last seen on cable reruns of Wings, a mediocre but successful sitcom.

     

    Which brings us to the film’s positioning of itself in American film taste culture. While there was no way to know that Sideways would be as lauded as it has been, it is clear that Payne pursued a crowd-pleasing strategy here; he has crafted a film that is gentle and even uplifting in comparison to his previous outings, films marked by their ruthless and even misanthropic humor and by their refusal of happy endings. In contrast to the sharply drawn caricatures of Ruth‘s anti-abortion zealots or Election‘s Tracy Flick, with her cartoonishly clenched jaw, Sideways‘s characters are three-dimensional figures whose failings are softened–just as their features are softened by the cinematography’s frequent habit of bathing them in sun-dappled light. One might even argue that the piano-tinkling of the film’s score during travel-porn wine country montages and the glossily lit dinner where Miles, Jack, Maya (Virginia Madsen), and Stephanie (Sandra Oh) meet up threatens to turn Sideways into the cinematic equivalent of a trip to Frass Canyon. This tendency is confirmed by the film’s feel-good ending, in which the beautiful, blonde, and wine-loving Maya phones Miles to tell him that she loved his novel–a scene wherein Miles’s cultural capital and romantic appeal are simultaneously affirmed in a way that no Payne protagonist had hitherto experienced.[3]

     

    Of course, Payne is too wary of unmitigated sentiment to show Maya welcoming Miles back into her arms; the film closes on a shot of Miles knocking on her door and cuts to the credits before she answers. In fact, one senses often in the film that Payne is aware of and playing with Sideways‘s aggressively middlebrow aesthetics. For example, consider those montages of the wine country outings: their use of split screens appears so superfluous as to be parodic (especially when the separate screens are showing precisely the same image). Furthermore, the beauty of those fields of grapes is frequently undercut by the ensuing shots of, say, Miles and Jack walking from their hotel to dinner, trodding down a highway access road prosaically lined with car dealerships. As many critics have noted, one of Payne’s strengths as a filmmaker is his eye for the banal, defiantly uncinematic detail: the slate-grey skies framing Omaha’s barren, non-descript landscapes in Ruth; the grim, fluorescently lit, low ceilinged interiors of Election‘s George Washington Carver High; the Hummel figurines adorning the brightly appointed yet mausoleum-like family home in Schmidt; to which we might now add the laminated menus of Sideways‘s mid-range eateries. So while Sideways may frequently give in to the canned lyricism of its romantic fantasies, its placement of these scenes alongside the more mundane trappings of the characters’ lives provides a salutary clarifying effect, one that also, it should be noted, supports Payne’s grander filmmaking ambitions. For Payne has often been described–and often describes himself–as a 1970s-style auteur, and Sideways‘s quotidian realism, its self-consciously deployed split screens, and its long, slow dissolves–straight out of Hal Ashby’s The Last Detail (1973)–all demonstrate his active engagement with this tradition. In interviews, Payne has emphasized this connection: “I want to live in a Hollywood where Hollywood is making auteurist cinema again, like they did in the 1970s,” he told the Miami Herald, “where we can have smaller, personal and more human films again” (Rodriguez). Film critics have largely assented to this affiliation: Esquire has called him “the next Scorsese” and “the Scorsese of Omaha,” and the Hollywood Reporter‘s review of Sideways is typical in its characterization of the film as having “subtle overtones of the great character movies of the 1970s” (Honeycutt). This association with 1970s auteurism has been consecrated by no less an icon of the period than Jack Nicholson, who said in the New York Times Sunday Magazine, “Alexander is a real throwback to the kinds of filmmakers I started with” (Hodgman 90).

     

    It is worth comparing Payne’s films to those that Jack Nicholson started out in–or at least, those he started to become famous in: Easy Rider (1969) and Five Easy Pieces (1970). The former is the tale of two hippies driving across the U.S. “looking for America” that ends with the motiveless killing of its countercultural anti-heroes at the hands of ignorant, prejudiced, southern working-class men. Five Easy Pieces, in turn, is about the disaffected son of a family of classical musicians who “drops out” to work on an oilrig, only to abandon this blue-collar life when it threatens to restrict his liberty. Both films offer protagonists who challenge viewer identification as much as they court it, and feature what was then thought to be an unprecedented realism, portraying details of American life that had hitherto not been represented on screen. But in spite of their countercultural urge to undermine middle-class authority, both films also depict their working class characters as either unthinking traditionalists (Five Easy Pieces) or murderous thugs (Easy Rider), and thus ultimately work, as I have argued elsewhere (see Nystrom), to recover and reaffirm a certain brand of middle-class subjectivity. In the case of Five Easy Pieces, the protagonist is able to escape his adopted working class life only by drawing on his previously disavowed cultural capital; this development is echoed by the film’s own formal organization, which trades on the gritty realism of its blue-collar settings and story elements while representing them through art-cinema strategies that signify the filmmakers’ cultural distinction.

     

    I want to argue that we can detect this bad faith–and a concomitant demonizing of the working class–in Sideways as well. Let us return to the scene with which this essay begins: the reason Miles is on his knees outside the couple’s bedroom is because he is trying to retrieve Jack’s wallet. Earlier that evening, Jack had picked up the woman, a waitress, who is now describing the affair for her husband while they make love. Miles must retrieve this wallet because it contains the wedding rings for Jack and his fiancée. At this late point in the film, Jack’s impending marriage has been exposed as a sham, entered into because his fiancée’s father will bring him into the lucrative family business. Yet rather than reject Jack’s nakedly disingenuous protestations that his fiancée is the most important thing in his life (Church does some excellent bad acting here), Miles agrees to retrieve the wallet and thus enable his friend’s mercenary bourgeois wedding. And just as Miles forgives his friend, so does the film: Jack’s wedding goes off without a hitch and serves mainly as an occasion for the exchange of knowing smiles between Miles and Jack. However critical Sideways is of its middle-class protagonists’ self-delusions and ethical lapses, both men get the reward that they had been seeking: Jack gets laid and his bride’s family business, while Miles gets a beautiful woman to read his novel and drink wine with him.

     

    The working-class characters, on the other hand, are there to remind us of the sinkhole of tastelessness that both men are lucky to escape–literally in the bedroom scene, since the startled (and still naked) husband chases Miles into the street after he grabs Jack’s wallet. But perhaps the most telling moment of this scene is not Miles’s and Jack’s close call with blue-collar retribution, but what Miles sees as he looks over the disheveled bedroom of the copulating couple, searching for his friend’s wallet: his (and our) eyes pass over a television in the background tuned to an image of George W. Bush and Donald Rumsfeld. The juxtaposition of this image with that of the couple’s spirited lovemaking generates an easy laugh, but it also makes one wonder if, as an email letter writer to Salon‘s Charles Taylor observed, the scene is thus meant to be “about the overweight, slovenly, working-class citizens of ‘Bush’s America’ (not the thoughtful, cultured expatriates-at-heart)” (qtd. in Taylor).

     

    Here we should recall that the auteurist films of the early 1970s that Payne and his admirers ritually name-check needed to grapple with the critiques of the professional-managerial class leveled by the New Left and the counterculture, which thus explained their characters’ (and the films’ own) difficult negotiations of their middle-class heritage. At our current historical moment, however, the only sustained critique of middle-class power and privilege comes not from the left, but from the right. Unable to face up to the very real class contradictions of professional and managerial labor, the left has allowed the conservative movement to be the only political force articulating a coherent critique of this labor, one that seizes upon the genuine class antagonism generated by the prerogatives of expert knowledge and then reroutes and mobilizes this antagonism in support of a political program of anti-statist deregulation. In this context, one can read Miles’s depressive defeatism as a sign of blue-state intellectual self-loathing and this scene as one in which he looks on in dismay at a working class perversely won over to Bush’s vision of America.[4]

     

    Except that this couple does not seem to be practicing traditional family values. And here we can perceive the antinomial impulse at work in Payne’s rhetoric of class. Part of the sequence’s comedy comes from the fact that the couple’s home–described by Kim Morgan as a “trashed-out abode . . . that looks like it was ransacked during a visit by TV’s Cops“–has prepared the audience for a scene of domestic violence; our laughter is informed by our surprise and relief that the husband’s response to his wife’s infidelity is not patriarchal rage but broadminded pleasure in non-monogamous relations.[5] In this light, it seems that any reductive connection between the couple and Bush’s cultural politics would be ill-advised.

     

    Charles Taylor argues, however, that we cannot read this scene as Payne’s humanistic portrayal of “the sexual openness of [the couple’s] marriage,” because “for that reading to work you’d . . . have to get close to them, which is exactly what Payne, repelled by their fat, will not do.” But this is precisely what Payne does do: he gets close to them, his camera lingering on their gleefully writhing bodies. I’d like to compare this gaze, which I take to be both fascinated and repulsed, with that on another scene of intense pleasure from Payne’s work. I am referring to the moment in Citizen Ruth when we first watch Ruth Stoops huff some patio sealant. As she places the inhalant-filled paper bag over her mouth and takes in a big, deep breath, we cut to a long close-up of her eyes, which even as they redden and tear up are wide open in desperate and seemingly real exhilaration. Payne might be disgusted by experiences of pleasure that exceed all bounds of “good” taste, but he is also deeply compelled by them. For this reason, I am left wishing that Sideways had ended not with Miles’s return to Maya’s doorstep, but with the scene that comes just a few moments earlier. There, we see Miles eating a burger in a fast food restaurant and drinking out of a styrofoam cup. We learn that he is filling that cup from his long-hoarded bottle of 1961 Cheval Blanc, a rare and precious vintage. The film plays this moment as a bittersweet acceptance of failure: Miles has learned that his ex-wife has not only remarried but is pregnant, and his consumption of the wine can be construed as his acknowledgment that there are no significant achievements or pleasures left for him.

     

    But what if we were to read this moment differently? What if we were to note that it is a moment where Miles enjoys his rarified pleasures, but without any outer significations of class distinction? After all, sneaking sips of an alcoholic beverage in a fast food joint erases the line between wine-lover and wino. Furthermore, his fellow pleasure-seekers are probably a few steps down the socioeconomic ladder even from those who like to take a day trip to Frass Canyon. And they are all, Miles included, guiltlessly eating food that tends to produce the kinds of bodies we recently saw being transported into erotic delight at the thought of non-normative marital arrangements. In short, we might read the scene as one where Miles’s specialized taste no longer separates him from those with less cultural capital, but instead offers him a sensual pleasure that is simply one among many in the room. Alexander Payne may have rooted us firmly in Miles’s middle-class subjectivity and offered us a film that ultimately gratifies his (and, as indie film spectators, our) longing for cultural distinction.[6] But his contradictory fascination with the class valences of various pleasures may unwittingly point to a logic of cultural distinction that does not travel up and down, but instead goes sideways.

     

    Notes

     

    I would like to thank Ned Schantz for his conversations with me about Sideways, and for looking over an earlier draft of this review.

     

    1. Alexander Payne and Jim Taylor won the 2005 Oscar for Best Screenplay Adaptation.

     

    2. With respect to the “abortion debate” narrative of Ruth, I agree with those who object to its suggestion of moral equivalency between anti- and pro-choice forces as dangerously wrongheaded (only one side of this conflict, after all, bombs the institutions and assassinates the practitioners of the other).

     

    3. Scott persuasively argues that the nearly unanimous critical praise granted to the film is not unrelated to the fact that its hero is at heart a critic–one who not only gets the girl, but also has his discerning taste reaffirmed by that girl.

     

    4. This reading of the film is also informed by Jacobson’s “Movie of the Moment” essay in Film Comment.

     

    5. I am indebted to my colleague Ned Schantz for pointing out this audience expectation.

     

    6. It should be noted that Sideways is not, strictly speaking, an independent film: it is a product of Fox Searchlight Studios, one of the “major indie” divisions of the traditional studios that sprung up in the wake of Miramax’s (brief) success as a division of Disney. Still, film critics discussed it almost invariably as an example of independent filmmaking. For example, Dargis closed her New York Times review by remarking that “since the late 1970s we have been under the spell of the blockbuster imperative, with its infallible heroes and comic-book morality, a spell that independent film has done little to break. In this light, the emergence of Mr. Payne into the front ranks of American filmmakers isn’t just cause for celebration; it’s cause for hope.”

     

    Works Cited

     

    • Carson, Tom. “The Next Scorsese: Alexander Payne.” Esquire Mar. 2000: 222.
    • Dargis, Manohla. “Popping the Cork for a Twist on a So-Called Life.” Rev. of Sideways. Dir. Alexander Payne. New York Times 16 Oct. 2004: B7.
    • Hochman, David. “The Scorsese of Omaha.” EsquireJan. 2003: 20.
    • Hodgman, John. “The Bard of Omaha.” New York Times Sunday Magazine 8 Dec. 2002: 90.
    • Honeycutt, Kirk. Rev. of Sideways. Dir. Alexander Payne. Hollywood Reporter 12 Sept. 2004 <http://www.hollywoodreporter.com/thr/reviews/review_display.jsp?vnu_content_id=1000628380>.
    • Jacobson, Harlan. “Movie of the Moment.” Film Comment 40:5 (Sept./ Oct. 2004): 24-27.
    • Morgan, Kim. “Rare Vintage: Sideways is Good to the Last Gulp.” Rev. of Sideways. Dir. Alexander Payne. LA Weekly 22 Oct. 2004. <http://www.laweekly.com/ink/04/48/film-morgan.php>.
    • Nystrom, Derek. “Hard Hats and Movie Brats: Auteurism and the Class Politics of the New Hollywood.” Cinema Journal 43.3 (Spring 2004): 18-41.
    • Rodriguez, Rene. “Just Like Fine Wine.” Miami Herald 12 Nov. 1994 <http://www.miami.com/mld/miamiherald/entertainment/movies/10151926.htm>.
    • Scott, A.O. “The Most Overrated Film of the Year.” New York Times 2 Jan. 2005: II:18.
    • Taylor, Charles. “2004: The Year in Movies.” Slate 4 Jan. 2005 < http://slate.msn.com/id/2111473/entry/2111743/>.

     

  • Wittgenstein’s Legacy: Metagrammar, Meaning, and Ordinary Language

    David Herman

    Department of English
    Ohio State University
    herman.145@osu.edu

     

    Review of: Walter Jost, Rhetorical Investigations: Studies in Ordinary Language Criticism.Charlottesville: U of Virginia P, 2004.

     

    Ambitious in scope, richly integrative, and extensively researched, this study demonstrates its author’s familiarity with ideas from multiple fields of inquiry, including classical as well as modern rhetoric, critical theory, philosophy, and literary modernism. The chief aim of the book is to work toward integration and synthesis; drawing on theorists ranging from Martin Heidegger and Kenneth Burke to Ludwig Wittgenstein and Stanley Cavell, and using the poetry of Robert Frost to work through the author’s focal concerns, the book seeks to develop a framework for interpretation in which “grammar and rhetoric, philosophy and literature, reason and desire, reference and semiotics, truth and antifoundationalism” might be brought into closer dialogue with one another (1). More precisely, Jost characterizes literature and philosophy as the termini of his discussion, suggesting that rhetoric can be used to negotiate between these discourses (7). Hence, although the four chapters in Part II develop extended readings of Frost’s “The Death of the Hired Man,” “West-Running Brook,” “Snow,” and “Home Burial,” respectively,

     

    the present book is more about exemplifying a specific kind of critical inquiry, interpretation, argument, and community activity than it is about a particular poet, historical trajectory, literary period, or cultural moment. Frost’s poems present me with an occasion to rethink a nexus of questions about the everyday and the ordinary, language, experience, common sense, judgment, and exemplarity; to question assumptions about the grammatical and rhetorical possibilities of literary criticism; and to reexamine what I take to be underappreciated resources for criticism to be found in the traditions of rhetoric, hermeneutic phenomenology, pragmatism, and so-called ordinary language philosophy and criticism. (4)

     

    The introduction further specifies what the author means by the “ordinary language criticism” mentioned at the end of the passage just quoted and also in the book’s subtitle. Ordinary language criticism, in Jost’s account, takes inspiration from the ordinary language philosophy pioneered by Wittgenstein, refined by J.L. Austin, and recontextualized by Cavell (Claim, In Quest, Must; see also Baillie and Cohen). For theorists in this tradition, people learn (and later use) concepts thanks to their place within a larger form of life and the modes of language use associated with that form of life. Although abstract logical definitions play a role in specialized discourses (e.g., certain forms of philosophical analysis), in other discourse contexts boundaries between concepts are fixed by “situated criteria, the features and functions of things, the behaviors and actions of people in certain circumstances in which we operate with our words” (8). For example, when I hear someone say plank in a conversation I do not try to match that person’s usage against an abstract mental checklist of necessary and sufficient conditions for “plankness” in order to make sense of the term.1 Rather, I monitor whether the ongoing discourse is about the construction of ships, archaic practices of meting out justice at sea (as in walk the [gang]plank), or political campaigns, and I draw an inference, possibly incorrect, about which concept of “plank” is appropriate given the broader context in which the term plank is being used. “Plank” is irreducibly caught up in these contexts of usage; there is no single, decontextualized meaning of plank (cf. Herman 2002), but rather multiple, partly overlapping meanings, each determined by the use of the term in the situated, rule-governed modes of discourse production and interpretation that Wittgenstein called “language games” and Jean-François Lyotard “phrase regimens.” Further, these language games are not wholly autonomous practices but can impinge on one another, as when through a metaphorical extension plank migrates from the language game(s) of the shipwright to those of the politician and the pundit. The key insight here, though, is that plank does not denote “plank” prior to its being used in some language game or other, even if only the stripped-down “games” in which dictionary definitions or the rules of logic are used to map out semantic relationships among terms.2

     

    But what would be the specific brief of an ordinary language criticism “consistent though not necessarily coextensive with ordinary language philosophy” (9)? How exactly would students of literature, say, draw on (post-)Wittgensteinian language theory to study “literary thinking across or askew to fields and theoretical specialisms, attending to the background complexity of everyday life and ordinary language as they shape the form and content of literary works” (10)? In one statement of method, Jost suggests that “ordinary language philosophy and criticism can be taken as nonstandard uses of ordinary language to investigate ordinary language ‘on display’ in literature” (43). But this formulation raises further questions: What is the difference between a nonstandard use of ordinary language and non- or extra-ordinary language? How do the sophisticated philosophical and rhetorical theories Jost uses to describe the nature and functions of ordinary language–and to analyze its deployment in Frost’s poetry–themselves relate to everyday communicative practices? Do ordinary language philosophy and criticism constitute “metalanguages” that can be brought to bear on the “object-language” that people use in contexts of everyday communication or in literary representations of those contexts? Or, rather, do the philosophical underpinnings of Jost’s approach militate against this view, given that ordinary language theorists posit not a binary division between “ordinary” and “specialized” languages, but rather scalar relations based on graded prototypicality–with everyday exchanges forming the central or prototypical case from which more or less technical, register- or purpose-specific uses deviate more or less markedly? In the domain of literary theory and poetics, how might ordinary language criticism (construed as an investigation of displays of ordinary language in literature) build on the prior research of scholars such as Mary Louise Pratt, who criticized the Russian Formalist idea of “literariness” by arguing that it is based on a conception of non-literary language as a “vacuous dummy category,” and who analyzed literary works as “display texts” in which norms for using ordinary language remain in play, though in modulated form?

     

    I return to some of these questions below, in connection with Jost’s extended interpretations of Frost’s poems in Part II of the book. But it is important to note at the outset that, besides appealing to philosophical precedents set by Wittgenstein, Austin, and Cavell, Jost (who was himself trained as a rhetorician) seeks to ground the practice of ordinary language criticism in a rethinking of the ancient trivium of grammar, rhetoric, and logic/dialectic. In turn, this rethinking both enables and is enabled by the author’s close readings of Frost’s poetry. The introduction describes how Jost’s study draws on, while also recontextualizing, each component of the trivium. To synopsize:

     

    • Grammar helps specify particular grounds of judgments underwriting human life and the means by which speakers organize conceptual parts into wholes (14).
    • Rhetoric bears on the specific circumstances surrounding people’s acts and words and how they invent new words and actions in new circumstances (14). Here Jost seeks to reclaim elements of the rhetorical tradition from what he characterizes as Paul de Man’s reduction of “‘rhetoric’ to an unstable figurality in which binary topics and proofs (‘ideas’) are subordinated to and subsumed by tropes and figures (‘images’)” (16).
    • Logic concerns sequences of actions and words and “the general gestalt patterns that connect actions to other actions, beliefs to further beliefs, judgments to further judgments” (14). Relatedly, dialectic concerns order and community, i.e., how members of a community achieve coherence (or not) by participating in an inherently collaborative attempt to “order the ordinary” (14).

     

    In the new, post-postmodern dispensation, each member of the trivium becomes less a discrete analytical domain than a heuristic framework (or form of practice) in synergy with the other two.3

     

    Part I of the book is titled “Rhetoric: An Advanced Primer” and, sketching out the general theoretical framework on which the author draws in later chapters, begins with a chapter called “Dialectic as Dialogue: The Order of the Ordinary.” Along with chapters 2-4, chapter 1 provides a foundation for Jost’s extended readings of individual Frost poems in the second part of the book–though Part I also draws on the poetry in developing those very foundations. (The book includes, as well, an Appendix that reprints seven of the Frost poems used as case studies; it also features extensive notes replete with bibliographic information about key rhetorical, philosophical, and critical sources.) Chapter 1 explores consequences of (and remedies for) an assumption that Jost argues to be pervasive throughout the history of Western philosophical discourse: namely, that “because everyday life presents endlessly diverse and shifting scenes of opinion and custom expressed in equally impermanent and equivocal words of ordinary language . . . , both the everyday and the ordinary are . . . illusory” (27). Radical forms of skepticism in contemporary thought leave untouched the grounding assumption that everyday scenes of behavior involve unsystematic action, opinion, or desire–or, for that matter, the related assumption that the non-systematicity of everyday action is threatened by co-opting ideologies which seek to systematize, and thus distort, the domain of the ordinary.

     

    Controverting these assumptions, Wittgenstein, Cavell, and their fellow-travellers conceive of the ordinary and the everyday as “fundamental yet evolving cares and commitments of human beings in community with and against each other–hence of everyday language as a human habitat and even ‘home’ in which we dwell, the linguistic hub of activities constitutive of the human form of life” (32). Here, the metaphor of the hub stems from Jost’s refusal to draw a sharp line between everyday and non-everyday language use; instead, like Wittgenstein, he posits a continuum in which relatively more specialized uses radiate outward from less specialized linguistic practices (37). The chapter moves from a discussion of this general philosophical reorientation and its implications for skepticism, to a discussion of Frost’s “The Black Cottage,” a dramatic monologue whose narrator is “a homegrown skeptic about the home of the everyday and the ordinary” (54). Jost argues that the narrator’s skepticism is bound up with his tendency to speak as if all statements were tools that can be used in the same way–a tendency that eventually causes him to drop out of language games altogether.

     

    Chapter 2, “Rhetorical Invention: Notes toward an American Low Modernism,” and Chapter 3, “Grammatical Judgment: It All Depends on What You Mean by ‘Home,’” continue to lay the general, philosophical groundwork for ordinary language criticism also provided by Chapter 4, “Logical Proof: Perspicuous Representations.” Chapter 2 characterizes Frost’s standard rhetorical posture as one in which “the language (style, structure, grammar, rhetoric) of practical problem solving, commonsense reasoning and beliefs, the rhetoric of the everyday and ordinary . . . often intermingled with philosophic meditations on their origins and ends” (64). Jost argues that whereas high modernism sometimes tries to escape from (in order to “purify”) everyday life, Frost practices a species of low modernism that focuses on overlooked possibilities in everyday life as well as everyday linguistic usage (69). Taking issue with Frank Lentricchia’s (Kantian) understanding of Frost’s poetry as private, affective, noncognitive, and “therapeutic” in character (78), Jost argues instead for a synthesis of the hermeneutic aesthetics of Gadamer with American pragmatism in the Emersonian-Jamesian tradition. This synthesis, he argues, reveals a strand of low modernism (in writers as diverse as Frost, Henry James, D.H. Lawrence, William Carlos Williams, and Charles Olson) complementing the high modernism of Mallarmé, Joyce, Kafka, Musil, and Mondrian:

     

    High and low both seek new integrations of our divided selves, but whereas high modernism makes language (reading and writing, communication) overtly difficult and strange in order to break its readers free from the grip of an everyday perceived to be suffocating and conventionalized, low modernism makes language deceptively easy and pleasurable in order to entice us into tripping over connections we had habitually overlooked. (85-86)

     

    Frost in particular engages in topical invention, writing poems that catalog elements of the ordinary, not to defamiliarize the ordinary but rather to “recommunalize a precarious everyday” (93).

     

    Chapters 3 and 4 shift from rhetoric to grammar and logic, respectively. In chapter 3, Jost builds on Wittgenstein’s philosophical recontextualization of the concept of grammar, i.e., his interest in what might be termed “metagrammar.” For the later Wittgenstein, the grammar of our language carries in its wake an entire metaphysics–as when (in English) the form of a statement such as “X is having a pain in his leg” causes speakers of the language to assume that pain is wholly private and internal, rather than being constituted at least in part by the verbal and other performances by which people display and communicate the experience of being in pain. More generally, a major task of philosophy is to disentangle the structure of sentences from the structure of the world. Chapter 3 suggests that Frost’s low-modernist poetry is marked by an analogous concern with(meta-)grammartaken in this sense; his work, too, explores broad, philosophical implications of ways of framing statements about the world. Thus, for Jost, both Wittgenstein and Frost resist the age-old codification of rationality in the form of the predicative proposition, whereby “subject-object predication defines a priori what counts as the statement of a definition, argument, or truth judgment” (102). Wittgenstein’s later philosophy suggests, rather, that we judge statements as true or false using criteria embedded in particular language practices that are in turn geared on to specific situations of use (cf. Addis). What counts as a true statement about, say, the length of a plank will depend on whether the statement is made in a shipyard, a backyard, or an institute for theoretical physics. Likewise, Frost’s low-modernist poems reveal a “preoccupation with the grammar of ‘proof’” (97), focusing on “the various claims of reason and its language games of ‘belief,’ ‘proof,’ ‘argument,’ ‘knowledge,’ ‘truth,’ and the like” (98). Jost uses the 1939 poem “There Are Roughly Zones” to argue that in Frost’s poetry “metaphysical categories of explanation” (“soul,” “mind,” “heart”) give way to “‘rough zones’ of explanation, meaning, and value”–the center of gravity shifting, as it does in Wittgenstein, from metaphysics to rhetorical talk, from substances and properties to “arguments and emotions . . . whose reality we experience in working our way through the poem” (121).

     

    Chapter 4 opens with an account of Michel de Certeau’s distinction, in The Practice of Everyday Life, between hegemonic discursive “strategies” and subversive “tactics.” Suggesting that both strategies and tactics (cf. universals and particulars, rules and cases, generalizations and future instances, laws and their application) belong to rhetoric, Jost argues against “contemporary misconceptions that experience ‘must’ be–not only in everyday life but in art–politically or culturally shocking, ‘radical,’ ‘unheard-of.’” On the contrary, “‘to have an experience’ is indifferently both confrontative and, in Dewey’s language, ‘consummatory,’ a blended tension of difference and completion” (123-24). Far from having to be wholly aligned with tactics to be authentic, experiences must be anchored in discursive strategies to some extent if they are to be intelligible–“haveable”–at all.

     

    Positing a scalar relationship rather than a binary division between strategies and tactics, the chapter then situates Aristotle’s distinction between enthymeme (or argument) and example along this continuum, locating argument at the strategic end of the scale and example at the tactical end. Arguments involve rule-governed deductions from determinate generalizations; examples, by contrast, enable rhetors “to structure relatively indeterminate situations from past particulars or cases” (124). Jost devotes the rest of the chapter to a discussion of relatively tactical dimensions of Frost’s poetry. Frost’s local tactics include jokes, riddles, and paradoxes, quasi-proverbial locutions, portraits of characters engaged in “drifting conversation,” and a variety of tropes. More globally, the poetry throws light on the issues of exemplarity and exemplification. Focusing on “Two Tramps in Mud Time” as a key tutor-text, Jost suggests that the poem exploits the relative indeterminacy of generic terms (“work,” “need,” “love,” etc.) to recall “past uses [of the words] as examples, as possibilities, . . . that may thus be used as resources for the future” (139). Further, invoking a number of disjunctive pairs (work/play, frost/water, practical tramps/poetic narrator), the poem thereby furnishes “many examples of unity-in-division, related to each other by analogy” and “rhetorically [moves the reader] to a new ‘place’ (topos), by virtue of our having experienced several plausible examples, whose terms then become, in Kenneth Burke’s formulation, ‘equipment for living’” (144). The final section of the chapter engages in an extended account of epiphany and epideixis, which for Jost constitute distinct language games. Whereas epiphany is the hallmark of high modernism, epideixis is the paradigmatic mode in Frost’s low-modernist poetry. Compared with epiphany, epideixis involves “a more gradual but also more overt evocation of the background patterns and premises of a position” (151); it has to do with speech more than psychology; and entails communal rather than personal realizations and changes (152-54).

     

    Part II of the book is titled “Four Beginnings for a Book on Robert Frost.” Chapter 5, “Lessons in the Conversation that We Are: ‘The Death of the Hired Man’ (Invention),” draws on theorists as diverse as Alasdair MacIntyre and Carol Gilligan to explore how the conversation portrayed in that poem involves a dialectical interplay of ethical-rhetorical performances. Chapter 6, “Naming Being in ‘West-Running Brook,’” uses the poem to argue that Frost gives voice, in the idiom of the everyday, to the questions about being and time, language and interpretation, also asked by Heidegger but in a distinctly philosophical idiom. In Chapter 7, “Giving Evidence and Making Evident: Civility and Madness in ‘Snow’ (Proof),” Jost returns to issues of rhetoric in particular; in his account, the poem demonstrates that “knowing another is not a logical grasping of an object but a rhetorical seeing (acknowledging) of another, one who has a rhetorical claim on us to respond” (234).

     

    Chapter 8, finally, is titled “Ordinary Language Brought to Grief: ‘Home Burial’ (Dialogue in Disorder and Doubt)” and is one of the richest, most probing chapters in the book. Here Jost builds on research stemming from Wittgenstein’s critique of the private-language argument–his criticism of the assumption that the experience of pain and other sensations involves a kind of “inner language” to which only the experiencer has access. In the author’s interpretation, Frost’s poem likewise works through philosophical issues bound up with skepticism about other minds and their “qualia” or ineliminably subjective states of awareness (see Freeman; Levine; Nagel). In a manner consonant both with Wittgenstein and with the broader “second cognitive revolution” to which his work has helped give rise (Harré, “Second”; Harré and Gillett), Jost argues that critics of the poem have made the mistake of trying to peer into “the ‘inner’ workings of the characters rather than the outer behavior and scene of their speaking, as though straining to penetrate the characters’ words to grasp the mental anguish within” (249). Instead (to shift for a moment to a vocabulary slightly different from Jost’s), the characters’ pain is enacted discursively; i.e., their words and behavioral displays give rise to inferences about emotional states located in and emerging from–rather than preceding–this multiperson episode of talk (cf. Harré, “Discursive”; Harré and Gillett).

     

    Rather than presenting at this point a more detailed summary of the engaging, often line-by-line interpretations developed in Part II, I would like to highlight two broader issues raised by Jost’s readings of the poems–and more generally by the approach outlined in the book as a whole. The first issue concerns the metagrammar of Jost’s own project, i.e., the norms governing Jost’s argumentational moves and combinations of critical, philosophical, and rhetorical discourses as he articulates the project of ordinary language criticism. At issue, in other words, are the norms accounting for Jost’s own intuitions about what constitutes a “legal” or acceptable statement (or combination of statements) framed in the context of ordinary language criticism. The second broad issue involves rhetoric rather than grammar–specifically, the rhetoric of stability in terms of which Jost casts ordinary language criticism as an alternative to and defense against radical forms of skepticism. This issue concerns the relation between the rhetoric of stability and the conceptual underpinnings of ordinary language philosophy. It also concerns the specific rhetorical purpose served by the author’s emphasis on the stabilizing role of ordinary language in the approach that he advocates.4

     

    First, then, what exactly is one doing when one engages in ordinary language criticism? More specifically, how does one formulate statements that would be deemed acceptable–grammatical–within this language game about language games? The question arises because of the language Jost himself uses; specifically, Jost’s readings of Frost sometimes suggest not just a parallelism but a more fundamental equivalence between philosophical and rhetorical discourses, on the one hand, and Frost’s poetry, on the other. For example, chapter 6 characterizes Frost as a “communicator and rhetorician–one who resists romantic expressivism and transcendentalizing in favor of a nonessentialist account of self and Being, and Heidegger’s postromantic elevation of Being over man in favor of man’s naming of being, and does so precisely by holding these (and other pairs) in tension” (214). Similarly, describing Frost as a “hermeneutically adept” poet (211), the author argues that “we can apply it [i.e., Heidegger’s notion of the “retrieval” of a human being’s past possibilities, traditions, heritage, such that they are not merely absorbed into the world] by proposing that the image of the backward ripple in the outgoing brook that so fascinates Fred signifies just this concept of ‘retrieval’ and its hermeneutic cousins ‘appropriations’ and ‘application’” (198). These statements suggest that Frost’s poetry allegorizes concepts of Heideggerian phenomenology; doing ordinary language criticism would be tantamount, in this instance, to showing how literary discourse is inter-translatable with specialized philosophical language–in this case, philosophical discourse concerned with temporal aspects of (the human experience of) the ordinary and the everyday.5 Yet the philosophical tradition on which ordinary language criticism draws does not assume that specialized languages are reducible to or wholly commensurate with less specialized usages; it merely assumes that every language emerges from and is intelligible because of a particular situation of use. Indeed, ordinary language philosophers insist on the non-equivalence of language games that might appear to be inter-translatable prima facie, but that on closer inspection prove to be anchored in incommensurate norms and conventions, different forms of life.

     

    We return here to an issue broached earlier: namely, the relation between ordinary language criticism and the literary (and other) uses of language that it studies. True, Wittgenstein’s philosophical project was based, in part, on a rejection of the distinction between metalanguage and object-language formalized by Rudolf Carnap, among others. Rather than attempting to develop a logically purified metalanguage–an ideal language that, imposed from without, would purge ordinary language of its ambiguity and vagueness–Wittgenstein and those influenced by him sought to find a logic immanent to language itself.6 But to be self-consistent, ordinary language philosophy cannot equate grammar with metagrammar, the situated use of language with the (differently situated) philosophical study of such language use. One must assume that the same heuristic distinction continues to apply, mutatis mutandis, in ordinary language criticism. Arguably, however, when the author writes that “Frost’s own sense of judgment at the beginning of American modernism supersedes traditional epistemological accounts” (102; my emphasis), his verb-choice again flattens out the difference between Frost’s poetic project and the ordinary language critic’s way of characterizing that project. Likewise, when Jost notes that theorists of ordinary language and literary practitioners converge on the same themes and symbols, his account implies a similar convergence of grammar and metagrammar, i.e., of the use of everyday language and of theoretical descriptions of that use: “It is an abiding theme of Wittgenstein, and of Stanley Cavell in regard particularly to Emerson and Thoreau–Frost’s own models–that ‘home’ is the place, and symbol, of the everyday and ordinary, and not least the symbol for and the place of our use of ordinary language in, for example, talk and gossip” (168). Complex mapping relationships need to be spelled out more fully here. If it is to distinguish itself from thematics, ordinary language criticism cannot merely point to the discursive field from which concepts such as “home” and “the everyday” emanate and in which they are embedded. Beyond this, it must specify how a given text participates in this global field. At issue is the metagrammar that determines what a text can and cannot say without being shunted to a different zone within the field, thereby entering into different kinds of relationship with other texts in the domain as a whole.

     

    The second broad issue mentioned before concerns the rhetoric rather than the (meta-)grammar of ordinary language criticism. More specifically, it concerns the rhetoric of stability used by Jost throughout his study. For example, in the introduction, the author sets up his analysis by suggesting that “rhetorical investigations . . . are stabilized in the sense of a community, and the question becomes what it means to use or trust that sense” (18). Meanwhile, in chapter 2, Jost seeks to use Frost’s poetry to steer a middle course between two positions regarding rhetoric: “that of earlier romantics and moderns for whom rhetoric is anachronistic, naïve, or pretentious for professional intellectual purposes, and that of a specific kind of postmodernist for whom it is rhetoric’s sole cunning to destabilize, by intellectually outwitting, all epistemological self-satisfactions across the disciplines” (72). The rhetoric of stability continues in the opening paragraph of chapter 5, where Jost writes: “For Ludwig Wittgenstein and Stanley Cavell, all understanding stabilizes itself in our ‘acknowledgments,’ ‘agreements in judgments,’ and ‘mutual attunements’ of so-called ordinary language and practice, perhaps the most important of which are our conversations with each other” (160). Similarly, in chapter 3 Jost argues that “resisting skepticism in literature or literary theorizing and criticism, by counting or recalling criteria of ordinary language . . . is stabilized in our acknowledgments, in what Frost alludes to as ‘glad recognition of the long lost’” (111). Later in the chapter, commenting on Frost’s concern with the “stable flexibility” of “the give-and-take that does in fact restrain our ordinary lives” (117), the author discusses how the “rhetorical action” of Frost’s poetry points to his interest in “stable and stabilizing” conceptions of taste and judgment, in contradistinction to “nonrational,” romantic conceptions of these faculties or aptitudes (116). And in his explication of “Snow” in chapter 7, Jost associates Frost’s poem with Wittgenstein’s turn from explanation to description, “to directing our attention to the deep conceptual patterns of linguistic surfaces in imagined actions and scenes, stabilizing causal propositionalism in what we know how to do and . . . already acknowledge” (221).

     

    Jost is, to be sure, a highly effective rhetor, and passages like the ones just quoted–by appealing to the relative, provisional stability of interpretive criteria grounded in ordinary language use–serve to situate ordinary language criticism in the broader landscape of critical discourse. More specifically, by suggesting that everyday experience in general and ordinary language in particular exert a stabilizing influence in our ongoing efforts to make sense of the world, Jost positions ordinary language criticism between the Scylla of a relativistic, anything-goes anti-foundationalism and the Charybdis of anti-contextualism–i.e., variants of the (logocentric) view that utterances and texts lend themselves to fixed, determinate interpretations, irrespective of who’s doing the interpreting, when, and in what circumstances. The conventions and practices of everyday discourse anchor interpretation, but in limited–locally emergent–ways. With a shift in emphasis, however, ordinary language philosophy can remind us of the limits as well as the possibilities of everyday discourse in this respect. If discourse conventions and practices constitute a ground for interpretation, that ground is one capable of becoming, at a moment’s notice, a figure in its own right–i.e., a target of rather than a basis for interpretive activity.

     

    From a Wittgensteinian view, utterances mean what they do both because of the form that they have and because of the way they are geared on to particular types of activity, such as games, formal debates, ritualized exchanges of insults, consultations among coworkers faced with a job-related task, and so on.7 In part, this grounding of words in activities channels and delimits how much interpretation I have to do when my interlocutor says something like I’m not going to do that. Rather than having to search exhaustively through all the semantic spaces potentially associated with that utterance to compute its meaning, I can rely on quick-and-dirty heuristics to figure out what’s being said, factoring in whether the utterance is part of a game of pickup basketball or a paraphrase of “Bartleby, the Scrivener.”

     

    But conversely, I may lack knowledge about or aptitude for the activity in which the utterance plays a role; in this case, the ineliminable contextual grounding of utterance meaning will defeat my efforts at interpretation. Then, too, I may wish to create unusual, norm-breaking or -bending pairings of activities with utterances, hurling out oaths in the context of a formal academic debate or using specialized technical vocabulary in a note written on a greeting card.8 What is more, the link between utterance form and utterance meaning is not only one-many (one and the same locution can mean many different things, depending on context) but also many-one (utterances having different surface forms can mean the same thing in a given context: cf. I’m not going to do that, No way, Forget it, Never, and I prefer not to). Inextricably interlinked with successful or competent language use, therefore, is the possibility of being wrong about what someone means. The same activity-based criteria licensing interpretations of utterance meanings can also cause me to overgenerate inferences–as when I attribute different meanings to utterances intended as synonymous–or else undergenerate inferences–as when a mode of activity different from the default type (e.g., an interpretation of “Bartleby, the Scrivener” written under censorship) causes me to miss out on important nuances of someone’s words. Ordinary language does provide a ground for interpretation, but that ground is shifting, ever-changing, unstable. Just as the shifting of the earth both destroys and creates, the unstable topography of a language produces variable effects, from angry miscommunication to Frost’s poetry. This is Wittgenstein’s legacy: a non-necessary connection between saying and meaning–a probabilistic link between utterances and inferences–giving rise to interpretations that may be good or bad for some purposes, but not for others.

     

    Notes

     

    1. This is not to deny that, in particular sentences, the expression plank displays certain, more or less stable logical and linguistic properties that account for its syntactic behavior and semantic profile across diverse kinds of utterances. For example, the syntax of plank is such that it cannot function adverbially–except perhaps in very special (e.g., poetic) contexts. I can say The plank is slowly rotting, but not That board rots plank. Semantically speaking, planks and the sides of ships stand in a certain kind of part-whole relationship with one another–the relationship can be mapped as contained structure: containing structure–such that ceteris parabis (e.g., the plank is not fabricated from a special kind of particle board itself made out of tiny ship-shaped pieces of wood) some propositions about planks vis-à-vis ships will be true, others false, and still others nonsensical. Among the false propositions are Planks can be made of ships; among the nonsensical, I asked the shipwright to put that ship at a different point on the plank’s side; among the true, Ships’ sides can be made of planks. Note, however, that in describing the logico-semantic profile of propositions about planks, I have had to sketch part of the real-world context in which those propositions are used–disallowing the “nonstandard” contexts (poetry with strange adverbs, special particle board, etc.) mentioned above. The need for me to make such qualifications lends support to arguments formulated under the auspices of ordinary language philosophy.

     

    2. As Jost puts it, “things, people, beings, always already ‘count’ for us not first as objects but as going concerns: to perceive them as isolated objects (as in a laboratory) takes effort and requires a determined diminution of what is present from the beginning, namely the full range of our interpretive understanding, including the linguistic structures for ‘seeing-something-as-something,’ what Wittgenstein means by ‘seeing-as’” (42).

     

    3. The author sketches a particularly porous boundary between grammar and logic. Indeed, whereas Jost associates grammar with part-whole relationships and logic with forms of interconnection, one might argue the reverse: entailment relations, for example, involve concepts contained within other concepts (whereby “being red” entails “being colored” but not the inverse), and grammar involves combinatory principles governing connections among words, phrases, and clauses (I attached some planks is a grammatically legal combination whereas I planks attached some is not).

     

    4. A related issue concerns the rhetorical effects of Jost’s tendency to elide “ordinary language” with “the ordinary” or “the everyday,” as in the following passage from chapter 7: “As argued throughout this book, Frost’s mind and method are the first to create an alternative low modernist lyric composed from everyday conversational materials taken for granted by everyone else. These materials and methods are steeped in the conventions of the ordinary, in our form of life and its emerging and disappearing common sense” (218). But ordinary language philosophers were not, arguably, theorists of the everyday–even though some of Wittgenstein’s arguments have broad implications for that theoretical enterprise. As discussed below (paragraph 15), ordinary language philosophy was initially a reaction against ideal language philosophy (Rorty). In this context, theorists of “ordinary language” disputed the view that a logically purified metalanguage was necessary for the purposes of logico-philosophical analysis–for example, to obviate ambiguous expressions, and attendant paradoxes and antinomies (e.g., Every sentence that I write is a lie), found in natural languages (Carnap). Hence, in future work in ordinary language criticism, Jost would do well to address more explicitly how theories of ordinary language à la Wittgenstein, Austin, and Cavell relate to theories of the ordinary/everyday à la de Certeau.

     

    5. Granted, elsewhere in the chapter Jost suggests a non-equivalence between Frost’s poetry and Heideggerian phenomenology: “Frost himself in this poem is not, unlike Heidegger, laboriously splitting metaphysical atoms, though he does intuit profound issues in an insightful way. Although the technical language and rigor of Heideggerian hermeneutics could not be more alien to Frost, it may be that this hermeneutics offers a contrary medium in which, paradoxically, ‘West-Running Brook’ can best move” (195). The closing words of this statement, however, imply a strong affinity to which my current line of questioning still applies. By what criterion (in Wittgenstein’s sense of that term) does the ordinary language critic select a given discourse as the one best juxtaposed with the text whose grounding in the everyday he or she wishes to use the other discourse to examine?

     

    6. Richard Rorty sketches the broader history of the dispute between practitioners of ideal language philosophy, such as Carnap, and practitioners of ordinary language philosophy, such as the later Wittgenstein.

     

    7. See Stephen C. Levinson for a Wittgenstein-inspired account of how “activity types” of this sort provide heuristics for utterance interpretation.

     

    8. In more complicated cases–for example, in a society living under censorship–issuing certain kinds of never-before-used utterances in the context of public activities can be ideologically as well as linguistically creative. See Fairclough and Wodak.

     

    Works Cited

     

    • Addis, Mark. Wittgenstein: Making Sense of Other Minds. Aldershot: Ashgate, 1999.
    • Austin, J.L. How to Do Things with Words. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1962.
    • Baillie, James. Contemporary Analytic Philosophy. Upper Saddle River: Prentice Hall, 1997.
    • Carnap, Rudolf. The Logical Syntax of Language. Trans. Amethe Smeaton. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1937.
    • Cavell, Stanley. The Claim of Reason: Wittgenstein, Skepticism, Morality, and Tragedy. Oxford: Oxford UP, 1979.
    • —. In Quest of the Ordinary: Lines of Skepticism and Romanticism. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1994.
    • —. Must We Mean What We Say? Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1969.
    • Cohen, L. Jonathan. “Ordinary Language Philosophy.” Concise Encyclopedia of Philosophy of Language. Ed. Peter V. Lamarque; consulting editor R. E. Asher. Oxford: Pergamon, 1977. 25-27.
    • de Certeau, Michel. The Practice of Everyday Life. Trans. Steven F. Rendall. Berkeley: U of California P, 2002.
    • de Man, Paul. Allegories of Reading: Figural Language in Rousseau, Nietzsche, Rilke, and Proust. New Haven: Yale UP, 1979.
    • Fairclough, Norman, and Ruth Wodak. “Critical Discourse Analysis.” Discourse as Social Interaction. Ed. Teun A. van Dijk. London: Sage, 1997. 258-84.
    • Freeman, Anthony. Consciousness: A Guide to the Debates. Santa Barbara: ABC-Clio, 2003.
    • Gilligan, Carol. In a Different Voice: Psychological Theory and Women’s Development. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1982.
    • Harré, Rom. “The Discursive Turn in Social Psychology.” The Handbook of Discourse Analysis. Eds. Deborah Schiffrin, Deborah Tannen, and Heidi E. Hamilton. Oxford: Blackwell, 2001. 688-706.
    • —. “Introduction: The Second Cognitive Revolution.” American Behavioral Scientist 36.1 (1992): 5-7.
    • Harré, Rom, and Grant Gillett. The Discursive Mind. London: Sage, 1994.
    • Heidegger, Martin. Being and Time. Trans. Joan Stambaugh. Albany: State U of New York P, 1996.
    • Herman, David. “A la recherche du sens perdu.” Poetics Today 23.2 (2002): 327-50.
    • Lentricchia, Frank. Robert Frost: Modern Poetics and the Landscapes of Self. Durham: Duke UP, 1975.
    • Levine, Joseph. “On Leaving Out What It’s Like.” The Nature of Consciousness: Philosophical Debates. Eds. Ned Block, Owen Flanagan, and Güven Güzeldere. Cambridge: MIT P, 1997. 543-55.
    • Levinson, Stephen C. “Activity Types and Language.” Talk at Work. Eds. Paul Drew and John Heritage. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1992. 66-100.
    • Lyotard, Jean-François. The Differend: Phrases in Dispute. Trans. Georges Van Den Abbeele. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1988.
    • MacIntyre, Alisdair. After Virtue: A Study in Moral Theory. London: Duckworth, 1981.
    • Nagel, Thomas. “What Is It Like To Be a Bat?” The Philosophical Review 83.4 (1974): 435-50.
    • Pratt, Mary Louise. Toward a Speech Act Theory of Literary Discourse. Bloomington: Indiana UP, 1977.
    • Rorty, Richard. “Introduction: Metaphilosophical Difficulties of Linguistic Philosophy.” The Linguistic Turn. Ed. Richard Rorty. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1970.
    • Wittgenstein, Ludwig. Philosophical Investigations. Eds. G.E.M. Anscombe and R. Rhees. Trans. G.E.M. Anscombe. 3rd edition. Oxford: Blackwell, 1958.

     

  • The Ubiquity of Culture

    Jeffrey Williams

    English Department

    Carnegie Mellon University
    jwill@andrew.cmu.edu

     

    Review essay: Francis Mulhern, Culture/Metaculture (London: Routledge, 2000) and Terry Eagleton, The Idea of Culture (Oxford: Blackwell, 2000).

     

    If you are building a house, the first thing you do is probably not to plant flowers. You dig the basement, pour the foundation, frame the building, raise and shingle the roof, put up the siding, and so forth. Then, if you have time and money left, you might put in a flower bed. The flowers might give you pleasure when you see them, but they are not usually considered essential to the house; they do not keep you dry in rain, warm in winter, or fill your stomach.

     

    The traditional idea of culture as high art conceives of culture as something like the flower bed. While we might appreciate and value artifacts we deem beautiful, they are not essential to our primary physical needs. In a no-nonsense, colloquial view, culture is ornamental, secondary to if not a frivolous distraction from the real business of life. In classical aesthetics, culture is defined precisely by its uselessness and detachment from ordinary life. In psychology, Maslow’s model of a “pyramid of needs” places culture in the upper reaches of the pyramid, possible only after the broad base of material needs are taken care of, which are primary to psychological well-being. In the classical Marxist view, culture forms part of the superstructure, tertiary to the economic base, which determines human life.1 Accordingly, studies of culture, like literary or art criticism, have traditionally been considered refined pursuits, like gardening or horticulture, but not of primary importance to society, like politics, economics, or business.

     

    Culture of course has another familiar sense: rather than the flowers of human experience, it encompasses a broad range of human experiences and products. Though abnegating its special status, this sense likewise plays off the agricultural root of culture, expanding the bed from a narrow plot to the various fields of human manufacture. Over the past few decades, this latter sense seems to have taken precedence in colloquial usage, in politics, and in criticism. We speak of proclivities within a society, such as “sports culture,” “car culture,” “hiphop culture,” or “mall culture.” In political discourse, culture describes the tenor of society, such as “the culture of complaint,” “the culture of civility,” or “the culture of fear,” and societies are defined by their cultures, such as the “culture of Islam,” “the culture of democracy,” or “the culture of imperialism,” which generate their politics. In criticism and theory, culture, whether indicating race, class, nationality, ethnicity, gender, sexuality, abledness, locality, or taste, determines human identity, which in turn designates political interest. In short, “culture” has shifted from ornament to essence, from secondary effect to primary cause, and from a matter of disinterested taste to a matter of political interest. Consequently, pursuits that study culture, like literary or cultural criticism, have claimed greater political importance to society.

     

    The reconception of culture does not dispel the idea of the house of society and the garden of culture, but reconfigures the process of construction. The question of a house presupposes the prior determination of culture, and a flower bed is not an afterthought but part and parcel of that culture; one’s culture determines whether one would own a plot of land and want a house rather than an apartment or a tent, and whether one would want a manicured lawn and attendant shrubbery. Culture draws the house plans before one pours any cement; it is the material that generates the world with such possible human activities and with businesses that produce cement, lumber, and potted plants.

     

    Nearly fifty years ago, Raymond Williams charged criticism to understand the conjunction of “culture and society.” Now it seems that culture is society, interchangeable as a synonym for social interests, groups, and bases. Williams also charged us to examine culture in its ordinary as well as extraordinary forms, and it seems that the field of literary criticism has followed this mandate, undergoing what Anthony Easthope described as a paradigm shift, the objects of study expanding from high literature to all culture. However, if there is a paradigm of contemporary criticism, it designates not only an expansion of the object of study but a conceptual inversion of base and superstructure, culture shifting from a subsidiary (if special) role to primary ground. Even a social theorist like Pierre Bourdieu, who persistently foregrounded the essential significance of class, conceived of class less as a matter of material means than of taste, disposition, and other cultural cues. In the trademark phrase from his classic work Distinction, it is “cultural capital” that generates class position. Culture has become the base from which other realms of human activity–psychological, political, economic–follow.

     

    The reign of culture has had its share of dissent. Marxists have attacked the rush toward identity politics as a fracturing of any unified political program as well as a fall away from the ground of class, and liberals like Richard Rorty have upbraided left intellectuals for their absorption in cultural politics at the expense of bread and butter economic issues like health care and labor rights.2 In criticism, it appears that the field has absorbed Williams’s lesson and moved, as Easthope succinctly put it, from literary into cultural studies, but not everyone has been satisfied with getting what they might once have wished for.

     

    Terry Eagleton and Francis Mulhern, probably the two most prominent inheritors of Williams’s mantle, have tried to correct the excesses of the reign of culture. Their books, Mulhern’s Culture/Metaculture (2000) and Eagleton’s The Idea of Culture (2000), take a middle road, acknowledging the significance of culture but quelling what they see as its present overinflation. I deal with them at length here because the books have been influential, published to considerable attention, including a long running debate in New Left Review; they continue the legacy of Williams, and before him of Leavis, as standard-bearers of British cultural criticism; they represent the residual bearing of the New Left; and they each hold positions as leading Marxist literary intellectuals in Britain (Mulhern has been a New Left Review mainstay and chief surveyor of modern British criticism, notably in The Moment of “Scrutiny” (1979), and Eagleton was Williams’s prize student and is the most prolific and prominent expositor of Marxist literary theory). The corrective stance of both books is their strength and their weakness: the strength that they disabuse some of the overwrought or misguided claims of current criticism, the weakness that they do not propose a major new vision of the study of culture. Both end, in fact, with calls for modesty.

     

    Culture/Metaculture and The Idea of Culture overlap in broad outline. They are both short, concentrated books, Mulhern’s in Routledge’s revived “Critical Idiom” series and Eagleton’s in the new “Blackwell Manifestos,” rather than elaborate treatises or extended histories, reinforcing the sense of immediacy of calls for reform. They both sketch versions of cultural studies, take to task its current misdirection, particularly its absorption in questions of subjectivity and identity, and argue for a restoration of its political legacy. But they are very different in manner and style, characteristic of their authors. Mulhern, in a quickly drawn but assured survey, focuses on intellectual and institutional history, and his corrective is genealogical, attempting to supplant the British-centered genealogy with a broader, modern European one. Eagleton, in a ranging, topical examination, spins out a kind of history of ideas, and his corrective is definitional, more targeted against the errors of various forms of culturalism (like multiculturalism) as well as of contemporary theory overall (postmodernism, anti-foundationalism, and relativism), than a reconstruction.

     

    Each book represents the distinctive roles Mulhern and Eagleton have fashioned as men of letters. Mulhern takes the role of serious don, earnestly laying out intellectual currents, as one would expect from the author of The Moment of “Scrutiny” or the editor of Contemporary Marxist Literary Criticism (1992). Eagleton takes a more puckish role, eschewing a dispassionate stance and disabusing contemporary criticism, often with dismissive barbs and witty turns of phrase. In his early incarnations, like Marxism and Literary Criticism (1976), Literary Theory: An Introduction (1983), and The Ideology of the Aesthetic (1990), Eagleton marshalled lively (if opinionated) critical histories, but in his later incarnations, like The Illusions of Postmodernism (1996), he tends more toward the broadside. Consequently, Eagleton’s book is the more entertaining to read, but Mulhern’s leaves more of an argument to digest.

     

    Mulhern’s argument turns on an unexpected but forceful reconstruction of the origins of cultural studies. He recasts its starting point from the Birmingham Centre to the longer and wider net of modernist Kulturkritik. The first half of the book surveys a group of modernist European writers who criticized modern society, including a range of writers such as Thomas Mann, Julian Benda, Karl Mannheim, Ortega y Gasset, Freud, Virginia Woolf, Orwell, T.S. Eliot, and Leavis, leading up to the inaugural moment of British cultural studies. What these writers have in common, and what Mulhern recoups, is their critical stance toward modern life under capitalism. What they also have in common, but what Mulhern discards, is their elitist remove from common culture and politics.

     

    Mulhern fuses this tradition with British cultural studies. Why his account is unexpected is because cultural studies typically casts itself in opposition to Kulturkritik, whereas Mulhern argues that they both participate in the same “metacultural” discursive formation. Kulturkritik privileges an elitist minority culture, that draws upon a high tradition and sets itself against popular culture; cultural studies retains the same coordinates, but inverts Kulturkritik’s values, privileging the popular and abnegating tradition, arguing not for a minority culture but for the worth of minority cultures. Both also claim the political authority of the cultural; the mistake is that they overestimate that authority. In Mulhern’s narrative, Raymond Williams is a bridge figure, asserting the politics of culture but dispatching the paternalism of Kulturkritik (67).

     

    The second half of Culture/Metaculture reprises the standard genealogy of British cultural studies, from Hoggart and Williams through Stuart Hall up to contemporary identity critics (mostly unnamed). Though Williams is cast as the legendary founder, Hall is the hero of the book (“The possibilities of Cultural Studies are nowhere so richly illustrated as in the work of Stuart Hall” [131]), praised in particular for turning attention to Empire and for proposing a “non-reductionist theory of culture and social formations” (101). Mulhern inventories Hall’s achievements: his struggles in and against sociology; his assimilating structuralism to a revised Marxism; and his directing attention toward media in the 1970s, the politics of the welfare state in the 80s, and ethnicity in the 90s.

     

    Despite these achievements, cultural studies has experienced a fall, drifting to banality, unreflective populism, and relativism (137ff.). Mulhern’s most vehement castigation is that “politics is everywhere in Cultural Studies. The word appears on nearly every page,” but without teeth, “predominantly phatic in accent” (150). Cultural studies finally “subsumes the political under the cultural” (151), where it again joins Kulturkritik, which likewise “reasoned politics out of moral existence, as a false pretender of authority” (151). Thus it only offers a “‘magical solution’ to the poverty of politics in bourgeois society” (168). This is a severe diagnosis, but Mulhern’s prescription is relatively mild. He argues that cultural studies suffers from immodesty in placing excessive value on the political efficacy of cultural fields such as identity, an immodesty it “learnt willy-nilly from its authoritarian forebear, Kulturkritik” (174), and so recommends a dose of “modesty.”

     

    The strength of Mulhern’s genealogical revision is to deepen the understanding of British cultural studies to modern European intellectual history and to discern its normally unnoticed ties to the terms of Kulturkritik. This is where Mulhern is most original and persuasive, demonstrating that cultural studies inherited rather than invented the problematic of culture, an insight usually forgotten in most histories of cultural studies, which start with Hoggart or Birmingham. The weakness of Mulhern’s genealogy, however, is its partiality. It foregrounds only one family tree, of the European high modernist tradition, and that tree includes some distant relations while excluding some more expected branches. The spectrum from Mann to Orwell is a disparate amalgam, and it underplays, for instance, Adorno and others from the Frankfurt School. Lastly, it gives an exemption to Hall, who could precisely be seen as the pivotal figure for the turn away from Marxism to poststructuralism and the preoccupation with identity.3

     

    In a review in New Left Review, Stefan Collini elaborates the first two limitations, and in a rebuttal Mulhern answers that he was not claiming a unity but doing a “historical morphology of discourse” (87) which might be extended back to Romanticism, and that Adorno and Marcuse represent a competing Marxist Kulturkritik (92-93).4 The problem, however, is that Mulhern does claim to represent a “discursive formation,” which implies a comprehensive frame, even if not entirely unified. It seems odd to leave out the Frankfurt branch, who obviously participate in the same tradition of Kulturkritik, sharing the same disdain for popular culture and privileging of high culture. That they represent the Marxist line of Kulturkritik is in fact usually taken as their legacy for cultural studies, and many accounts induct them into the discursive formation of cultural studies. But Mulhern’s narrative of the fall of contemporary cultural studies mandates their exclusion; Mulhern sidesteps Frankfurt Kulturkritik because of the unity of the narrative he wants to tell that culminates in the political hubris of contemporary cultural studies.5

     

    Perhaps this shows the stakes of any such genealogy. Genealogies purport a historical validity, but their primary function is polemical, to legitimate or delegitimate the heirs. Genealogies are not for the sake of the ancestors, who cannot benefit from them, but for the heirs; they are not veridic but pragmatic. Mulhern’s polemic is to avoid the errors of the hubristic uncles (and one aunt) of Kulturkritik and to emulate the better uncles, like Hoggart and Williams, of the Marxist lineage of British cultural studies. However, one way that Mulhern himself carries out the inheritance of Kulturkritik is in his resort to modesty. Modesty, after all, is a moral imperative, not a political one, nor to my knowledge a Marxist one. Mulhern thus claims a moral authority over cultural criticism–in his term “metaculture”–and becomes an heir of Kulturkritik, or for that matter, of Leavis.

     

    Mulhern’s own project does not escape the metacultural problematic, especially in its focus on a “discursive formation.” Though rhetorically buttressed with the materialist-sounding “formation,” his history is almost entirely set within the realm of cultural discourse, and its political intervention occurs there. The field of reference of Culture/Metaculture is not the material base of society but literary and critical history. Such a history has some explanatory value and might hold a certain autonomy from larger social formations, but it is not the kind of history that traces the material institutions of criticism, such as the changes in publishing, the position of men and women of letters, the massive growth of the university, and the migration of those from the non-European world during decolonization, that formed contemporary cultural studies during the post-World War II epoch. It is not the kind of institutional history that he marshals in The Moment of “Scrutiny” for the interregnum between the great wars. In dwelling on a “morphology” of cultural criticism, Mulhern can only make a further metacultural claim, the check of modesty; he intervenes in the culture of criticism moreso than discerning the social history that conjoins with the culture of criticism.

     

    Mulhern does advert to institutional history, but only as a dark spectre. While the primary plot of Culture/Metaculture is the familiar one of the dissolution of the class politics of Marxism to the localized politics of identity, there is a subplot, and its villain, impeding the proper marriage of culture and society, is institutionalization. Mulhern declares that institutionalization “is among the darker themes of the collective autobiography” (133). Its henchman is academic professionalism; while “Kulturkritik was . . . amateur . . . Cultural Studies, likewise but oppositely committed, has evolved into a profession” (133) and “an organized academic pursuit, from the later 1960s onwards” (92). This I find the most nettlesome argument of Culture/Metaculture. It undermines the case Mulhern has built for the continuous plot between Kulturkritik and contemporary criticism, supplanting it with a plot that privileges Kulturkritik and that relies on a kind of spiritual fall from a pure, disinterested state to a corrupt, interested state. It contradicts the account of the heroic origin of cultural studies in Raymond Williams and others, who were academics, the account of the initial formation of the Birmingham Centre, which was after all a moment of institutionalization, and the account of Hall as a model figure through the 70s to the 90s. Overall, it is historically fuzzy in yoking institutionalization, which is by no means a distinctively contemporary phenomenon, with the post-60s rise of identity politics.

     

    Why does Mulhern, otherwise so careful, do this? He is drawn to two myths, that of the amateur man of letters or intellectual and that of a pre-institutional eden. The myth of the amateur is a commonplace, regularly wheeled out in TLS and other conservative venues that bemoan “the death of the intellectual,” but the amateur was neither free nor independent; rather, it was a category enabled by the surplus of capitalist accumulation, which granted privileged training and leisure to pursue activities like criticism. The elitism of Kulturkritik was consonant precisely with the class position of the “amateurs” who propounded it, and their elitism was not only cultural but a disdain for democratic institutions. Surely this is nothing to be nostalgic about; rather than apologizing for being academic-professionals, I think it better to be gainfully employed in public institutions, without the disadvantages of a ruling class background.6

     

    Moreoever, the era of the putative amateur does not represent a pre-institutional Eden, as any reader of George Gissing’s New Grub Street will realize, but exhibits a different mode of institutionalization, in the modern period centered on journalism, publishing, and other literary institutions. The institution of the university, particularly under the welfare state, might easily be seen as a more rather than less democratic channel–perhaps of liberal rather than radical redistribution, but a redistribution nonetheless. It is doubtful that Raymond Williams or Terry Eagleton would have become prominent critics had they not been scholarship boys in the post-World War II university, and the opening of the profession of criticism to such critics could easily be seen as enjoining rather than impeding Left criticism. Rather than a draconian fall, one could instead view cultural studies’ academic purchase as a victory in what was called during the 60s a struggle for institutions, which created the conditions to pursue the kind of work done by Hall and those at Birmingham, and presumably by Mulhern himself. This is not to hold up the largely academic location of contemporary criticism as an unalloyed good, but neither is it a dark theme.

     

    Eagleton’s The Idea of Culture is less concerned with the genealogy or institutional history of cultural studies and more concerned with its present practices. Though he does touch on Kulturkritik (in fact citing Mulhern) and particularly on Eliot’s and Leavis’ notions of culture, his focus is on its extant use, and his revision is not to reconstruct a better history but to redeem a better concept. His basic argument is fairly simple–that we should hold the idea of “culture as radical protest” over competing ideas, such as “culture as civility, culture as identity, and culture as commercialism” (129)–and his recuperation relatively modest, returning to Raymond Williams’s “notion of a common culture,” based on socialist politics (119).

     

    Eagleton’s more complicated move is to recuperate what “common” means. While it represented a radical democratic impetus against high culture in Williams’s formulation, in contemporary cultural theory the notion of a “common culture” has taken retrograde associations: it speaks for hegemonic culture, eclipsing other ethnicities, sexualities, and so on; it assumes an essential core; and it projects a universal human condition, which elides particularities of various social groups. Eagleton, with some nuance, negotiates a middle position between the extremities of dominant and minority, essential and different, and universal and particular. His synthesis is the commonality of our bodies (“A common culture can be fashioned only because our bodies are of broadly the same kind,” 111) and our “natural needs,” which “are critical of political well-being” (99). Lest this seem a blatant essentialism, he allows that “of course human bodies differ, in their history, gender, ethnicity” (111). But, adapting current theories of the body which undergird identity studies, he asserts that “they do not differ in those capacities–language, labour, sexuality–which enable them to enter into potentially universal relationship with one another” (111).

     

    In a sense, one could call this a pragmatic essentialism, similar to what the feminist critic Diana Fuss calls “essentially speaking,” whereby one uses such concepts provisionally, acknowledging their limits, to achieve social goals. Eagleton spells this out in a 1990 interview: “I think that back in the seventies we used to suffer from a certain fetishism of method . . . . I would now want to say that, at the level of method, pluralism should reign, because what truly defeats eclecticism is not a consistency of method but a consistency of political goal” (76). Correspondingly, in The Idea of Culture Eagleton argues that the pluralism of identities does not achieve radical political change, but “To establish genuine cultural pluralism [first] requires concerted socialist action” (122). In other words, identity studies have it backwards, and socialist politics are prior to identity politics. Eagleton still resolutely avows the priority of the base.

     

    While this argument for recuperating a common culture frames The Idea of Culture, the bulk of the book turns its energy toward disabusing various forms of contemporary criticism. That is, it is not a survey of cultural studies in the manner of Literary Theory or The Ideology of the Aesthetic, nor a reconstructive analysis like Mulhern’s, but in large part an invective. Like Mulhern, Eagleton takes to task the over-emphasis on culture, particularly on categories like identity and its diluted sense of politics; pulling no punches, he claims that “Identity politics is one of the most uselessly amorphous of all political categories” (86). Thus he proposes, again like Mulhern, a check on culture’s “assum[ing] a new political importance,” and calls for more modesty: “it has grown at the same time immodest and overweening. It is time, while acknowledging its significance, to put it back in its place” (131). Unlike Mulhern, there is barely any consideration of the Birmingham project (in a hundred pages, there is only one mention–a favorable quote–of Stuart Hall). Also unlike Mulhern, Eagleton names a number of villains, and his real target often seems a wide-ranging band of those who espouse postmodernism (a number of sentences begin with phrases like “for the postmodernist”), cosmopolitanism, relativism, and anti-foundationalism rather than what ordinarily would be considered cultural studies. What most motivates him, it seems, is taking other critics down a peg.

     

    While he claimed at one time that “deconstruction is the death drive at the level of theory” (Walter Benjamin 136), now he seems to have reached a truce and absorbed some of its tenor (for instance, “cultures . . . are porous, fuzzy-edged, indeterminate” [96]). He instead turns his turrets toward pragmatists and postmodernists like Stanley Fish and Richard Rorty. Eagleton’s strength has always been his unabashed, if sometimes unnuanced, polemical flair. The weakness is not only that such polemics cut with a broad sword, but that many of the critics he takes aim at have little to do with the study of culture. Fish, for instance, has only addressed cultural studies to dismiss it. In Professional Correctness Fish argues, like Mulhern and Eagleton, that contemporary critics wrongly conflate culture and politics, but unlike them, he finds the error to stem from Raymond Williams’s original joining of literature and society in The Country and the City (45-46). Pace Williams, Fish wants to restore literature as a specialized field; he does not deny history or politics, but argues that they belong to a different realm and literary critics should stick to literature. While Fish held considerable influence during the heyday of theory, he has become a sort of literary reactionary (he remarks that many will consider his a retrograde view), and he has little influence on contemporary critics, at least in the U.S. Fish has been a favorite target of Eagleton’s–elsewhere he calls him “a brash, noisy entrepeneur of intellect” (2003, 171)–but he has become an anachronistic enemy, like the Germans in movies, whom Eagleton reflexively invokes, almost with nostalgia for the battles of high theory and the time when the generation of theorists, like Fish and Eagleton, ruled the field.

     

    Rorty presents a different case. While Fish adverts to a version of the pragmatist argument that theory, like principle, does not govern practice and has “no consequences,” a substantial part of Rorty’s work has been historical. Against the ahistoricism of analytic philosophy, Rorty has recuperated the history of pragmatism, from William James and John Dewey to Cornel West. Part of his criticism of philosophy has been its focus on arid, technical issues, making itself irrelevant to political life. Indeed, much of Rorty’s recent writing has dwelt on social issues, deliberately following the example of Dewey, who was prominent in early twentieth century educational reforms and democratic politics in the U.S. Rorty himself has castigated the American “cultural left,” as I mentioned earlier, for its narrowly academic address and its failing to take up basic social issues, like the minimum wage and universal healthcare.7 This might represent a unionist or liberal position, on the model of the New Deal welfare state in the U.S., but Eagleton collapses it to a difference between Right conservatism and Left radicalism. It is actually one between social democracy and Marxism. Also, as I have suggested, Eagleton broaches a pragmatist position in his eschewal of method for the sake of political goals. He is closer to Rorty than he acknowledges, or, more to the point, productively sorts through.

     

    In the midst of villains, the one unalloyed hero of The Idea of Culture is Raymond Williams, and Eagleton obviously follows Williams’s keyword model. There is in fact a certain poignancy to Eagleton’s updating the project of his teacher. But it also reveals something of the way that Eagleton has fashioned himself as a critic and the particular bias of his work. He has followed the Williams of Marxism and Literature in his theoretical surveys, of The Country and the City in his literary criticism, and even of The Border Country in a novel and a few plays, but not of Communication, Television: Technology and Cultural Form, or Resources of Hope. While he has never departed from a Marxist credo (as some in his generation have), he has remained largely in the domain of literature, with forays to the history of ideas, but avoided cultural studies, despite its carrying out a significant line of contemporary Marxist criticism. This is especially striking in comparison to Williams’s other prize student, Stuart Hall, or for that matter Arnold or Eliot. It indicates an odd blindness in Eagleton’s work, all the more striking given that he is probably the most deft (if polemical) and popular surveyor of criticism. There is a way in which Eagleton has always resided in the moment of literary theory–first coming to prominence with Criticism and Ideology (1976), stamping the field with his bestselling Literary Theory, and for the past decade targeting postmodernism in The Idea of Culture as well as The Illusions of Postmodernism and After Theory (2004). His terrain of struggle has not been our common, ordinary culture, but the texts and concepts of the history of criticism and their latter-day permutations.

     

    There is finally a certain intractability to the debate over culture. One dimension of its intractability stems from the term itself. “Culture” has become an impossibly capacious term that refers to a panoply of practices, products, and people. Like the air, culture is ubiquitous. The term “culture” has also become ubiquitous in critical practice, and no longer holds any precise meaning or force, or rather it suffers from an oversaturation of meaning that makes it amorphous. While the word, as Williams noted in Keywords, has one of the more complicated histories of usage in English, when Williams resucitated it, it had a distinctive polemical force against its elite usage, militating against the classed designation of “culture.” In turn, Williams’s revision enabled the study of objects normally excluded from literary criticism, disrupting the accepted paradigm of Cambridge English. Now, though it is sometimes used to invoke the rhetoric of disruption, it has become normal practice.

     

    Eagleton and Mulhern respond to this dilemma to a degree, taking to task the expansion of the term and calling for the restoration of a more measured, former sense. But this tack represents a minor modification, tweaking rather than shifting the paradigm. As is the case with most restorations, it changes the name of the king rather than the conceptual model. And, like most restorations, it is unlikely to change the minds of those who have allegiance to the houses of identity. At best, it represents a weak solution to the dilemma, leaving the debate much the same.

     

    Another dimension of its intractability is that “culture” is residually embedded in the framework of base and superstructure. The debate thus tends to fall out along the lines of an either/or choice, between the traditional Marxist account of the priority of the economic and the view of culture as having priority in determining human experience. Part of the problem is that this framework suggests a two-dimensional, spatial model, like a drawing of an iceberg, whereby the Marxist holds that the economic constitutes 90% of the iceberg supporting the 10% cap of culture floating above, and the culturalist holds that culture comprises most of the ice. The relation of the two tends to be configured as a zero-sum equation (base + superstructure = society), as a measurement of relative displacement in physics (society – base = superstructure). To put it another way, the framework tends toward subsumption, one conceived as encompassing the other, rather than each being contiguous and not able to be subsumed, so a full description would necessitate “both/and.”

     

    Eagleton and Mulhern try to restore a more austere notion of politics and economic determinacy. Although they show nuance in acknowledging culture as more important than merely superstructural, their condemnation of its paucity of political force rests on the residual construal of base and superstructure or of politics and culture. In his afterthoughts in New Left Review, Mulhern emphasizes that he is not dismissing the politics of culture but claiming that there is a “discrepancy” between culture and politics, and they are not reducible to each other (“Beyond” 100-4). Of course, but he still finds culture coming up short, and does not explain the discrepant value of culture.

     

    The third dimension of the intractability of the debate about culture is that most arguments about its politics remain in the cultural field, as Bourdieu would call it, of literary criticism. They are arguments primarily over critical history. In other words, most arguments declaiming the paucity or mistaken politics of culture are culturalist arguments. Despite pronouncements of interdisciplinarity, most culture critics do not turn to political theory, political economy, or economics. Those in the literary field might draw on cousin humanistic fields of history or cultural anthropology, but not on harder social sciences. This might not be from bad faith but from professional standards, since one risks a naive amateurism tilling in fields without training. Or it might be from habit, that we tend to gravitate toward the discourses we are familiar with.

     

    Eagleton and Mulhern, despite disclaimers, reflect the paradox of criticizing culturalism culturally–Mulhern reconstructing and revising the history of literary criticism, and Eagleton directing his polemic against the usual critical suspects. There of course might be better and worse ways to do this, but it is finally an internecine battle or an internal correction of the field rather than one that draws the field in a new direction or looks outside that field. Despite their taking to task the paucity of politics in cultural studies, neither Eagleton nor Mulhern themselves bring the disciplines of politics–political philosophy, political economy–into the debate.

     

    To my mind, the best solution to these dilemmas is Nancy Fraser’s work on redistribution and recognition, first proposed in her influential 1995 New Left Review article, “From Redistribution to Recognition?” and expanded in her 2003 book (with Axel Honneth), Redistribution or Recognition?. The virtue of Fraser’s explanation is that it shifts the debate from the tired one of cultural studies, recasting the frame to a dualist approach, and working through political philosophy. Though Fraser’s article appeared in New Left Review and drew considerable attention (including a 1999 volume of responses by Rorty, Judith Butler, Seyla Benhabib, and others, Adding Insult to Injury), neither Eagleton nor Mulhern cite it. This is a glaring omission, but symptommatic of the gravitational pull of the literary field that they inhabit.

     

    Fraser shifts the debate from the terrain of literary-cultural studies and the question of the correct ratio of culture to the terrain of political philosophy and the question of social justice. This is fundamentally a pragmatist move: the debate about culture turns on whether a particular view of the economic and culture is a correct representation of the world.8 For Fraser, the interest is not to draw a true picture of reality but what best serves the goal of social justice. The enemy is subordination, and one might experience subordination both culturally, in the form of status, and economically, in the form of class.

     

    Fraser distinguishes two lines of political philosophy, one aligning with Marxism that centers on class and economic distribution, the other from Weber and a certain line of Hegelian thinking about consciousness that centers on status and cultural recognition. Fraser starts from the belief that inequality derives from injuries of status as well as of resources. Identity politics thus are not irrelevant in the struggle to redress inequality; culture is not just “an antidote to politics” (17), as Eagleton asserts, but crucial to what Fraser elsewhere calls a “politics of needs.”9 Another way to put this is that needs are not just bodily, as researchers on childhood development tell us, but of consciousness. The goal is not to adduce the equation of economy and culture, but to adduce whether social needs are served justly and the consequences people suffer from both maldistribution and misrecognition.

     

    Fraser foregoes entrenched either/or dichotomies. As she reasons,

     

    Most such theorists assume a reductive economistic-cum-legalistic view of status, supposing that a just distribution of resources and rights is sufficient to preclude misrecognition. In fact, however, as we saw, not all misrecognition is a by-product of maldistribution, nor of maldistribution plus legal discrimination. Witness the case of the African-American Wall Street banker who cannot get a taxi to pick him up. To handle such cases, a theory of justice must reach beyond the distribution of rights and goods to examine institutionalized patterns of cultural value; it must ask whether such patterns impede parity of participation in social life. (Redistribution 34)

     

    Conversely, against a “culturalist view of distribution” that

     

    suppos[es] that all economic inequalities are rooted in a cultural order that privileges some kinds of labor over others, [so] changing that cultural order is sufficient to preclude maldistribution. In fact, however, as we saw, not all maldistribution is a by-product of misrecognition. Witness the case of the skilled white male industrial worker who becomes unemployed due to a factory closing resulting from a speculative corporate merger. In that case, the injustice of maldistribution has little to do with misrecognition. It is rather a consequence of imperatives intrinsic to an order of specialized economic relations whose raison d'être is the accumulation of profits. To handle such cases, a theory of justice must reach beyond cultural value patterns to examine the structure of capitalism. It must ask whether economic mechanisms that are relatively decoupled from structures of prestige and that operate in a relatively autonomous way impede parity of participation in social life. (34-35)

     

    The strength of Fraser’s approach is that she tries to account for both without devaluing one or the other. She opts for a dual rather than singular solution. A well-known nettle in physics is how to explain the behavior of light: sometimes it behaves like particles that caroom and ricochet, sometimes it behaves like waves that oscillate in a more uniform motion. Fraser presents a kind of wave-particle theory of society, whereby social interaction behaves like the wave motion of culture, sometimes like the material particle of class. If one takes this dualist perspective, then one need not make a choice, and in fact the choice is a false one. Again, such a dualism is not a description of reality, but, pragmatically, a perspective:

     

    Here redistribution and recognition do not correspond to two substantive societal domains, economy and culture. Rather, they constitute two analytical perspectives that can be assumed with respect to any domain" . . . Unlike poststructuralist anti-dualism, perspectival dualism permits us to distinguish distribution from recognition--and thus to analyze the relations between them. Unlike economism and culturalism, however, it avoids reducing either one of those categories to the other and . . . allows us to theorize the complex connections between two orders of subordination, grasping at once their conceptual irreducibility, empirical divergence, and practical entwinement. (63-64)

     

    With Fraser, we should dispense with the debate over the correct ratio of culture, or the true picture of politics and culture. Rather, we should focus on what best serves the goal of justice and acting against injustice, whether it goes by the name of culture or class.

     

    Notes

     

    1. To be sure, even Marx, in the introduction to the Grundrisse, notes the asymmetry of culture and society (110), or what Louis Althusser came to call the “semi-autonomy of art.”

     

    2. Through the 1990s a good many Marxists, like Ellen Meiksins Wood, have excoriated the dissolution of identity politics, while others, like Ernesto Laclau, have tried to forge a “neo-Marxism.” In different registers, Aijaz Ahmad, notably in After Theory (1993), and Arif Dirlik have diagnosed the mistaken turn of postcolonial criticism away from class.

     

    3. Hall’s “Cultural Studies and its Theoretical Legacies” provides a telling counterpoint to Mulhern’s genealogy, as Hall inducts a capacious range of structural and poststructural sources into the lineage of cultural studies.

     

    4. See Collini, “Culture Talk” and Mulhern, “Beyond Metaculture,” which are lucid clarifications of the arguments. New Left Review has run several sequels to the initial review, exceeding even the replication of Hollywood sequels.

     

    5. One other elision, especially apparent to American eyes, is that Mulhern’s account never deals with the U.S. lineage of cultural criticism, which has a varied but lively history, from early twentieth-century figures like Thorstein Veblen, whose classic Theory of the Leisure Class provides a still-trenchant exposition of the cultural manifestations of class in “conspicuous consumption,” to mid-twentieth century figures like Lionel Trilling, for whom culture was central (one of his books was called Beyond Culture), to contemporary figures like Michael Denning, Hazel Carby, Andrew Ross, and Lawrence Grossberg, who were trained in Britain but have promoted versions of cultural studies, often mixed with American Studies. It is a peculiarity of most accounts of cultural studies that they do not trace the interplay of European and U.S. versions, especially after World War II, when they share the same historical formation. Most accounts of British cultural studies are provincial in this regard, focusing entirely on the British tradition; this has led some recent American critics to declare, “it no longer makes sense to treat our work as a footnote to the Birmingham tradition” (Jenkins, McPherson, and Shattuc 5).

     

    6. For fuller elaboration of the “romance of the intellectual,” see my essay “The Romance of the Intellectual and the Question of Profession.” The tension between professionalism and anti-professionalism is a familiar tension in modern literary studies. As Eagleton notes of “the contradictory nature of the Scrutiny project,” “for if it was concerned on the one hand to sustain an ‘amateur’ liberal humanism, claiming an authoritative title to judge all sectors of social life, it was on the other hand engaged in an internecine struggle to ‘professionalize’ a disreputably amateur literary academy, establishing criticism as a rigorously analytical discourse beyond the reach of both common reader and common-room wit” (Function of Criticism 74).

     

    7. This is not to defend Rorty–indeed, he has also made strange calls for patriotism–but I do not think one can simply dismiss his politics.

     

    8. This is a philosophical move most familiar in Rorty, who diagnosed philosophy’s metaphysical tendency to construct “a mirror to nature.” Fraser has been a key feminist interlocutor of Rorty’s, as well as of Habermas, alongside her largely Left affiliations.

     

    9. See especially her analysis of U.S. welfare and women in the closing chapters of Unruly Practices.

     

    Works Cited

     

    • Bourdieu, Pierre. Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste. 1984. Trans. Richard Nice. London: Routledge, 1979.
    • Collini, Stefan. “Culture Talk.” New Left Review 7 (2001): 43-53.
    • —. “Defending Cultural Criticism.” New Left Review 18 (2002): 73-97.
    • —. “On Variousness; and on Persuasion.” New Left Review 27 (2004): 65-97.
    • Eagleton, Terry. After Theory. New York: Basic, 2004.
    • —. Criticism and Ideology: A Study in Marxist Literary Theory. London: NLB, 1976.
    • —. “Criticism, Ideology, and Fiction: An Interview with Terry Eagleton.” The Significance of Theory. Oxford: Blackwell, 1990. 71-89.
    • —. “Discourse and Discos: Theory in the Space between Culture and Capitalism.” TLS 15 July 1994: 3-4.
    • —. Figures of Dissent: Critical Essays on Fish, Spivak, Zizek and Others. London: Verso, 2003.
    • —. The Function of Criticism: From The Spectator to Post-Structuralism. London: Verso, 1984.
    • —. The Idea of Culture. Oxford and Malden: Blackwell, 2000.
    • —. The Ideology of the Aesthetic. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1990.
    • —. The Illusions of Postmodernism. London: Blackwell, 1996.
    • —. Literary Theory: An Introduction. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1983.
    • —. Marxism and Literary Criticism. Berkeley: U of California P, 1976.
    • —. Walter Benjamin, or Towards a Revolutionary Criticism. London: Verso, 1981.
    • Easthope, Anthony. Literary into Cultural Studies. London: Routledge, 1991.
    • Fish, Stanley. Professional Correctness: Literary Studies and Political Change. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1999.
    • Fraser, Nancy. Adding Insult to Injury: Social Justice and the Politics of Recognition. Ed. Kevin Olson. London: Verso, 1999.
    • —. “From Redistribution to Recognition? Dilemmas of Justice in a ‘Postsocialist’ Age,” New Left Review 212 (1995): 68-93.
    • —. Justice Interruptus: Critical Reflections on the ‘Postsocialist’ Condition. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1997.
    • —. Unruly Practices: Power, Discourse, and Gender in Contemporary Social Theory. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1989.
    • Fraser, Nancy, and Axel Honneth. Redistribution or Recognition? A Political-Philosophical Exchange. London: Verso, 2003.
    • Fuss, Diana. Essentially Speaking: Feminism, Nature and Difference. New York: Routledge, 1989.
    • Hall, Stuart. “Cultural Studies and its Theoretical Legacies.” Cultural Studies. Eds. Larry Grossberg, Cary Nelson, and Paula Treichler. New York: Routledge, 1992. 277-94.
    • Jenkins, Henry, Tara McPherson, and Jane Shattuc, eds. “The Culture that Sticks to Your Skin: A Manifesto for a New Cultural Studies.” Hop on Pop: The Politics and Pleasure of Popular Culture. Durham: Duke UP, 2002. 3-26.
    • Marx, Karl. Grundrisse: Foundations of the Critique of Political Economy. New York: Vintage, 1973.
    • Mulhern, Francis. “Beyond Metaculture.” New Left Review 16 (2002): 86-104.
    • —, ed. Contemporary Marxist Literary Criticism. London: Longman, 1992.
    • —. Culture/Metaculture London: Routledge, 2000.
    • —. The Moment of “Scrutiny.” London: NLB, 1979.
    • —. The Present Lasts a Long Time: Essays in Cultural Politics. Cork: Cork UP, 1998.
    • —. “What Is Cultural Criticism?” New Left Review 23 (2003): 35-49.
    • Rorty, Richard. Achieving Our Country: Leftist Thought in Twentieth-Century America. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1998.
    • Williams, Jeffrey. “The Romance of the Intellectual and the Question of Profession.” Education and Cultural Studies: Toward a Performative Practice. Eds. Henry A. Giroux and Patrick Shannon. New York: Routledge, 1997. 49-64.
    • Williams, Raymond. The Country and the City. New York: Oxford UP, 1973.
    • —. Keywords. Rev. ed. New York: Oxford UP, 1983.

     

     

     

  • To Write Within Situations of Contradiction: An Introduction to the Cross-Genre Writings of Carla Harryman

    Laura Hinton

    Department of English
    City College of New York
    laurahinton@earthlink.net

     

    One of the most innovative and sometimes overlooked founding writers of the West Coast Language Poetry school is Carla Harryman, author of twelve books of poetry and cross-genre writing that includes poet’s-prose, plays, and experimental essays. Her short classic pieces in collections like Percentage (1979), Animal Instincts (1989), and There Never Was a Rose without a Thorn (1995) reveal a commitment to cross-fertilizing literary genres, interweaving theory and fiction, prose and lyric, satire and dialogue, in a way paralleled perhaps only by Kathy Acker. Harryman’s more recent works like Gardener of Stars (2001) and Baby (2005) continue to build an aesthetic based on the blurring of conventional genres and literary boundaries, creating a non-categorizable mode of writing Ron Silliman has called the “inter-genre”: a radical prose-poetry disengagement from Romantic lyric or bourgeois “realism” in favor of a fantastical utopian language of desire.1 But perhaps Harryman’s most unusual contribution to the Language movement and to postmodern literature at large is her work in Poet’s Theater. A leading figure of the San Francisco Poet’s Theater in the 1970s and ’80s, Harryman has continued poetry-performance work past the new millennium, staging a series of avant-garde poetry plays that include the ambitious multi-media piece Performing Objects Stationed in the Subworld (2001/2003), and a new piece, Mirror Play, recently performed in Michigan and to be performed again this fall in Wels, Austria.

     

    It is not a single genre or piece for which Harryman is known, however, but for her refusal to be typecast, for her writing’s generic flexibility and poetic inventiveness as it “restages”–either upon a literal stage or through the medium of a literary text–hybrid writings that challenge and cross over formal representational modes, sometimes engaging collaboratively with other artists and media in the process. (The 2003 San Francisco performance of Performing Objects, for example, brought together an artist and a musician, as well as a co-director and actors, through Amy Trachenberg’s art-installation-like costumes and sets and Erling Wold’s songs.) Like most Langpo and experimental writings, Harryman’s writings have been confined to the world of small presses and their distribution. Her inventiveness and challenge to the structural foundations of mainstream commercial literature have made her an icon among her Langpo colleagues for over three decades. She is beginning to draw a wider audience with several urban-performance incarnations of Performing Objects and by appearing internationally (this fall Harryman is delivering a series of lectures in Germany). The upcoming issue of How2, which plans to devote a special section to Harryman’s work, attests to her increasing recognition.

     

    One insufficiently discussed and–I would argue, essential–component of Harryman’s writing is its relationship to feminist politics. Through her feminist and Leftist political roots, Harryman has striven to create a wide and liberal range of experimental venues, expressing and exploiting the potentiality of ideological freedom. But Harryman has also created, in the process, what I would like to call “an aesthetics of contradiction.” In this introduction to Harryman’s writing, I explore the ways in which Harryman’s radical, non-genre-based writing practice is anchored to the feminist insight that literature itself must be unmade/re-made for it to begin to express women’s symbolic experience in a patriarchal social-textual order, and to begin to express women’s particular relation to cultural-artistic power. Harryman’s aesthetics of contradiction, I argue, play upon tension, conflict, female “exclusion” from mainstream and masculine-coded discourses, and the artifice of aesthetic surfaces and “games,” ultimately to reject the artifice of gender altogether.

     

    In other words, Harryman’s poetic writings function not so much to render literary objects beautiful (although sometimes they do so in the process), but to question radically the function of literature–poetics used against poetics, as a form of conceptual art. Like conceptual art, a multi-disciplinary movement conceived primarily in the visual-arts realm that has influenced Harryman greatly, these poetics do not just mold shapely lyrics or lines or phrases to be scanned or otherwise formally determined, but also insist that the audience reflect upon the nature of “poetry” and, in fact, make of poetry that which questions its own existence. In conceptually based literature like Harryman’s, poetry acts as a conflictual, challenging medium, a discourse of “communication” that “fails” more than it communicates–that repeatedly replicates these failures as lack of linguistic or narrative resolution. In this conceptual aesthetics of contradiction, Harryman clearly draws upon postmodern theories that seek a conflictual as opposed to a unifying model of “meaning” or “narrative truth,” theories like Jean-François Lyotard’s The Postmodern Condition (1979), whose challenge to le grand récit is appropriated for feminist purposes in Craig Owens’s classic “The Discourse of Others: Feminists and Postmodernism” (1988) in a discussion of women artists’ necessary relation to the avant-garde through their “exclusion” from male-based history and aesthetics, and exemplified by Acker’s novels or by Cindy Sherman’s fake photographic Hollywood stills. Poet Rae Armantrout also writes of the power of “exclusion” on behalf of women’s experimental writing in her essay “Feminist Poetics and the Meaning of Clarity” (1992), articulating the role of conflict and contradiction as women artists face the symbolic order. Interdisciplinary volumes like Feminism/Postmodernism (1990) further open a dialogue in sociology, philosophy, literary studies, and science about this feminist engagement in conflictual models of epistemological engagement, making synthesis no longer a preferred mode of inquiry, as did Conflicts in Feminism (1990). More recently Judith Lorber argues in Breaking the Bowls (2005) that “gender cannot be a unitary theoretical concept, and the oppression of women cannot be a homogeneous political rallying cry”; she calls for “countermeasures to the effects of gender” that are “undoing gender” itself (xii-xiii). Megan Simpson has expressed this belief with regard to women’s Langpo writings explicitly, in Poetic Epistemologies: Gender and Knowing in Women’s Language-Oriented Writing (2000).

     

    An aesthetics of contradiction is at work in Harryman’s text as a sign of political, personal, discursive struggle, a struggle that has marked her own path as an adventurous woman writer from the beginning of her career, who helped formulate the Langpo movement after leaving college in the late 1970s. In the interview that follows, Harryman admits that “the critique of gender when it comes to ‘language poetry’” has yet to be written.” While she applauds a feminist epistemology “that also critiques identity politics,” Harryman looks back on her experience of living in the West Coast literary climate of three decades ago as creating “different registers of experience and knowledge unreconcilable at this time,” and admits, “writing within situations of contradiction was and remains an aspect of my work.” In her experimental essay on motherhood, “Parallel Play,” Harryman comments on “contradiction” as it inflects her aesthetic philosophy in general: “The goals of the writing are built on sometimes contradictory or competing claims, which manifest themselves in shifts of style and genre within individual texts” (122). She furthermore reveals here that “I want the claims to work themselves out transformatively” (122). She means, perhaps, that her aesthetics of contradiction is not meant to create opacity forever and remain oblique, but rather to shift the structural possibilities dialectically, and to offer, through creativity and art, previously unimaginable modes of language and thought.

     

    Harryman’s aesthetics of contradiction takes many forms, yet always emphasizes the artifice and also the conceptual underpinnings of art. One such form is “the game,” that activity both artistic and sociological, which Harryman imitates, probes, and transforms in order to explore systematic and arbitrary constraints. The “game” is regulated by a series of tightly controlled rules that provide constraints to regulate the flow or trajectory of various literary devices, ranging from plot expectations to theatrical moves to imagery and symbols–or what might be said in a given social situation.2 The role of competing contradictory languages that resonate–however arbitrarily–through the meta-language of the “game” becomes noticeably part of an aesthetics of contradiction in The Words after Carla Sandburg’s Rootabaga Stories and Jean-Paul Sartre (1999), a series of cross-genre writings in which Harryman toys with implicit and explicit logical scenarios based on language games, board games, relationship games–all the “games” by which a pre-established ideological set of codes sets the direction of social discourse. Contradiction is the effect of the collision course that emerges when one set of rules vies for power over another. Harryman’s play with the “game” of rules concludes, albeit circularly (and that’s part of the “game”), that rules are arbitrary formations of structures of belief, never separated from “coherence” as imagined through language. Although another function of the “game” is to behave as if there are no other rules, it’s only a game: the “game” is only binding–seemingly natural–within its own set of obligations and restraints.

     

    Related to this concept of the “game” that permeates many of Harryman’s writings is her textual relation to surface and performance, as opposed to narrative depth. An aesthetics of contradiction emerges within her writings as they prefer multiple postures and voices–seemingly both serious and parodic at once–and refute a subjectivity or psychological insight into any one “character” or “persona,” coded as “singular subject,” as is the tradition in realism or Romantic lyric. As a result of this multiple use of potentialities for subjectivity, Harryman’s writings appear to value the surface of the text. They don’t try for “Meaning” with a capital “M”; and it’s not that “meanings” don’t exist but that one set of meanings or an interpretative construct overlaps with another, offering contradictory possibilities. In works like Percentage, for example, as Chris Stroffolino notes, “the traditional expectations that poets have a locatable ‘speaker’ and ‘situation’ are discarded. Instead the acts of writing, thinking, and selecting are foregrounded,” and a “stylistic disjunction” creates a surface that is not to be penetrated beyond the language/discourse itself (172). What Harryman achieves in this early chapbook will become a style that, to use her phrase, is always “in the mode of,” never with a referential or outside “look” toward a universal realism. Her short piece entitled “Animal Instincts” in the collection begins with the announcement: “Out my window the view blocks what’s behind it.” This anti-Balzacian narrative is anti-photographic, anti-realistic, with no reference to objects delineated within space through a visual language. As a result of this loss, Harryman asks how one might advance through a narrative lacking visual desire:

     

    In any case, I know that the village is neither square nor long, that science has specific status in private life, and that no one is aware of anyone's standards. Here the road forks and the mind cannot advance. ("Animal Instincts" 33)

     

    Yet “desire” is concocted through another approach to narrative. It is literally re-made, not through the falsity of a smooth progressive description of objects in space within the linearity of story but through the humorously disjunctive, troubled, self-reflexive critique of a text about its own status as text. The problem, of course, with reading a Harryman text–and the kind of complex pleasure it provides–is that there is little platform to remain upon while “the road forks” and the narrative–like the mind–“cannot advance.” Harryman, like many postmodern artists, takes a contradictory attitude. Yet, unlike the tradition of feminist avant-garde filmmakers, whose spokeswoman, Laura Mulvey, famously articulated in 1975 narrative’s “sadism” through its linear “male gaze,” Harryman prefers to use narrative–against itself. She declares in her short piece “Toy Boats,” originally published in Animal Instincts and republished in There Never Was a Rose Without a Thorn: “I prefer to distribute narrative rather than deny it,” thus contradicting the conventional binarism Mulvey identified between narrative and non-narrative writing. Harryman writes that narrative is not a mode of writing that should be dismissed, but used as its own witness: “Narrative holds within its boundaries both its advantages and defects. It can demonstrate its own development as it mutates throughout history” (There Never Was A Rose 2). Its mutating effect gives narrative what she declares to be its great advantage: ” in accomplishing its mutability, it [narrative] achieves an ongoing existence” (2). As we use but also stand outside of narrative, we see that its framing structures include ourselves. Rather than reject narrative because of its tendency to employ the patriarchal “gaze,” Harryman offers this insight: “Those who object to this artifice are narratives enemies,” she writes, “but they, too, are part of the story” (2).

     

    In contradictory motion, Harryman asks that we be both inside the “interior” of narrative and “outside,” observing the artifice of narrative’s potentially mutable and shifting surfaces at the same time. “Toy Boats” is one of the short inter-genre pieces in which Harryman refuses to resolve her aesthetic contradictions. In taking the form of a dialogue through multiple voices that challenge one another, she challenges both the idea that any one viewpoint prevails (Lyotard’s “le grand récit” and the false and contradictory division between subjects, all too often masculinized and feminized in narrative as subjects and objects. Harryman takes an interest in the “object.” She views it through the Hegelian dialectic, by which the object becomes a projection of the subject’s need for ego-identification. She explores the object’s status in great depth in Performing Objects Stationed in the Subworld, where “characters” take on and become part of an interaction not only with others (as objects), but also with various objects of play arranged around the stage–objects that are also remnants of a lost urban inner-city world: pipes, tires, tools, clothes lines and hanging laundry. The re-placement of the object into the subject’s dialectic is central to Harryman’s writing. She resists conventional narrative or lyric poetry’s focalization on a single persona, character, or subject, in the interest of exploring the margins of subjectlessness and the value of “the other.” And she focuses more on relational effects between “others” than on subjectivity as a monological effect. Of great interest to her is one’s status as object, in works like Baby, as well: in families, communities, in art and in literature.

     

    Harryman’s interest in objects, and one’s object-relation to gendered others, is comically rendered in a short piece entitled “The Male.” This non-generic prose piece–is it a short story? is it an essay?–caricatures not any one person but cultural masculinity, while a presumably female “other” (as “writer”) sits making pancakes and chatting with “the male” across the breakfast table. In this piece we witness a version of masculinity as inarticulate, prosaic, disembodied, and wittily sentimentalized. (The “male” asks a question “that reminds me of masturbating while reading Wordsworth,” we read. ) The piece does not only study but literally enacts “the male’s” gendered language: “The Male by nature prosaic, moving from one place to the next in an unrhapsodic way, thinking hard perhaps but communicating little, allowing his motions to speak for him, so that he was followed by a trail of his own making?” (There Never Was a Rose 143). This is a loaded sentence. “The Male” is “by nature prosaic” because “he” is not one to consider the ironies of the coded language, the “game” of gender communication, into which he is fit. The discomfort caused by reading such statements is replicated in “the male” when “he” lacks communication and defines himself in terms of silence. He “communicates little,” because there is no exchange in this textual dialogue. There is “thought,” but it is “naturalized” and made seemingly concrete to the “male” body–“allowing his motions to speak for him”–which creates a symbolic “reality” that he may interpret as the “real,” but it is “a trail of his own making,” a chain of signifiers. The reader’s frustration is articulated by an equally frustrated female figure-as-author: “I am just a person, I said to the Male, but you are not just a male” (146). She adds: “I don’t know why I chose to present myself in this way to the creature” (146). While dismantling cultural masculinity in the same way as it was formed (like cultural femininity), “the male” is studied, eulogized, and, ultimately, denigrated, like “woman” as cultural sign. Here Harryman’s feminist engagement is detached and comical in a way reminiscent of Jane Austen. Ultimately, however, unlike the psychological novels of Austen, a piece like “The Male” represents not a person but a cultural identity, a faulty emblem of an ideal–embodied perhaps, in social-textual life by actual men in domestic settings in middle-class households, but not a “true” flesh and blood person. “His” presence is a non-presence, a fetishistic signifier of a larger cultural value in which subjects and objects act too readily in ideological concert.

     

    Harryman’s aesthetics of contradiction often offer this kind of scathing social critique–one that is often much more difficult to trace or locate politically. Much of her writing, in fact, operates like social-political satire–but without the tragic “butt,” without the missing ideal that gives satire its edge. Her brand of satire operates in the manner Fredric Jameson describes in “Postmodernism and Consumer Society,” through “pastiche.” Jameson discusses postmodernism as a function of the “newly emergent social order of late capitalism,” as a resistance to the high modernism, say, of a Joyce or Eliot, a Stravinsky or Frank Lloyd Wright, itself once a reactionary art that is now institutionalized by “the university, the museum, the art gallery network, and the foundations” (111). According to Jameson, two “significant features” of postmodern art exist, embracing rather than repudiating “consumer society” and the post-industrial electronic era dominated by the media and multinational corporations: both “pastiche” and “schizophrenia” (113). These features govern “the postmodernist experience of space and time respectively” (113).

     

    While I may disagree with some of Jameson’s assumptions about postmodern art and literature in general, I find that his definition of pastiche describes the kind of contradictory structure that inhabits much of Harryman’s inter-genre work. Jameson distinguishes pastiche from parody, which he describes as “the mimicry of other styles . . . of the mannerisms and stylistic twitches of other styles” (113). Parody, a popular phenomenon in modern art and literature, is that which accentuates the “idiosyncrasies and eccentricities” of other styles, producing “an imitation which mocks the original” (113, emphasis added). Parody relies on the presence of an original, an acknowledged presence which audiences may hear, read, or see. It also structures an ideal for which readers may be nostalgic (in realism or satire), when the ideal end itself is seen as impossible or deflated. The effect of parody is “to cast ridicule on the private nature of these stylistic mannerisms and their excessiveness,” suggesting, however, in the process, that there might be a “way people normally speak or write” (113). Yet pastiche does not rely on the presence of an original or a normative expression–“the imitation of a peculiar or unique style,” Jameson writes. Pastiche, instead, is “a neutral practice of such mimicry . . . without the satirical impulse, without laughter” (114).

     

    Harryman’s writing creates the satirical effect “without laughter.” It is like parody, but a parody that “has lost its sense of humor” (Jameson 114). Or has it? Rather, Harryman’s writing has lost its original referent. It may not be technically satiric. But it is pastiche-parody quite full of what is funny and absurd in gendered social life and texts. To understand Harryman’s writings, one must embrace a unique sense of feminist humor. And one must revel in a sense of human incapacity and language’s absurdity and take joy in contradiction. I believe that at the comic root of Harryman’s writing is a deep pleasure in feminist-inspired contradiction, not only because contradiction un-does the gendered terms that structure language and world, but because it offers an alternative space for creativity and productivity, one based on openings rather than on closings. Harryman’s productivity appears to be opening again and again.

     

    An Interview with Carla Harryman

     

    I. “The Formation of this Scene”

     

    LH: Can you go back in time and recall the origins of your aesthetic practice in the 1970s and early ’80s West Coast experimental literary scene–your association with writers we now call “Language Poets”?

     

    CH: I was part of the formation of this scene. I had met Steve Benson in college in Southern California in 1971, and he had introduced me to Kit Robinson–who introduced Steve and me to Barrett Watten in 1973. Barry and Kit would visit Steve and me in Santa Barbara and L.A., where we moved in 1974, and we would visit them in San Francisco. Some of the time we passed doing collaborations on a typewriter while socializing: one person would sit down and type, and when he or she was done, the next would have a turn. The others sat around with beers and talked.
    In addition to the poets and artists who informed my aesthetic practice, there was the post-Vietnam War climate, the grittiness, the revelation of histories of San Francisco culture, sub-cultural social fluidity, queer culture, an edgy political climate, an open public culture, low Bay Area rents and little money–all were very influential on the development of my writing.

     

    LH: Was there a particular individual who stimulated you to start writing in this particularly innovative way, in which creating semantic “sense”–traditionally speaking–is not the primary artistic goal?

     

    CH: Ron Sukenick, my instructor in college, would tell his students that W.H. Auden’s best poems were written for sound or liveliness, not sense. Did I agree with that assertion? Perhaps not–but the assertion itself interested me. With this statement, I became immediately taken with the idea of writing for something other than sense. I felt that sense was too limiting in regards to what writing could do. So I tried to find out how to produce writing in which the writing itself was foregrounded. The associative, memory-based logic of Victor Shklovsky’s A Sentimental Journey, which I read at this time, suggested to me that prose structures are actual thought. What fascinated me about the temporality of Shklovsky’s book was the fact that “free” association was not free. The “freedom” of the writing is bound to the problematic of degrees of freedom and un-freedom within human experience. I wanted to write something that had a kind of structural efficacy.

     

    LH: Were you drawn to this kind of logic of association and “structural efficacy” within literature prior to this period–even as a child?

     

    CH: When I was a little girl, I thought of writing as this kind of magical or sublime thing. I was interested in telling stories, but not stories about anything that was actually happening. I think I had the idea from a very young age that there was no reason to tell a story about an event already happening, that was already a “story.” I had a few friends who wanted to write or wrote novels, and I was fascinated by their ambition; but I wasn’t at all interested in the content of their books. I wanted to write what wasn’t there in front of me.

     
    My mother used to recite Blake and Shakespeare over the ironing board. “Tyger, Tyger” was amazing and ironing was boring. When she wanted us to exit the car more quickly, she would say, “Out, out brief candle.” I liked the idea of being a brief candle, which translated into being swift. The associative concept always fascinated me.

     

    LH: When you began studying literature seriously in high-school and college, what authors most appealed to you intellectually and artistically?

     

    CH: John Ashbery and his work, The Skaters, showed me the wonder of surface. Later, a friend introduced me to Robert Creeley’s For Love. This book opened up another path of thought, that of digression. This was the year of odd encounters: Creeley, Wittig, Eluard, left French politics, depressive romances, and important friendships.

     

    LH: Speak in more detail about these important friendships.

     

    CH: My friendship with Steve [Benson] encouraged my latent interest in performance. Writing itself became, through Steve’s intervention, a kind of performance, especially in collaboration with other writers. The experience of on-the-spot invention, companionship, and edgy play at this time became important.

     
    Barrett [Watten] was the “medium” through which I was introduced to the writing of Lyn [Hejinian], Bernadette Mayer, and Clark Coolidge. I can still see the manuscript pages of their works, as well as Lyn’s early letter-press production of A Bride Is the Thought of What Thinking, passed around in Barrett’s Potrero Hill apartment in San Francisco, where Erica Hunt and he were roommates for awhile. Erica, too, was an inspiring conversationalist. That was part of the culture of the times: poets talking.

     

    LH: Describe the gender politics that affected you as an emerging writer during the late ’70s and early ’80s on the West Coast.

     

    CH: There was certainly an open space for women writers, which I believe distinguishes our generation from earlier generations. But I think the critique of gender when it comes to “Language Poetry” has yet to be written. Megan Simpson’s Poetic Epistemologies was helpful to me in understanding the larger framework of the gender issue, because she works with a feminist perspective that also critiques identity politics. I found different registers of experience and knowledge unreconcilable at this time. Socially, I experienced an engagement with left politics and a kind of unity. But the kind of aesthetic practice I was involved with did not gel into a unity. I would say that writing within situations of contradiction was and remains an aspect of my work.

     

    II. “A World of Subjects Who Think of Themselves as Historical in New Ways”

     

    LH: Let’s turn the conversation to more theoretical-aesthetic concerns–beginning with the very terminology one might use for writing based in “situations of contradiction,” or a “difficult” writing. Such writing is often associated with the movements of “modernism” or “postmodernism.” Do you make a distinction between these movements and/or the terms, as do many critics of twentieth-century culture? These terms themselves seem to me a site of contradiction and contestation.

     

    CH: Olsen’s relationship to modernity is vexed. Williams’s is progressively engaged. That’s an example of a difference. Recently, I was reading Brian McHale’s Postmodern Fiction. He claims that the “postmodern” in fiction is predominantly concerned with ontology, whereas “modernism” is predominantly concerned with epistemology. Lyn’s [Hejinian’s] writing on Stein, I think, would support this view.

     
    However, in art-theory discourse, the two terms would be reversed. In the visual-theory world, I would say that most people think about “modernism” as ontologically situated and “postmodernism” as about epistemology. Yet, always upon closer scrutiny, one yields to the other–these terms are not easy to stabilize.
    “Modernism,” as associated with modernity, gives of a world of subjects who think of themselves as historical in new ways. The modernist subject can make history. Also, history is not something that happened, that is happening, that is future oriented. The postmodern subject would have a more skeptical relationship to history, yes? What does that do for art?

     
    I don’t really buy discussions that attempt to simplify these terms or to claim that postmodernism is really just late modernism. The artist’s intervention into periodization is very complex, because the present is always entailed. And the present also changes. And one must write in a present. We are living in a horrific new century under circumstances that perhaps one might have imagined but can only now experience. We now live in a time where citizens’ voices are not heard, where the truth is stonewalled at every turn, and lies and criminality in government prevail.

     

     

    LH: I’m still interested in how you might use these terms, and how they would apply to your own writing. Some critics are using these terms “modern” and “postmodern” as a way of marking two distinct literary historical periods to the century; others are using them to mark aesthetic distinctions. For example, Stein, although she worked early in the twentieth-century and is historically associated with many “moderns,” was, in fact, textually a “postmodern”–based on her aesthetic breakthroughs, her experimentation with time, with the sentence.

     
    Some critics have written about “modernism” as a period when there was this nostalgia for beauty, or the romantic sublime (but as nostalgia, not timely “presence”). I am fascinated by the way in which your own work takes on a kind of postmodern version of the sublime, as it confronts utopia. Since “utopia” actually means “nowhere” or “no place,” going back to Thomas More’s book title, utopia is always an ironic place, a place that can’t exist–a perfect (which is imperfect) postmodern world. Is there any form of modernist nostalgia in the utopias you work with? Take, for example, Gardener of Stars–there are you registering a desire for something lost, something better, connected to the sublime, in “nowhere,” as word and concept?

     

    CH: Well, utopia means many things. It means “nowhere,” an impossibly remote place, an impossibly better world, an ideal world and so on. In modern art, the “nowhere” presented asks for completion, and this entails irony: completion is the end of utopia. I am interested in Ernst Bloch’s construction of the utopian emotion of hope, as he offers us a rich psychological and aesthetic reading of utopian desire. There are certainly utopian projects within modernism. I would include Stein and Breton in this.
    For me, “nowhere” is a place to write into. It can be pretty bleak. Gardener of Stars conflates utopia and dystopia. I have been very interested in desire as a future-oriented feeling generated by negative situations. Its positive value is in the capacity to revise the future, not through closure or finitude. Gardener of Stars ends with a comment about the wrecked city becoming a promise: “rose thorns, slack wicker, and collapsing fences arranged the city into a promise.”

     

    LH: On the issue of the terminology we use to define this new mode of writing in which you and other Language Poets are engaged, I read an interview a couple of years ago of Charles Bernstein, in which he called into question the term “experimental” in reference to avant-garde writing practices. Others, as well, have questioned the use of that term. Why is that word so problematic? Would you, too, like to see a better word for this new practice or building tradition? Kathleen Fraser, of course, has proposed the word “innovative,” and applied it specifically to many women’s avant-garde practices. I guess the real question is: how does one categorize writing that works against traditional forms or categories? How do you personally explain to people what you do?

     

    CH: The word “experimental” has been disparaged by many people for many years. I understand why the term is disparaged. I also understand that in a world that has real literary divisions, the problem of how to cite what is non-mainstream–how to call that–is really problematic. People also complain about the term “avant-garde,” and suggest that this word, too, is bad, that it associates “experimentalism” with militarism. But didn’t Ghandi propose a peaceful army? I have been involved in an on-going project at Wayne State University in which we often use the word “new genre.” This term also has its limitations.
    I was on faculty panels at the Naropa Institute a couple of times, and there were three or four boring statements by really wonderful poets about why they did not like the word “experimental.” I’m not sure the term is useful all the time, but it also sometimes seems rather like a straw horse. People get worked up about the relationship of language experiment to science experiment. The term “innovative,” I think, comes with less baggage–it doesn’t get people all nervous about “those experimentals.” But there’s also this other term used by writers like Kathy Acker: “the other tradition.” When Barrett was doing a reading of Acker’s work as it comes down through Daniel Defoe’s Moll Flanders [presented at New York University in the fall of 2002], he was writing a potential narrative for “the other tradition.” That’s an interesting construct which encompasses history–which isn’t simply about a current practice.

     

    LH: Such a concept suggests that the kind of writing you do emerges from a solid if sometimes overlooked historical tradition. Is it possible that what some people call “postmodernism” is perhaps not historically isolated or unique–even if some contemporary readers feel “postmodern” experimentation is too difficult or opaque for them?

     

    CH: Yes, absolutely. Going back to your first set of questions on origins: some of my literary sources are in Rabelais–or Jane Austen.

     

    LH: Jane Austen?

     

    CH: Yes, Jane Austen. Really important. She’s so funny.

     

    LH: I agree that she’s unbelievably funny and very dry–the quintessential ironist. So many people don’t experience that reading of Jane Austen, the way the irony and wit are so embedded in the narrative that there’s actually no place to stand, although she manages to give this illusion of a realism in writing that became the nineteenth-century domestic novel or novel of psychological realism. In my opinion, Austen’s “realism” in an ontological universe doesn’t actually exist.

     

    CH: No it doesn’t.

     

    III. “Games are Interrogations of Restraint”

     

    LH: I’m thinking of Austen as a figure of ironic surface and yet disciplined restraint. You have written about the aesthetic of “restraint” in the essay you wrote for the anthology Cynthia Hogue and I co-edited, We Who Love to Be Astonished; the essay took up “restraint” in work by Hejinian, Acker, as well as one of your performance pieces. Could you re-articulate here your concern with this aesthetic practice? How does “restraint” bear a relation to your own work, in particular?

     

    CH: In the article, I try to explain that “constraint” would be any formal device that structures the writing of the work. A sonnet has rules, constraints. OuLiPo uses mathematical constraints. Hejinian uses constraints: in Writing as an Aid to Memory, the constraint was related to the alphabet. Restraint has to do with what holds the writing back from taking some other direction than the one it does take. So a restraint might have to do with what a device or constraint allows and disallows, with ideological limitations, with conceptual limitations, with choices.

     
    In my writing for performance, I work with an open text, a text that is available to multiple interpretations and that, in fact, intensifies the capacity for performative work to be multiply interpreted. It requires both explication of the text and interpretive invention on the part of any ensemble. The work would not be similar production to production–ever. The limit, then, is that it can’t be reproduced: each production becomes a unique object.

     
    In general, much of my work questions the given, the posited, not only from the outside but also in regard to the writing itself. There are a number of works that I would place in the category of games. Some of them have that formal designation, and some of these are part of a collaboration with a visual artist. I came up with the concept “games” when I was writing The Words: After Carl Sandburg’s Rootabaga Stories and Jean-Paul Sartre. Writing games have to do with references to conventional games, like board games and card games–but I’m also interested in conceptual games, political games, the games of hierarchy, other power games, language games, philosophical games, games of interpretations, and the game of the writing itself, which is a kind of performance game. Within any possible written game, a number of these kinds of games come into play. When they do, it’s as if the hand has been given. Then one sees how the hand is to be played. A relationship made to composition becomes then an important aspect of the game.

     
    Perhaps the games are interrogation of restraints. The first restraint is the given in language. The next restraint is what results from breakaway moves. There are lots of breakaway moves, trying to resist restraint.

     

    LH: I heard you read recently at St. Marks Poetry Project in New York, from your new work Baby. Going back again to this concept of “restraint,” explain to me how this form of textual resistance affects the “game,” so to speak, of this new work.

     

    CH: You could apply the notion of restraint to any open text, to see what the bounded ideological conflict is in the work. What would I say about Baby? The world of Baby blends realistic representation and irreality. But I guess the family is the most overt restraint. Baby is determined by the family as an ideological construct. There is no Baby without the family.

     

    LH: You mean the family body as social or figural?

     

    CH: Both. They are played with and against each other. Baby may imply critique but it does not dismantle the family.

     

    LH: In other words, the “Baby” you “play with,” so to speak, is a figure upon which we are to sit in judgment against the bourgeois or “nuclear” family?

     

    CH: The family in Baby more closely resembles the biologically intertwined extended family. The tiger performs as a caregiver, a kind of metonymic object of caregiving that could be mother, grandmother, aunt–even “baby-sitter.” But all of these roles are predicated on family/biological relations. It’s the primary attachment that’s important within the baby/tiger world, as this attachment is projected imaginatively and discursively.

     

    IV. “Narrative Itself is not One Thing”

     

    LH: I’m fascinated with the way you bring together nature and culture in a non-dualistic way in Baby. Another kind of dualism that’s become fashionable in our critical language is narrative versus non-narrative, and the critique of narrative in general. Your own interest in narrative comes up again and again in your work.

     
    I think you are doing something very interesting with narrative. In the tradition of meta-fiction, you are writing about representation itself. As you suggested earlier in your use of the “game,” you write “narrative fiction” that is not about plot and characterization at all, but about the making of something game-like in its narrative sequences. I’m thinking of your short prose piece, “Toy Boats.” There you raise the issue of narrative and the reality it attempts to create through representational objects. Quoting from “Toy Boats,” you write: “I prefer to distribute narrative rather than deny it.” Then the piece goes on to suggest that narrative is not a mode of writing that experimental writers should rid themselves of at all, but should use it accordingly.

     
    I would say that this approach to narrative is very different from the “non-narrative,” or “anti-narrative,” stance taken on by many experimental poets, or, as so well articulated by the cinematic avant-garde, in the tradition of art-house films. But in Toy Boats, you seem to overcome this dualism about narrative. You suggest that we should use narrative as its own critic, as its own witness. As you write: “Narrative holds within its boundaries both its advantages and defects. It can demonstrate its own development as it mutates throughout history . . . in accomplishing its mutability, it achieves an ongoing existence.”

     
    That all said, can you describe to me further what you meant by “mutability” in this statement? How do you imagine a subject’s relation to narrative?

     

    CH: I don’t imagine a subject’s ideal relation to narrative. I also don’t feel at all prescriptive about narrative, and I don’t judge narrative or non-narrative negatively. I am very much engaged with non-narrative as well as with narrative: and that’s why I say, “I prefer to distribute narrative rather than deny it.”

     
    Narrative as a hegemonic construct is overpowering. The concept that narrative is the basis for all communication is quite faulty, and the interventions of non-narrative in all artistic mediums are of paramount importance to me. And the construction of social power and narrative themselves are, of course, related. I wrote “Toy Boats” for the “Non/narrative” issue of Poetics Journal. Because I have always read in all of the genres without a sense of hierarchy, or exclusive identification with poetry, I have a response that is different from that of poets who have rejected narrative on ideological grounds. “Toy Boats” is engaged with critique related to the construct of narrative/non-narrative as binary. What continues to be an important engagement for me is the topic of narrative in the context of debates that polemically reject narrative.

     

    And, conversely, I am concerned with questions of non-narrative within the pervasive contexts that reject or recoil from non-narrative.
    Yet, narrative itself is not one thing, exactly. I like to think about how narrative structures work. I don’t collapse narrative into a single phenomenon at all. The critique of narrative in film may be related to but is not identical with this discussion.

     

    LH: Laura Mulvey, in her seminal film essay, “Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema,” from the mid-’70s, made an argument for the importance of avant-garde rejections of narrative when she wrote that, in the classic narrative-film, “narrative demands a sadism.” She was studying Hollywood filmmakers like Hitchcock when she suggested that, in the traditional narrative film plot, someone has to get hurt, that there is a subject directing linear control over its object (often feminized in her account). Do you agree with any of these assumptions about classical narrative in film or literature?

     

    CH: I met Mulvey briefly at a conference at Wayne State in 1990. When her essay came out, I was–as were many people–already involved with feminist-related questions concerning art making and the positioning of the feminine within various art contexts. The undoing of narrative, for me, is politically charged and it is a political project. But this process works in various registers, not necessarily consistent with one another, and not necessarily entirely under my control.

     
    On this topic of narrative and sadism, which you also mention in your book, The Perverse Gaze of Sympathy, there is this possibility that the forced change narrative linearity demands is sadistic. I am not sure that the word “sadistic,” however, would satisfy all transformative events within the linearity of narrative. “The forced change” can be seen from multiple perspectives.

     
    For example, in my piece “Fairy Tale,” which is a fantasy about Bush No. 1’s Iraq War and one of my more straightforward narrative works, the story is about the ideology of apocalypse. A child considers–is she “forced” to consider?–the meaning of “the end of the world.” What causes her to consider the meaning of the phrase is, on the one hand, the destruction she’s experiencing, and, on the other, the lying and duplicity she experiences from the outside. She is subordinated by the splitting narratives, “right and wrong,” “good and bad,” of American warmonger discourse. Since morality is not moral, but simply an aspect of war implementation, she has to come to terms with the hideousness of apocalyptic ideology, its ability to control people through fear and to permit violence. The utterance “the end of the world” produces “the end of the world” within her mentality, and the story shows us something about how this phrase helps produce the denial of the violence of the present, which, for some people, is “the end of the world.”

     
    I would say, if we were to use the word “sadism” in regards to this story, that the sadism is what the story represents as the real world. It is the violence of capital that has visited itself on the girl. But the girl is represented not simply as a victim. She is represented as a thinking and perceiving person who has been given a set of problems to solve. The solutions or mandates of the problems, however, do not lead anywhere except to the fact of existence. This fact of existence is inscribed within the fairy tale that doesn’t end (all the terms of the tale have to be understood to end), and is directed toward that in the world which denies the fact of existence of real people whose existence is denied and wrongly interpolated for propaganda purposes to justify government-mandated violence.

     

    V. “I Was Examining the Language as Material, for its Plastic Values”

     

    LH: I have been struck by these issues of narrative in your work as best articulated, for me, by film rather than literary theory. I feel there is something about your work–perhaps the performance quality, and also the awareness of the visual–that is potentially cinematic. What do you feel is your own work’s relation to cinema, or the theories behind perhaps some of the art-house or experimental cinema?

     

    CH: Let me digress and offer again a bit of literary biography. Throughout the ’70s, I was working very actively with the sentence and the paragraph. But I also worked a bit with the line, and that work with the line actually was, in several instances, quite influenced by my viewing of experimental film. The poem “Obstacle,” published in my first book Percentage, for example, was dedicated to the filmmaker Warren Sonbert, because it was written in the dark of a movie house in the Mission District of San Francisco while I was watching his film, Divided Loyalties.

     
    My poem was concerned with this work I was doing on sentences and paragraphs. I was examining the language as material, for its plastic values, and I was interrogating meaning making within literary, performance, conceptual, and visual-arts contexts. “Heavy Curtains,” also included in Percentage, is a collaboration I wrote with Barrett as we watched a television show. Around the time that I began working with narrative and non-narrative trajectories–and in addition to my engagement with visual art of the ’60s and ’70s–I became acquainted with the works of Brakhage and also numerous early twentieth-century films.

     
    LH: You seem to value theory, both about language and about the visual arts. You even write theory yourself. What do you value most about theory, and how might you be using theory in your “fictive” work?

     

    CH: I guess I am interested in the problem of the artist conversing with the theorist, as well as the problem of art being positioned in relationship to theoretical constructs. This does not mean that I am “anti-theory.” But there is generally, in my work, a tension between the artist and the theorist.
    Butler’s Gender Trouble is of great value to me theoretically; her theorizing of gender with respect to performativity is very important. But what she sees and represents as performative is very restrictive in regards to what is made in art.

     

    LH: How might performativity be particularly central to many contemporary women writers like yourself?

     

    CH: I find performativity as an important generative for women writers–excuse this peculiar map–from Gertrude Stein to Toni Morrison to Gloria Anzaldúa, to emerging writers like Laura Elrick and Redell Olsen. The performative isn’t some kind of exclusive domain of a particular gender. But within the context of gender, and with an emphasis on the woman writer, through the performative, one can find generative interpretation as well as an analytic system.
    I suppose that I am very anti-prescriptive with respect to approaches to the aesthetic. And I am so engaged with the problems of difference that I truly resist theoretical projects that try to mandate the aesthetic.

     

    VI. “Writing Can Be a Conversation with Oneself, with Another, with Many”

     

    LH: Do you imagine for yourself a specific or ideal audience? Do you gender that audience? What kind of reader–from what strategic social positioning–do you see when you write? Do you imagine multiple readers, or someone specific?

     

    CH: I don’t imagine an ideal audience. I may have an audience–but take away the word “ideal.” Writing can be a conversation with oneself, with another, with many. And those in the conversation can come and go. Another can invite oneself into their place, language, mentality. Writing can be drawn to or attracted by another. In addition to this contingency of the audience–whom the work appears for–art is an aspect of appearance itself.

     
    On one hand, the audience for the artwork is a function of the art work–even an aspect of it. On the other hand, the art work is constituted by the audience. The audience can thus be “Nobody.” Let us consider “Nobody” to be an idea which can gravitate toward non-existence or toward colloquialism: i.e., I’m just a nobody. The writing is constructed through the identification with the “non-” in a certain way. Activity of composition may require the negation of identity. I do not write for you because I can anticipate that or how you will respond to something, but because you might respond but in a manner that I cannot fully anticipate. Writing is the appearance of thinking, but of course thinking doesn’t exist in a free form. Nor does the audience. This is what I know, what writing knows, what the audience knows of writing.

     
    I could be a writer who knows what I write for, for what purpose. That purpose might be to instruct and to entertain. That purpose might be to encourage a question. That purpose might be to interject a proposition into the intellectual sphere that places key assumptions about the nature of literature or society. Does the audience identify with the imagined purpose, and then the writer writes for the audience’s identification with such an imagined purpose?

     
    One might say that Baby is motivated by a proposition such as: there is a baby in each of us. But this baby in each of us may also be a maguffin. If the word “baby,” in each of us, is really an appearance of a non-existent something (word and not word), a nothing, or a nobody, then there is an idea of a baby in each of us that is not a baby. There is an x in each of us that might arouse an aspiration to be or to know or to respond to “baby.” There is also the proposition that to “know” baby is not to know baby as a narrative about babies. We are looking to understand that baby who interacts with environments, who is constituted by and intervenes in the environments–because we want to understand the volatility of human nature, its libidinous aspects and its social meanings, and its ability to address problems positively as well as to reflect problems negatively.

     
    So consider this and then the question of the audience. The audience is a baby, or one who would like to engage with the “baby” proposition, or who is interested in the way in which the word baby elicits responses that position baby differently. Yet one also assumes a positive identification with the grammar and logics of baby: I pee, you pee, baby pees. I think, you think, baby thinks. If baby thinks what I think ,then a baby might think . . . what you think. What do you think?

     
    I do imagine that somebody will not want to read Baby; in its own baroque fashion, it might produce some kind of anxiety about maturity or masculinity or gender identity, for “baby” proposes, perhaps, another gender, even as baby goes by “she.”

     

    VII. “The Ensemble Inhabits Something Already Given”

     

    LH: Let’s turn to your work in poet’s theater. Much of your most important work over the years has been accomplished in direct engagement with actual present audiences, through the performance-poet’s experience with the stage. A few years ago, you debuted your piece Performing Objects Stationed in the Sub World, first in Detroit and then in San Francisco. I was very fortunate to have been able to attend the San Francisco premiere. I found it very exciting, original, engaging–and also professionally produced and performed. Would you talk about when you first developed this particular theatrical work, and how it might connect to the last decade of your life spent living in Detroit?

     

    CH: The work was originally written for a poetry colloquium organized by Romana Huk at Oxford-Brookes University in the spring of 2001. In a two-three day period, I directed a staged reading with Cris Cheek, Miles Champion, Cole Heinowicz, Redell Olsen, and myself, all performing the roles of the performing objects. The reading was really what Jim Cave, the director I worked with on the later San Francisco performance, calls a “demonstration.” We were demonstrating performance approaches to and performative functions of the text.

     
    The work was performed in an abbreviated form as a demonstration, again, in San Francisco in the winter of 2002, under the direction of Jim Cave at the first annual Poet’s Theater jubilee co-sponsored by New Langton Arts and Small Press Traffic. At this point, a number of the principal collaborators for the 2003 San Francisco performance were assembled.

     
    In the meantime, Zeitgeist Theater in Detroit produced the play, directed by John Jakary. Zeitgeist is a small avant-garde theater space that produces some plays by local playwrights while it focuses on the European avant-garde: Jarry, Becket, Ionesco. In many respects the Zeitgeist Theater was an exceptional venue for the play, especially as the text was inspired by living in Detroit.

     
    Many people have fantasies about Detroit: the weeds growing in the abandoned parking lots signify a return to nature. Or it is the most violent and horrible city in the United Sates. Or it is the most segregated city in the country.

     
    Detroit is a majority black-populated city. This does not make it the most segregated city in the country. This is a concept difficult for Media America to grasp. It does mean that, in fairly specific ways, Detroit is undercapitalized: the people of the city have significantly less economic power than they require to develop the political base that would be most advantageous to them.

     
    What interested me about Detroit, as it developed in Performing Objects, was the life of what I call the sub world. The sub world does not correspond to any rigid or fixed notions of this part of the world. At the same time, the sub world is predicated on fantasies about and ideological projections of Detroit, while working within the elided social spaces between city and suburb that Detroit techno has so brilliantly conceptualized. In order to live in Detroit, one must live in a sub world; but one also must live in the above/the dominant world. The sub world in Detroit refuses fixed definitions and social rigidity: and everybody knows this world. It’s where you have fun, it’s where things get made, it’s where rigid narratives about race relations and social uplift have no hold, it’s where things get sexy, it’s where life happens: it is not, however, the same thing as a subculture, because the mainstream culture and activity of the sub world variously interpenetrate.

     
    The text references various genres–from the lyric poem, to lyrics, to fairy tales and documentary, and other inter-genre stuff. It is a fragmentary work that, in performances, is meant to be seamed together through the discovered rhythm of the performance: the ensemble inhabits something already given (the text and the referential spaces determined by the text) and it constructs its own relationship to what’s already given; it makes its own space.

     
    In Detroit, the play was directed in a more traditional fashion than it was in San Francisco. John Jakary made a plan and rehearsed the performers based on his plan. But the performers were also performing something that they recognized as being about where they were, and the performance reflected this sense of familiarity.

     

    LH: Speak more about this space you call a “sub world.”

     

    CH: In a way, the sub world is a kind of refuge. People in Detroit have their refuge–in some sense, you can’t live without it. It is also a critique of the way in which “refuge” might reproduce hegemonic structures and narratives. Detroit is antagonistic, for often very good reasons, toward outsiders’ views of it. It is also xenophobic: it doesn’t like geographic outsiders, and expects to be misunderstood and betrayed by them. The play in its construction of the sub world undercuts the xenophobic aspects of Detroit culture.

     
    In addition to this interest in the sub world as I learned it by living and working around and in Detroit, I became interested in the phenomenon of the suburbs and the way in which my current experience of suburbs intersected with my childhood life. There is something quite compatible between my rural/suburban childhood and the family and sub world cultures of contemporary Detroit. This was recognized–quite sensitively, I feel–by the Detroit ensemble. And the play took on a very particular kind of familiar working-class backyard feeling under Jakary’s direction.

     
    LH: So how did the Detroit production evolve into the production I saw at the LAB in San Francisco? How did city/geography change the performance values?

     

    CH: During the Detroit performance, both Jim Cave and Amy Trachtenberg–the visual artist who eventually collaborated on the San Francisco production–came out to see the play. Even though the San Francisco production was radically different from the Detroit production, the Detroit production and the future collaborators’ visit to Detroit had a significant impact on the 2003 production at the LAB, including that I was able to invite a Detroit actress, Walonda Lewis, out to San Francisco for that production of the piece.

     
    The dynamics of cross cultural relations within the Bay Area and Detroit are quite different, and this is something I wanted the Bay Area people to recognize. I wanted to widen the discursive, narrative, ideological space in which intercultural relations were experienced by the performers. Or, another way of saying this is: I didn’t want them to feel locked into pre-given assumptions that could limit what they might do with the work.

     
    This inter-city conferencing was so exciting to me that I am now embarking on a quite ambitious, six-day project that involves bringing people from the Bay Area and Detroit together at the Susanne Hilberry Gallery in Ferndale, Michigan, in August to work on another performance piece, Mirror Play.3

     

    LH: I was impressed with the way in which Performing Objects not only was a work of poetry as performed in a theater space, but also hybridically invaded, so to speak, by so many other forms of art. The script itself had this feel or mood of a great Shakespeare comedy, without the same kind of scene-making. It also brought together music and visual art: you composed some lovely pieces that were brilliantly sung by Ken Berry, and you worked in collaboration with Trachtenberg, a wonderful visual artist, on the costumes and sets–the latter of which looked like a conceptual-art installation project in the semi-round of the theatrical space. You also collaborated as director with Cave. Can you speak a bit more of the collaborative experience of this project, and its infusion of poetry, theater, music, and visual art?

     

    CH: Lots of theater uses the elements you identify, but my work is not purely theater in the conventional sense. As in the writing, there is an inter-generic property: here I would say it is marked by the crossover of experimental theater and performance, and conceptual art. Performance here is not genre-directed, so much as it is a signal of promise within conditions of what might be called a certain postmodern distress.

     
    Unlike the work of Joan Jonas of the conceptual installation art movement, or early Meredith Monk in the world of dance, or Laurie Anderson, who works with electronic media and recorded narrative–all of whom have worked with multiple media in performance in non-traditional/theatrical modes–my work takes a complex text, based in multiple genres that is linguistically self-reflexive, as the initial site of the work: so language/writing is the point of departure and what must be actively sustained to realize the performance itself. If the value of the work is first language, then it is important for me that the language of the visual is intensified as such, that the visual is not an illustration of language but a language in its own terms. This would, in most cases, be true with music as well–although in this particular piece, the music was cast in a more supporting role than it was in the 1989 production of my performance work, There Is Nothing Better Than a Theory, or in my current piece, Mirror Play, which will involve layers of sound, music, noise.

     

    VIII. “What Makes the Work Good has Everything to do with Who is Involved in It”

     

    LH: Can you discuss the value of process versus final product as you write–and also say more on the issue of collaboration so essential to your process as an artist?

     

    CH: Process for me is extremely important. I have an open relationship to process. I set no value on regulating the duration of the development of a work. Something might take one week or three years to realize. Something that takes three years might turn out to have been most interesting to me at some earlier phase. This is the way an artist or poet thinks, not the way someone in repertory theater thinks. My works are well made because their realization requires that they be well made and I do not have a fixed value for what that means. What makes the work “good” has everything to do with who is involved in it as well as with the conceptual approaches to the text and the collaboration process.

     

    LH: Indeed, you have worked steadily over the years with a number of fine poets and artists. How has the process of collaboration itself been most recently important to the multi-media nature of Performing Objects?

     

    CH: I have been collaborating in various modes with Amy [Trachtenberg] since 1991. There are other visual artists I have worked with and am currently working with in performance and in interdisciplinary collaboration. But Amy has been my closest visual arts collaborator over time. Jim [Cave] is also someone I have worked with as a director–and continue to work with–as well as Erling Wold, who wrote the music for the song lyrics, and who was the composer for the 1995-2005 chamber opera project that brought all of us together as a team for the first time.

     
    The “demonstration” of Performing Objects presented at the Poet’s Theater Jubilee at California College of the Arts in 2002 was a sketch. It brought together a number of people who remained in the piece, and it provided a basis for further discussion about the realization of the work. The style of the sketch was somewhat slapstick, which was interesting as a way to bring out the contrast between those aspects of the work that could conceivably lend themselves to that kind of humor, and the more lyric and melancholic aspects of the work.

     
    In the summer of 2002, when I was an artist-in-residence at the San Francisco LAB preparing the performance, I began looking at the piece from a completely different angle. I invited both trained performers and Bay Area poets to come in and work on the piece, and, in effect, to take it apart. Both Amy and Jim participated in some of the rehearsals: Amy came into the space and took notes; Jim observed my approaches to cacophony and then came back with shaping responses. My job was to explore collective vocalic and spatial approaches to the work, which would open up the work and ways of working for Jim, as director. I also wanted to hear the piece and find out how performers responded to it–and each other–in an open and improvisatory situation. Outside the practice space of the LAB, Jim and Amy and I had on-going discussions about the relationship of language to performance and to mise-en-scène. In working collaboratively in this way, the visual ideas of the artist influenced the directing of the play.

     
    In the summer of 2003, I returned to San Francisco. Actually, I commuted back and forth while living part-time in Detroit, and there were occasions as the rehearsals got underway when I wasn’t there. This is another aspect of collaboration: I didn’t want to have too much control over the piece, and I wanted to give Jim plenty of space to play around with it on his own. I find this detachment on my end works very well, because changing the process and focus from time to time leaves room for new things to happen.

     
    Amy really knew how to work with the total space of the raw gallery as the sub world itself. Now Amy and I are considering putting together a lecture on collaboration. Jim responded brilliantly to the givens of the space so that there weren’t any dead spots. This is something we discussed a lot in collaboration on the piece: keeping the space alive.

     

    LH: In conclusion, how might collaboration continue to be the basis for your writing–and its performative structure? Can you comment on process and collaboration in your latest performance work, Mirror Play?

     

    CH: My latest performance work is written as a “mirror” of Performing Objects. The space of what was the sub world is now a foyer, so architectural concept has replaced the social structure concept of the sub world. But each of these concepts “mirrors” the other. In Mirror Play, the one room is also a site within “one world.” Any “body” in the world can enter or not the space of the one room. The question is: what’s happened to the house?

     
    As I have conceived its relationship to media now, Mirror Play stresses language, sound, and music–at least, that’s where I’m beginning with it. Initially, I had conceived of Mirror Play as a poly-vocal piece for one performer: I liked the idea of one performer working with multiple voices within the conceptual anti-chamber space. However, that one immediately turned into two as I felt that an instrumental voice needed to be an aspect of the speaking voice. I started working with Jon Raskin, developing the piece for spoken voice (mine) and jaw harps. Now the poly-vocality is being extended to many voices and more instruments. I am about to embark on a six day experiment in developing the work at the Susanne Hilberry Gallery near Detroit, and I have gathered people from San Francisco and Detroit to work on the piece then. We’ll see what happens and go from there.

     

    Notes

     

    1. Silliman was the first writer, to my knowledge, to use the term “inter-genre” to describe this new style of poet’s prose that forms a conceptual-poetry critique of bourgeois realism. See his “Introduction” to In the American Tree.

     

    2. These constraints are different from but related to the technique of “restraint” about which Harryman has written and about which she comments in the Interview.

     

    3. Mirror Play was performed at the Susanne Hilberry Gallery in August 2005–Ed.

     

    Works Cited

     

    • Armantrout, Rae. “Feminist Poetics and the Meaning of Clarity.” Sagetrieb 11.3 (1992). Rpt. in Artifice of Indeterminacy.Ed. Christopher Beach. Tuscaloosa: U of Alabama P, 1998: 287-96.
    • Harryman, Carla. Animal Instincts: Prose, Plays, Essays. Berkeley: This Press, 1989.
    • —. Baby. Brookline: Adventures in Poetry 2005.
    • —. Gardener of Stars. Berkeley: Atelos, 2001.
    • —. “Parallel Play.” The Grand Permission: New Writings on Poetics and Motherhood. Eds. Patricia Dienstfrey and Brenda Hillman. Welseyan UP, 2003.
    • —. Percentage. Berkeley: Tuumba Press, 1979.
    • —. Performing Objects Stationed in the Subworld. Workshop performances at the Zeitgeist Theater, Detroit, MI, and at Oxford Brooks University, Oxford, England (2001); full-length interdisciplinary performance at the LAB, San Francisco (2003).
    • —. “Rules and Restraints in Women’s Experimental Writing.” We Who Love to Be Astonished: Experimental Women’s Writing and Performance Art. Eds. Laura Hinton and Cynthia Hogue. Tuscaloosa: U of Alabama P, 2002: 116-24.
    • —. There Never Was a Rose without a Thorn. San Francisco: City Lights, 1995.
    • —. The Words after Carla Sandburg’s Rootabaga Stories and Jean-Paul Sartre. Oakland: O Press, 1999.
    • Hirsch, Marianne, and Evelyn Fox Keller, eds. Conflicts in Feminism. New York: Routledge, 1990.
    • Jameson, Fredric. “Postmodernism and Consumer Society.” The Anti-Aesthetic: Essays on Postmodern Culture. Ed. Hal Foster. Post Townsend: Bay, 1988: 111-125.
    • Lorber, Judith. Breaking the Bowls: Degendering and Feminist Change. New York: Norton, 2005.
    • Lyotard, Jean-François. The Postmodern Condition: A Report on Knowledge. Trans. Geoff Bennington and Brian Massumi. Minneapolis: U Minnesota P, 1984.
    • Mulvey, Laura. “Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema.” Screen 16.3 (1975): 6-18.
    • Nicolson, Linda J., ed. Feminism/Postmodernism. New York: Routledge, 1990.
    • Owens, Craig. “The Discourse of Others: Feminists and Postmodernism.” The Anti-Aesthetic: Essays on Postmodern Culture. Ed. Hal Foster. Post Townsend: Bay, 1988: 57-77.
    • Silliman, Ron, ed. In the American Tree. Orono: National Poetry Foundation, 1986.
    • Simpson, Megan. Poetic Epistemologies: Gender and Knowing in Women’s Language-Oriented Writing. Albany: SUNY 2000.
    • Stroffolino, Chris. “Carla Harryman.” Dictionary of Literary Biography. Vol 193. Ed. Joseph Conte. 171-79.

     

  • Stiegler Reading Derrida: The Prosthesis of Deconstruction in Technics

    Ben Roberts

    Media Studies
    University of Bradford
    b.l.roberts@bradford.ac.uk

    Between Derrida and Stiegler

     

    In his massive multi-volume work, Technics and Time, Bernard Stiegler explores a history of technics as epiphylogenesis–the preservation in technical objects of epigenetic experience. Epiphylogenesis marks for Stiegler a break with genetic evolution (which cannot preserve the lessons of experience), a break which also constitutes the “invention” of the human. As Stiegler puts it in the general introduction to Technics and Time, “as a ‘process of exteriorization,’ technics is the pursuit of life by means other than life” (17).

     

    Since the “human” is constituted through its exteriorization in tools, its origin is neither biological (a particular arrangement of cells) nor transcendental (to be found in something like consciousness). The origin of the human as the prosthesis of the living is therefore fundamentally aporetic: one should speak, for Stiegler, of a non-origin or default of origin.1 Stiegler develops these arguments through a reading of Rousseau and Leroi-Gourhan, showing on the one hand how the empirical approach of the paleo-anthropologist cannot avoid the transcendental question of origin and, on the other, how Rousseau’s transcendental account of the question of origin inscribes inside its account, despite itself, the thought of the human as contingent or accidental (Technics 82-133).

     

    I will not expand on Stiegler’s reading of Leroi-Gourhan and Rousseau here. What I intend to discuss is rather the relationship between Stiegler’s work and that of Jacques Derrida. In particular I will examine Stiegler’s discussion of Derrida in the latter half of the first volume of Technics and Time and then move on to discuss the interviews between the two men gathered in the Echographies collection. I will demonstrate significant differences in their respective theoretical approaches and show how these arise in part from problems in Stiegler’s reading of Derrida.

     

    The context of Stiegler’s disagreement with Derrida in the first volume of Technics and Time is the discussion in chapter 3 of the paleo-anthropologist Leroi-Gourhan and the “invention of the human.” At the opening of the chapter Stiegler argues:

     

    We are considering a passage: a passage to what is called the human. Its "birth," if there is one . . . . To ask the question of the birth of the human is to pose the question of the "birth of death" or of the relation to death. But at stake here will be the attempt to think, instead of the birth of the human qua entity relating to its end, rather its invention or even its embryonic fabrication or conception, and to attempt this independently of all anthropologism. (135)

     

    Here then is the place of Leroi-Gourhan in Stiegler: the chance to understand the emergence of the human in a non-“anthropologistic” manner. The key to this approach is the role Leroi-Gourhan assigns to technics in the evolution of the human. For Leroi-Gourhan, the evolution of the human–unlike that of animals–is not only a question of the evolution of a biological entity but also, crucially for Stiegler, the evolution of technical objects (or “organized inorganic matter” as Stiegler has it). Thus Leroi-Gourhan opens up the possibility of an understanding of the human as no longer simply either a biological entity or a biological entity with some transcendental quality (consciousness, free will, etc.) added to it. Unfortunately, for Stiegler, Leroi-Gourhan cannot quite deliver on the promise of a non-anthropologistic or non-anthropocentric account of the human. For although Leroi-Gourhan has an account of the process of hominization as the exteriorization of the human in its tools, he still requires what Stiegler calls the “artifice of a second origin” in order to account for the passage from “technical” to “creative” consciousness.

     

    What lies behind this failure is an inability to understand the origin of the human not merely as obscure but as fundamentally aporetic. For the exteriorization of the human into technics–writing, tools and so on–raises a fundamental aporia of origin: “The paradox is to have to speak of an exteriorization without a preceding interior: the interior is constituted in exteriorization” (Technics 141). It is at this point, in order to elucidate this aporetic structure, that Stiegler calls on Derridean différance:

     

    The ambiguity of the invention of the human, that which holds together the who and the what, binding them while keeping them apart, is différance . . . Différance is neither the who nor the what, but their co-possibility, the movement of their mutual coming-to-be, of their coming into convention. The who is nothing without the what and conversely. Différance is below and beyond the who and the what; it poses them together, a composition engendering the illusion of an opposition. The passage is a mirage: the passage of the cortex into flint, like a mirror proto-stage. (141)

     

    For Stiegler only différance as a structure of differing and deferral without origin can describe this aporetic relationship between interior and exterior that is the “human.” Différance, here the co-possibility of the who and the what, is what makes possible the who and the what, “below and beyond” them as Stiegler puts it, and as such is what make possible the non-origin or what he calls here the “proto-mirage” of the human. However, the status of this passage is problematic, and it is what is at stake in Stiegler’s dispute with Derrida. On the one hand, this emergence or passage is a “mirage,” “aporetic” or “paradoxical.” The tool, the “work in flint,” is no more an effect or product of the human being than the human is an effect or product of the appearance of flint tools. On the other hand, something, however “aporetic” it may be, happens, “is accomplished” or commences, and is this “beginning of ‘exteriorization.’” Put otherwise: what happens, what is suspended inside these quotation marks may remain paradoxical or aporetic, but that it happens, that there is a “passage” is not in question. For Stiegler this passage is crucial because it marks the emergence of what he calls from the beginning of Technics and Time “organized inorganic matter,” “the prosthesis of the human” or what he will later call, in relation to the discussion of Husserl, “tertiary memory.” It is precisely this passage that, for Stiegler, is “remaining to be thought” in Derrida’s work.

     

    This point seems to be demonstrated most clearly for Stiegler in Derrida’s own reading of Leroi-Gourhan in the chapter of Of Grammatology entitled “Of Grammatology as a Positive Science,” and in particular in the following passage, which, since it seems to mark such a crucial point of distinction between Stiegler and Derrida, I quote at length:

     

    Leroi-Gourhan no longer describes the unity of man and the human adventure thus by the simple possibility of the graphie in general; rather as a stage or an articulation in the history of life--of what I have called différance--as the history of the grammè. Instead of having recourse to the concepts that habitually serve to distinguish man from other living beings (instinct and intelligence, absence or presence of speech, of society, of economy, etc. etc.), the notion of program is invoked. It must of course be understood in the cybernetic sense, but cybernetics is itself intelligible only in terms of a history of the possibilities of the trace as the unity of a double movement of protention and retention. This movement goes far beyond the possibilities of the "intentional consciousness." It is an emergence that makes the grammè appear as such (that is to say according to a new structure of nonpresence) and undoubtably makes possible the emergence of systems of writing in the narrow sense. Since "genetic inscription" and the "short programmatic chains" regulating the behaviour of the amoeba or the annelid up to the passage beyond alphabetic writing to the orders of the logos and of a certain homo sapiens, the possibility of the grammè structures the movement of its history according to rigorously original levels, types and rhythms. But one cannot think them without the most general concept of the grammè. That is irreducible and impregnable. If the expression ventured by Leroi-Gourhan is accepted, one could speak of a "liberation of memory," of an exteriorization always already begun but always larger than the trace which, beginning from the elementary programs of so-called "instinctive" behaviour up to the constitution of electronic card-indexes and reading machines, enlarges différance and the possibility of putting in reserve: it at once and in the same movement constitutes and effaces so-called conscious subjectivity, its logos, and its theoretical attributes. (84)

     

    Now, from Stiegler’s point of view, the important point here in Derrida’s reading of Leroi-Gourhan is that the exteriorization of the human into tools or graphical marks is only a stage in différance as the “history of life” in general. Thus Derrida emphasizes the continuity of the “notion of program” from “genetic inscription” up to and beyond alphabetic writing. The possibility of the gramme as program is prior to any particular type of program, be it genetic or nongenetic, and even if one must pay attention in the history of the gramme to “rigorously original levels, types and rhythms,” Derrida insists that “one cannot think them without the most general concept of the gramme. That is irreducible and impregnable.”

     

    Stiegler’s response seems to be as follows:

     

    Différance is the history of life in general, in which an articulation is produced, a stage of différance out of which emerges the possibility of making the gramme as such, that is, "consciousness," appear. The task here will be to specify that stage . . . . The passage from the genetic to the nongenetic is the appearance of a new type of gramme and/or program. If the issue is no longer that of founding anthropos in the pure origin of itself, the origin of its type must still be found. (Technics 137-38)

     

    Thus even if Derrida is right in thinking that the notion of program in Leroi-Gourhan challenges all the traditional distinctions that mark the difference and origin of the human, of anthropos, it is nonetheless the case that with the human we see the emergence of a new type of program, and that new type of program is exactly what Technics and Time, in its understanding of technics as the prosthesis of the human, is concerned with. For Stiegler it is crucial therefore to distinguish genetic evolution from the non-genetic evolution which he calls epiphylogenesis and which involves the evolution not of the biological entity which is the human being, but of the technical supports in which the human’s epigenetic experience is preserved and accumulated.

     

    For Stiegler it is the significance of epiphylogenesis, or the fact that Dasein “becomes singular in the history of the living,” that Derrida fails to think. This is not simply because différance, which Stiegler establishes, on the basis of the quote from Of Grammatology, as the “history of life in general” is not developed far enough to have an account of the specificity of epiphylogensis which Stiegler is outlining, but also, curiously, because Derrida’s arguments about différance are for Steigler in some sense inconsistent with themselves. After quoting at length the passage from the essay “Différance” on the temporal and spatial dimensions of the French verb différer, Stiegler comments as follows:

     

    All of this points primarily to life in general: there is time from the moment there is life, whereas Derrida also writes, just before the Leroi-Gourhan quotation [i.e., the passage from Of Grammatology cited above], that "the trace is the différance that opens appearing and the signification (which articulates) the living onto the non-living in general, (which is) the origin of all repetition." To articulate the living onto the nonliving, is that not already a gesture from after the rupture when you are already no longer in pure phusis? There is something of an indecision about différance: it is the history of life in general, but this history is (only) given (as) (dating from) after the rupture, whereas the rupture is, if not nothing, then at least much less than what the classic divide between humanity and animality signifies. The whole problem is that of the economy of life in general, and the sense of death as the economy of life once the rupture has taken place: life is, after the rupture, the economy of death. The question of différance is death. (139, translation slightly modified)

     

    In other words, it is incoherent for différance to constitute both “the history of life in general” and the specific stage in the history of life–which Stiegler associates with the invention of the human and technics as epiphylogenesis–when the living is articulated upon “the non-living in general,” i.e., upon inorganic organized matter.

     

    However, one might wonder if it is not because Stiegler is himself operating from within such a rigorous distinction between phusis and tekhne that he is able to convince himself that it is only after the “rupture” of the technical that death is the economy of life. For Stiegler it is only after such a rupture, i.e., “the invention of the human,” that the trace articulates the living on the non-living in general. It is only at this point that the evolution of a particular living being (the human) becomes bound up with the evolution of something that is not living, that is, what Stiegler calls “inorganic organized matter,” in the form of tools, writing and so on. But there is no reason to suppose that Derrida is working with the same set of assumptions when he talks of the possibility of the gramme embracing not only alphabetic writing but also “genetic inscription.” Indeed it seems to be clearly the case that Derrida is precisely challenging such a classical set of distinctions (which is what they are, for the opposition between epigenesis and epiphylogenesis only reproduces in a different form the more traditional opposition between nature and culture). It would seem perfectly reasonable for Derrida to argue that genetic inscription is a species of the gramme precisely because genetics does indeed articulate the living upon the non-living in general: the DNA of a biological entity binds it to its non-living ancestors just as much as their written or technical legacy; genetic codes preserve the legacy of the nonliving in the living in a way that is analogous to (though obviously not the same as) alphabetic writing. Moreover it is not immediately obvious why genetic evolution should be regarded simply as an “economy of life,” when death and genetic non-survival are in part the criteria of selection: genetics, it might be argued, is equiprimordially an economy of life and an economy of death. It is only if one thinks, like Stiegler, that there is first an economy of life, then a rupture that coincides with the arrival of the human, and that then, as he argues above, “life is, after the rupture, the economy of death,” that one is forced to regard genetic inscription as in some way rigorously distinct from all later forms of–no doubt, “epiphylogenetic”–inscription.

     

    In part the problem here is Stiegler’s attachment to the category of “organized inorganic matter” and to the assumption that the organic/inorganic distinction maps in a straightforward, unproblematic manner onto the distinction between living and nonliving that Derrida invokes with respect to the trace. In fact, Stiegler often takes inorganic (inorganique) and non-living (non-vivant) to be simply synonymous.2 In other words, he reads the “non-living in general” of the passage from Of Grammatology as solely consisting of a very specific form of non-living he associates with inorganic matter. Having construed Derrida’s thinking of the trace in this manner, Stiegler is then puzzled why Derrida isn’t more interested in the relationship between organic and inorganic matter (living and non-living), and more specifically why he isn’t more interested in the “rupture” of the human which Stiegler understands, as we have seen, as the point at which the evolution of the living becomes bound up with a relation to the non-living in the form of tools. Stiegler therefore makes the mistake of assuming that the trace requires one to think of this new category of organized inorganic matter when in fact the trace challenges (without erasing) the very categorical distinctions on which Stiegler is relying. Indeed precisely what makes the trace, or the idea of the gramme as program, radical is that it exists on either side of Stiegler’s imagined rupture and therefore challenges both the opposition between nature and culture and “the name of man.” As Beardsworth comments:

     

    The risk Stiegler runs in differentiating the historical epochs of arche-writing, and in thinking them in terms of technical supplementarity, is precisely that of considering technicity in the exclusively exteriorized terms of technics which befit the process of hominization . . . The major theses in Technics and Time according to which the technical object represents a third kind of being . . . that hominization emerges through the technical suspension of genetic, and that, therefore, the human lives through means other than life . . . all such theses, while brilliantly articulated by Stiegler in their own terms, end up having the following somewhat ironic consequence: biological life prior to, or in its difference from anthropogenesis is removed from the structure of originary technicity; as a result biology is naturalized and the differentiation of technicity qua technics is only considered in its exteriorized form in relation to processes of hominization. ("Thinking Technicity" 81)

     

    It might seem that it is not so much Derrida’s account of différance that is confused as Stiegler’s reading of it. This point can be illustrated by Stiegler’s reading of a different passage about différance, a passage this time drawn from the essay “Différance”:

     

    Thus one could consider all the pairs of opposites on which philosophy is constructed and on which our discourse lives, not in order to see opposition erase itself but to see what indicates that each of the terms must appear as the différance of the other, as the other different and deferred in the economy of the same (the intelligible as differing-deferring the sensible, as the sensible different and deferred; the concept as different and deferred, differing-deferring intuition; culture as nature different and deferred, differing-deferring; all the others of physis-tekhne, nomos, thesis, society, freedom, history, mind etc.--as physis different and deferred, or as physis differing and deferring. Physis in différance . . . ). (Margins 17)

     

    Having cited a section of this passage, Stiegler comments: “Now phusis as life was already différance. There is an indecision, a passage remaining to be thought” (Technics 139). What he seems to mean is that différance cannot be simultaneously “the history of life in general” (the definition from Of Grammatology which Stiegler is taking here to be synonymous with “the history of phusis in general”)3 and the differing-deferring of phusis and tekhne which Stiegler assumes can only be the case after the “rupture” of the technical. But it is clear from this passage that Derrida sees the thought of différance as that which first of all challenges the philosophical opposition between phusis and tekhne, establishing them as “different and deferred in the economy of the same.” It is not surprising therefore that Derrida does not have an account of the invention of the human as a “rupture” in différance, because this rupture would seem to risk affirming on a different level the very philosophical oppositions that such a différance disrupts. For, to reiterate, it is difficult not to see in Stiegler’s opposition of phylogenesis and epiphylogenesis a reproduction of a most classical opposition between nature and culture, where the “nature” of phylogenetic evolution, which can never preserve the experience of the individual entity, is opposed to the “culture” of epiphylogenetic evolution which would preserve such epigenetic experience in its exteriorized prostheses (tools, writing and so on).4 On this reading, Stiegler would add to this traditional division the twist that such a culture would no longer be understood as the product of the human but as that which invents the human in an exteriorization of the organic living being into inorganic technical objects.

     

    Of course, Stiegler would not agree with the suggestion that the phylogenesis/epiphylogenesis divide or “rupture” simply reproduces the opposition between nature and culture; such a resistance would probably center around his linking the idea of epiphylogenesis to différance. The role that différance plays in Stiegler’s theoretical setup–especially in the first volume of Technics and Time–is to show that as soon as there is anything like epiphylogenesis–i.e., culture–there is a différance, that is, a differing deferral without origin. It is exactly on this point, after all, that Stiegler sees himself as deviating from Rousseau and Leroi-Gourhan, who must both ultimately rely on the artifice of a second origin or coup in order to explain the deviation from nature (Rousseau) or the arrival of “symbolic consciousness” (Leroi-Gourhan). Epiphylogenesis as différance, on the other hand, allows for a new non-anthropocentric concept of the human and of “culture.” Such a concept would displace the question of the origin of the human and of culture, whether that question is framed in transcendental or biological terms. Indeed this seems to be exactly how Stiegler understands Derrida’s own reading of Leroi-Gourhan, as is evident from this (as we shall see, rather imprecise) précis of the passage from Of Grammatology previously cited:

     

    In other words, Leroi-Gourhan's anthropology can be thought from within an essentially non-anthropocentric concept that does not take for granted the usual divides between animality and humanity. Derrida bases his own thought of différance as a general history of life, that is, as a general history of the gramme, on the concept of program insofar as it can be found on both sides of such divides. Since the gramme is older than the specifically human written forms, and because the letter is nothing without it, the conceptual unity that différance is contests the opposition animal/human and, in the same move, the opposition nature/culture. "Intentional consciousness" finds the origin of its possibility before the human; it is nothing but "the emergence that has the gramme appearing as such." We are left with the question of determining what the conditions of such an emergence of the "gramme as such" are, and the consequences as to the general history of life and/or of the gramme. This will be our question. (137, emphasis original)

     

    For many readers of Derrida, this must seem like a rather strange way of understanding différance. For it is not easy to understand how a Derridean understanding of différance would allow one to oppose a “non-anthropocentric concept of the human” to an anthropocentric one, or to contest the opposition of concepts such as nature and culture by referring them to the “conceptual unity” of différance. Derrida says, both in the essay “différance” and elsewhere, that différance is not a concept, “neither a word nor a concept,” a point that is repeated several times in the essay “Différance.”5 Moreover, such remarks are not mere qualifications, caveats, or platitudes which Derrida attaches to an otherwise orthodox semantic exposition of what différance is: they are rather at the heart of his argument. Différance is not a concept because it is “the possibility of conceptuality, of a conceptual process and system in general,” and “as what makes possible the presentation of the being-present, it is never presented as such” (Margins 6,11). Deconstruction can therefore never proceed by opposing différance as a new concept to a series of old metaphysical concepts, for example, by opposing a “non-anthropocentric” concept of the human to an anthropocentric one. It is also for this reason, as Derrida also makes abundantly clear, that one can never simply think différance as naming some kind of conceptual unity which would be prior to all conceptual oppositions. Since that which makes conceptuality possible can never in itself be made present as a concept, it is in principle “unnameable” (and this is the sense of “différance” being “neither a word nor a concept): indeed the choice of the term différance is, as Derrida points out, only a strategic or provisional one, which, as he also points out, does not mean that a better term (for example, “technics,” or “epiphylogenesis”),6 or a real name, is waiting in the wings.7 Far from a conceptual or nominal unity, Derrida’s choice of the neographism “différance” is motivated not by a desire to unite the two meanings of the verb différer but by that of maintaining it as being “immediately and irreducibly polesemic” (8).

     

    The problem then with Stiegler’s argument is, as Geoff Bennington has argued, Stiegler’s desire to think technics in both quasi-transcendental and positivistic terms.8 There is a question about the relationship between historical or theoretical understanding of technics and the argument that Stiegler also wants to advance about technics as a quasi-transcendental structure (what Bennington calls “originary technicity”). This problem concerning the relationship between positive knowledge about technology and the quasi-transcendental understanding of technics also arises in the series of interviews between Stiegler and Derrida presented in Echographies:

     

    The origin of sense makes no sense. This is not a negative or nihilistic statement. That which bears intelligibility, that which increases intelligibility, is not intelligible--by definition, by virtue of its topological structure. From this standpoint, technics is not intelligible. This does not mean that it is a source of irrationality, that it is irrational or that it is obscure. It means that it does not belong, by definition, by virtue of its situation, to the field of that which it makes possible. Hence a machine is, in essence, not intelligible. (108)

     

    It is difficult not to read this as a direct challenge to the logic of Technics and Time. For what is Stiegler’s project if it is not to make technics visible and intelligible?

    Stiegler responds to Derrida at this point: “It [technics] constitutes sense if it participates in its construction” (109), to which Derrida responds, reiterating:

     

    Yes, but that which constitutes sense is senseless. This is a general structure. The origin of reason and of the history of reason is not rational. (109)

     

    In his own reading of this interview–an interview which he admits he finds “disappointing” since “Derrida’s responses to [Stiegler’s] questions and interventions remain too much within the ambit and terms of his own philosophy”–Richard Beardsworth formulates the following reading of this exchange between Stiegler and Derrida:

     

    Derrida's comments are, to say the least, odd in response to Stiegler's concerns, both at a juncture of the interview when the two men are acquainted with each other's preoccupations and, more importantly, at a moment in cultural history when the terms of philosophical reflection upon the real are shifting. As we have seen, Stiegler's interest lies, precisely, in the historical differentiation of this "other" of reason and meaning together with the political implications of the articulation of this "other." To respond by reiterating a series of propositions that are well-known from within and around the thought of deconstruction and post-structuralism, but that do not engage as such with the explicit wish on Stiegler's part to genealogize, after the last twenty years thinking, what lies prior to the opposition between reason and unreason, meaning and unmeaning is intellectually and culturally dissatisfying. ("Towards" 138)

     

    But it is surely not Derrida who fails to engage with Stiegler but vice versa: as we have seen above, Stiegler fails to respond to the basic problem being outlined here, however many ways Derrida formulates it, which one might formulate again and put as follows: “How is theoretical and historical knowledge of “technics” possible, given that, as you yourself argue, technics is first of all what makes theory and history possible?” Stiegler never really responds to this question, neither in Echographies nor in the two first volumes of La technique et le temps. In his general introduction to the multi-volume work, he doesn’t even offer the genealogical explanation that Richard Beardsworth provides for him in his reading of Echographies. Moreover this response, i.e. to assert the possibility of a genealogy of technics, couldn’t be more problematic. One can provide a genealogy of a concept, showing how that concept is inherited through a determinate history. But we are concerned here with the genealogy of that which makes conceptualization possible. Moreover–and here, in a sense, is the very strangest aspect of the deployment of the term “genealogy” here–as Stiegler has already shown us, technics as epiphylogenesis or tertiary memory is the condition of inheritance itself. A genealogy of technics would be a genealogy of genealogy itself, an exercise that would seem rendered impossible by the “topological” structure that Derrida mentions in relation to intelligibility.

     

    Following the “topological” logic that Derrida outlines, if technics is the condition of memory it can’t possibly be made present, rendered intelligible, dissected, theorized, historicized and, in general, remembered or made present to consciousness. Stiegler assumes that technics is not only the condition of knowledge, but is in itself knowable. However, as soon as prosthesis or technicity in general is the condition of knowledge, of what is sayable or thinkable, what can be positively known or said about the prosthesis qua prosthesis is necessarily limited. To not recognize this limit is to risk confusing insights into the empirical history of technology as prosthesis with arguments concerning technics as a transcendental condition of knowledge. At a later point in the interview Derrida reformulates this idea in the terms of Specters of Marx on inheritance. Derrida comments on the necessary dissymmetry which inhabits this relation to the spectral quality of the technical object:

     

    One has a tendency to treat what we've been talking about here under the names of image, teletechnology, television screen, archive, as if all these things were on display: a collection of objects, things we see, spectacles in front of us, devices we might use, much as we might use a "teleprompter" we had ourselves written or prescribed. But wherever there are these specters, we are being watched, we sense or think we are being watched. This dissymmetry complicates everything. The law, the injunction, the order, the performative wins out over the theoretical, the constative, knowledge, calculation and the programmable. (Derrida and Steigler 122)

     

    For both Stiegler and Derrida the question of technics is closely linked to the question of inheritance: for Stiegler, as we have seen, it is because the technical object is the condition of my access to the “past I have not lived” that technics is constitutive of temporality; for Derrida, “to be is to inherit,” that is, to be is to be inhabited by a certain spectral inheritance. However, for Derrida what is crucial about the structure of inheritance is what he calls in Specters of Marx the “visor effect”9–the reference being to the suit of armour worn by Hamlet’s ghost–which means that we cannot see the specter, even as “we sense or think we are being watched.” As Derrida reaffirms in Echographies: “The specter is not simply the visible invisible that I can see, it is someone who watches or concerns me without any possible reciprocity, and who therefore makes the law when I am blind, blind by situation” (121). Thus even if “to be is to inherit,” there is a certain impossibility about knowing the terms of that inheritance. What this means in the context of Derrida’s discussion with Stiegler, and this is the sense of the passage we have just cited, is that if technicity is the condition of inheritance, such a technicity can’t in itself become the object of theoretical knowledge. The dissymmetry which Derrida remarks here is clearly linked to the topological structure we have seen him bring out in relation to intelligibility: that which bears the inheritance can’t in itself become visible within that inheritance. Thus whereas in Technics and Time Stiegler could be seen constructing a (highly cogent) theory of inheritance as epiphylogenesis, for Derrida the structure of inheritance exceeds and makes possible theoretical knowledge, without itself becoming the object of a theoretical knowledge. It is in this sense that “the law, the injunction, the order, the performative wins out over the theoretical, the constative, knowledge, calculation and the programmable.”

     

    The question of the dissymmetry of this topological structure differentiates Stiegler’s theoretical account of technics from the thought of arche-writing in Of Grammatology. Technics and Time never explicitly asks how the theory of technics or a history of the supplement is possible, or, put differently, how, given a general structure in which everyone has forgotten Epimetheus, it is possible for Stiegler to remember him. Stiegler inclines toward a simpler and more traditional type of theoretical work in which one imagines that what can supersede philosophy in its repression of technics (or even Heideggerian thinking) is just a “better” theory,10 one that in this case makes possible a new thinking about the political or what Stiegler calls a “politics of memory,” as he outlines toward the end of the first volume of Technics and Time:

     

    The irreducible relation of the who to the what is nothing but the expression of retentional finitude (that of its memory. Today memory is the object of an industrial exploitation that is also a war of speed: from the computer to program industries in general, via the cognitive sciences, the technics of virtual reality and telepresence together with the biotechnologies . . . There is therefore a pressing need for a politics of memory. This politics would be nothing but a thinking of technics . . . ) (Technics 276)

     

    It might well seem therefore that Stiegler’s desire in the first volume of Technics and Time to think technics on the basis of différance (and therefore to resist the various pitfalls which he finds in Leroi-Gourhan and in Simondon) is at odds both with the specifics of Derrida’s own account of différance–this much is clear from the reading in The Fault of Epimetheus–and with deconstruction in general to the extent that Stiegler in Technics and Time is concerned with the construction of a new theoretical account of technics that is capable of displacing philosophical and, to a certain extent, traditional scientific accounts. At the stage of the “Fault of Epimetheus” Stiegler tends toward a theory of what one might call, using Richard Beardsworth’s terminology, “technics as time.”11 This theory would draw on deconstruction in a straightforward way as a continuation of the arguments that Derrida opens up in the chapter entitled “Of Grammatology as a Positive Science” in Of Grammatology–while correcting, for example, Derrida’s failure to understand the significance of the emergence of the human (which we addressed above).

     

    In later work,12 Stiegler seems to advance a subtle distinction between his work and that of Derrida. Whereas Derrida is primarily concerned (in Of Grammatology) with a “logic” of the supplement, Stiegler is concerned with the “history” of the supplement. This distinction can be observed in the paper “Discrétiser le temps,” where Stiegler argues for a history of the supplement “of which . . . Derrida has unfortunately never really explored the conditions.”13 Even if Stiegler believes, as he states in the introduction to volume two of La technique et le temps (“La désorientation”), that the logic of the supplement is “always already” the history of the supplement, it is clear that he believes that Derrida has in some sense neglected this history of the supplement or failed to recognize its importance. This question is explicitly raised in La technique et le temps in the discussion of phonetic writing in the chapter in volume 2 entitled “L’époque orthographique”:

     

    The stakes here concern the specificity of linear writing in the history of arche-writing, ortho-graphic writing which is also phono-logic, always understood from the beginning as such, and of which Derrida often seems to blur, if not deny the specificity of in the history of the trace.14

     

    Here Stiegler insists on the term “orthographic” writing in preference to “phonetic” or “phonologic” writing. Stiegler argues, via a reading of Jean Bottero, that what is distinctively different about such writing is not that it is closer to the sounds of speech, but rather that it is capable of breaking with the context of its inscription in a way that “pictographic” signs are not:

     

    "Proper writing" (l'écriture proprement dite) is what is readable as a result of us having at our disposal the recording "code." It is orthothetic recording. Pictographic tables remain unreadable for us even when we have the code at our disposal: one must also have knowledge of the context. Without this, the signification escapes. In order to accede fully to the signification of a pictographic inscription, one must have lived the event of which it holds the record.15

     

    Therefore for Stiegler the specificity of orthographic writing is not that it is closer to speech but that it represents a different type of “recording” (enregistrement). Derrida’s own account of “phonologocentrism” seeks to show that (i) the philosophical account of language always prefers speech to writing ; (ii) it therefore prefers phonetic writing to any other kind since, being closest to speech, it is something like the “least worse” form of writing. The deconstruction of such phonologocentrism involves showing, on the one hand, how the characteristics that philosophy ascribes to writing are always already at work in language in general (including speech). To this extent Stiegler is quite happy to go along with Derrida’s account. He finds a problem when, on the other hand, Derrida argues that as soon as one removes the phonetic privilege, an axiomatic distinction between phonetic or orthographic writing and non-phonetic writing becomes impossible to sustain. Stiegler finds it problematic that Derrida can on the one hand argue in the opening Exergue of Of Grammatology that the phoneticization of writing is “the historical origin and structural possibility of philosophy as of science” and yet on the other hand write in a later chapter, “Of Grammatology as a Positive Science” that “phoneticization . . . has always already begun” and that “[the] cuneiform, for example, is at the same time ideogrammatic and phonetic” (4, 89). Stiegler comments:

     

    Grammatology elaborates a logic of the supplement where the accidentality of the supplementary is originary. It is concerned with taking the history of the supplement as accidental history from which would result a becoming essential of the accident--but one must therefore also talk of a becoming accidental of the essence. By most often blurring the specificity of phonologic writing, by suggesting for the most part that nearly all that develops therein was already there before, by therefore not making this specificity a central question (and doesn't all grammatology come in a certain manner necessarily to relegate such a question?) doesn't one weaken in advance the grammatological project?16

     

    One has to understand this move in the context of Stiegler’s overall project in Technics and Time. The deconstruction of speech and writing is crucial to Stiegler’s argument because it appears to show that the technical supplement (writing), far from being an exterior accident that befalls an originally full speech, is actually at the heart of language proper. It therefore deconstructs the opposition between the contingent, “accidental” exteriority of the technical supplement and language as essence or necessity. But for Stiegler this move is, as it were, only a first step. One must go beyond what he sees as a mere logic of the supplement–the deconstructive move that locates the contingent accidentality of the supplement within and not outside the essence of language–to what he wants to think of as the “history of the supplement.” The point is that Derrida’s deconstructive move here ought to lead him not only to the deconstruction of the relationship between the accidental and the essential but also to be more interested in the “accidental” in itself, in the history of the technical supplement, i.e. technics. It ought to lead him to thinking, as Stiegler puts it here, the “becoming accidental of the essence,” which involves rethinking the essence of the human as technical accidentality–essentially Stiegler’s project in Technics and Time. One ought to be less interested in the written supplement in general as an avenue for the deconstruction of the metaphysics of presence and more interested in the “specificity” of given written supplements.

     

    Beardsworth’s Two “Derrideanisms”

     

    In the conclusion to his influential book, Derrida and the Political, Richard Beardsworth develops a “loose speculation” about “two possible futures of Derrida’s philosophy”:

     

    The first would be what one may call within classical concepts of the political a "left-wing Derrideanism." It would foreground Derrida's analysis of originary technicity, "avoiding" the risk of freezing quasi-transcendental logic by developing the trace in terms of the mediations between human and the technical (the very process of hominization). In order to think future "spectralization" and establish a dialogue between philosophy, the human sciences, the arts and the technosciences, this future of Derrida's philosophy would return to the earlier texts of Derrida which read metaphysical logic in terms of the disavowal of techne. The second could be called, similarly, a "right-wing Derrideanism." It would pursue Derrida's untying of the aporia of time from both logic and technics, maintaining that even if there is only access to time through technics, what must be thought, articulated and witnessed is the passage of time. To do so, this Derrideanism would mobilize religious discourse and prioritize, for example, the radically "passive" nature of the arts, following up on more recent work of Derrida on the absolute originarity of the promise and of his reorganization of religious discourse to think and describe it. (156)

     

    Even if immediately after this passage Beardsworth makes clear that there is in fact “no answer and no choice” between these opposed “futures” of what he calls here “Derrideanism,”17 it is clear from the rest of this concluding chapter to Derrida and the Political that the speculative choice he presents here responds to or formulates what seems to be for Beardsworth a real duality in Derrida’s thought. Even if Beardsworth retreats rather quickly from the reality of this choice, the terms in which he formulates it already demand at least two questions, or sets of questions: firstly about the possibility of making a distinction between, on the one hand, a thinking of deconstruction in terms of technics (which Beardsworth associates here, as elsewhere, with the work of Stiegler) and, on the other, a sort of literary or “religious” deconstruction; secondly, about the legitimacy of ascribing to these two “schools” a right- or a left-wing political orientation. Moreover, while Beardsworth seems to retreat from the “choice” at the end of Derrida and the Political, his later article “Thinking Technicity” offers a similar analysis of “good” and “bad” deconstruction. In this essay the first (good) form of deconstruction is to be tied to Derrida’s early work and is again concerned with thinking, via the analysis of arche-writing, an originary technicity as the “radical exteriority of any interiority” (“Thinking Technicity” 77). The second form of deconstruction is to be found, for Beardsworth, in Derrida’s work around “Levinasian ethics, negative theology and the Platonic conception of the khôra and is formulated here as thinking ‘an excess’ that precedes and conditions all determinations” (77). Beardsworth comments as follows:

     

    For Derrida, arche-writing and this excess of determination are necessarily the same, even though each reveals a series of singular traits particular to the context from which they are thought. I would nevertheless argue at this juncture that, despite their sameness they necessarily have different effects. These effects reveal that there is a tension between them, one which concerns the kind of work that they bring about on metaphysical thinking, and its limits. The one (that of excess) has arrested within the culture of contemporary philosophy further articulation of what lies behind the institution of metaphysical thought, while the other, if situated beyond the immediate question of language and writing, can be considered to invite further differentiations. The one has given rise to the "theological" turn to deconstruction in the 1980s (together with the sense of its apolitical nature) while the other, if articulated through its differentiations, allows us to continue thinking the past and future of metaphysics in terms of technical supplementarity, one that allows us to advance all the more interestingly the political dimension of contemporary thought. ("Thinking Technicity" 78)

     

    These two forms of deconstruction don’t seem in principle very different from the “left-wing” and “right-wing” Derrideanisms that Beardsworth has talked of earlier, and here the “choice” between them is not immediately withdrawn but rather confidently affirmed. Indeed the opposition between thinking technical supplementarity and thinking the “excess” beyond all determination therefore refigures here the two forms of alterity that Beardsworth outlines in the conclusion of Derrida and the Political–the two forms of radical alterity:

     

    There are . . . "two" instances of "radical alterity" here which need articulation and whose relation demands to be developed: the radical alterity of the promise and the radical alterity of the other prior to the ego of which one modality (and increasingly so in the coming years) is the technical other. (155)

     

    Beardsworth goes on to argue that Derrida has hitherto failed to “articulate” these two forms of alterity; his failure to do so is explicitly tied to his avoidance of the question of technicity in Derrida’s reading of Heidegger in Of Spirit. Derrida’s failure to articulate these two forms of alterity leads Beardsworth to imagine the two future forms of Derrideanism we have just mentioned.

     

    At this point it is worth explicating further these two forms of alterity. The first form of alterity–what I will call “technical alterity”–is formulated by Beardsworth in terms of a relation to the “nonhumanity” of matter. Beardsworth ties this alterity to Derrida’s early thinking about arche-writing and the question of originary technicity. This technical alterity or originary technicity is then developed, as we have seen, by Stiegler into a theory of technics. Technics understands originary technicity as an “Epimethean” prosthesis of the human, where the human is figured through the “default of origin,” constituted only in its prosthesis. It is not clear that Stiegler’s thinking of technics as the prosthesis of the human is entirely consistent with a thought of technical alterity or originary technicity. Indeed although in Derrida and the Political and in “From a Genealogy of Matter to a Politics of Memory” Beardsworth seems fairly clear that Stiegler’s technics is consistent with the idea of articulating the relation of matter to the “nonhuman” (or technical alterity), in his later article Beardsworth distances himself from Stiegler:

     

    The risk Stiegler runs in differentiating the historical epochs of arche-writing, and in thinking them in terms of technical supplementarity, is precisely that of considering technicity in the exclusively exteriorized terms of technics which befit the process of hominization. In other words, the wish to differentiate further what lies behind metaphysics in terms of technics, if the model of technics remains that of the "technical object," always runs the risk of re-anthropologizing the very thing that one wishes to dehumanise. The major theses in Technics and Time . . . while brilliantly articulated by Stiegler in their own terms, end up having the following somewhat ironic consequence: biological life prior to, or in its difference from anthropogenesis is removed from the structure of originary technicity; as a result biology is naturalized and the differentiation of technicity qua technics is only considered in its exteriorized form in relation to the process of hominization. ("Thinking Technicity" 81)

     

    This argument underlines the problematic nature of Stiegler’s reading of Derrida. For Stiegler, as we have seen, it is only with the human that life is pursued by means other than life. Hence the human marks a break in the history of différance as the history of life. The origin of technics as organized inorganic matter therefore constitutes the aporetic non-origin of the human. But as Beardsworth points out here, this leaves the relationship between organic life and inorganic life undisturbed and ends up reaffirming the singularity of the human (as that which is invented through the emergence of technics). Stiegler’s thinking of technics therefore risks undermining an originary technicity that is not tied to the specific emergence of the human, which is what Derrida seems to be thinking under the rubric of the trace and of différance as the “history of life in general.”18 Stiegler’s “technical alterity,” on this reading, ends up losing the alterity of the nonhuman which we have seen espoused in Derrida and the Political.

     

    The second form of “radical alterity” that Beardsworth outlines in Derrida and the Political is the “alterity of the promise.” In the conclusion to Derrida and the Political, Beardsworth shows this Derridean thought of the promise at work in Specters of Marx. Beardsworth quotes the following passage:

     

    Even beyond the regulating idea in its classic form,19 the idea, if that is still what it is, of democracy to come, its "idea" as event of a pledged injunction that orders one to summon the very thing that will never present itself in the form of full presence, is the opening of this gap between an infinite promise . . . and the determined, necessary, but also necessarily inadequate forms of what has to be measured against this promise. To this extent, the effectivity or actuality of the democratic promise, like that of the communist promise, will always keep within it, and it must do so, this absolutely undetermined messianic hope at its heart, this eschatological relation to the to-come of an event and of a singularity, of an alterity that cannot be anticipated. Awaiting without horizon of the wait, awaiting what one does not expect yet or any longer, hospitality without reserve, welcoming salutation accorded in advance to the absolute surprise of the arrivant from whom or from which one will not ask anything in return . . . just opening which renounces any right to property, any right in general, messianic opening to what is coming, that is, to the event that cannot be awaited as such, or recognized in advance. (Specters of Marx 65)

     

    As is made clear here, Derrida is situating the political, in the form of the democratic or communist promise, in terms of a “messianic” structure of the event which Beardsworth calls the “absolute future that informs all political organizations” (Derrida and the Political 146). The thought of the political requires that one hold on to the idea of an indeterminate future, or an unanticipatable event. If the future were either in principle or practice entirely knowable, then the political would become superfluous. The political must therefore welcome the event in its absolute alterity, awaiting it without horizon of anticipation (attente sans attente)–for to anticipate the event would already be in some sense to determine it, to know something about it, to anticipate the unanticipatable.

     

    This messianic structure around the event is to be distinguished by Derrida from any determinate messianism of a biblical kind:

     

    Ascesis strips the messianic hope of all biblical forms, and even all determinable figures of the wait or expectation . . . . One may always take the quasi-atheistic dryness of the messianic to be the condition of the religions of the Book, a desert that was not even theirs (but the earth is always borrowed, on loan from God, it is never possessed by the occupier, says precisely [justement] the Old Testament whose injunction one would also have to hear); one may always recognize there the arid soil in which grew, and passed away, the living figures of all the messiahs, whether they were announced, recognized, or still awaited. (Specters of Marx 168)

     

    However, this “dry” messianic structure of the event is not simply a structure that would underpin any determinate messianism as it would underpin any determinate politics. Nor is it a limit that, as Derrida puts it in “Force of Law,” “defines either an infinite progress or a waiting and awaiting” (Acts of Religion255), because the political relationship to the “absolute future” also requires that one act, that one make political decisions. Derrida formulates this argument in relation to justice in “Force of Law”:

     

    justice, however unpresentable it remains, does not wait. It is that which must not wait. To be direct, simple and brief, let us say this: a just decision is always required immediately, right away, as quickly as possible. It cannot provide itself with the infinite information and the unlimited knowledge of conditions, rules or hypothetical imperatives that could justify it. And even if it did have all that at its disposal, even if it did give itself the time, all the time and all the necessary knowledge about the matter, well then, the moment of decision as such, what must be just, must [il faut] always remain a finite moment of urgency and precipitation; it must [doit] not be the consequence or the effect of this theoretical or historical knowledge, of this reflection or this deliberation, since the decision always marks the interruption of the juridico-, ethico-, or politico-cognitive deliberation that precedes it, that must [doit] precede it. (Acts of Religion 255)

     

    This messianic structure which Beardsworth associates with the promise and thinks of as Derrida’s second form of alterity is therefore marked by what Derrida calls later in Specters of Marx an “irreducible paradox” (168). For it is both a “waiting without horizon of expectation” and also “urgency, imminence” (168). One can never therefore be entirely happy with the division that Beardsworth makes at the end of Derrida and the Political when he associates this second form of alterity straightforwardly as “a reorganization of religious discourse” (156). It is never simply the case, for Derrida, that “what must be thought, articulated and witnessed is the passage of time” (156). That is only one step, one side, or one hand and, as Beardsworth reminds us elsewhere, with Derrida “it is always a question of hands” (“Deconstruction and Tradition” 287). For this reorganization of religious discourse is always also–via the thinking of urgency, imminence or the necessity of decision–a rethinking of political or juridical discourse. Nowhere could this point be clearer than in Specters of Marx, where Derrida very precisely associates the urgency or imminence of this messianic structure with Marxism. As Derrida puts it there: “No differance without alterity, no alterity without singularity, no singularity without here-now” (31). The linking of differance to the singularity of the here-now is an indication that what is being thought around the political injunction is not completely new in Derrida’s thinking. Indeed in an earlier interview about Marx, Derrida explicitly links the singularity of the political injunction to the theme of iterability developed in “Signature Event Context” (“Politics of Friendship” 228). This argument around iterability will help us to show that Derrida in fact from his earliest writing thinks Beardsworth’s two forms of alterity together.

     

    As Derrida reminds us in “Signature Event Context”:

     

    My "written communication" must, if you will, remain legible despite the absolute disappearance of every determined addressee in general for it to function as writing, that is, for it to be legible. It must be repeatable--iterable--in the absolute absence of the addressee or the empirically determinable set of addresses. This iterability (iter, once again, comes from itara, other in Sanskrit, and everything that follows may be read as the exploitation of the logic which links repetition to alterity), structures the mark of writing itself, and does so moreover for no matter what type of writing (pictographic, hieroglyphic, ideographic, phonetic, alphabetic, to use the old categories). (Margins of Philosophy 315)

     

    So the iterability of the written mark constitutes a “logic which links repetition to alterity.” In On Being With Others, Simon Glendinning gives a particularly clear account of this moment in Derrida:

     

    Paradoxical as it may seem, what has to be acknowledged here is that Derrida's appeal here to the concept of iterability is made not only because of its connection with the idea of sameness and identity but also because of its (improbable, etymological) connection with alterity, otherness and difference. Roughly, what Derrida aims to show is that alterity and difference--i.e., what is traditionally conceived as bearing on features which are essentially "accidental" or "external" to "ideal identities"--are, in fact and in principle, a necessary and universal feature of all idealisation as such. Thus, Derrida will argue that the recognisability of the "same word" is, in fact and in principle, possible only "in, through, and even in view of its alteration." (112, citing Derrida, Limited Inc 53)

     

    In other words, what guarantees the sign in its identity, that is, its iterability, is already constituted through a relationship with alterity. Here this alterity is not simply that of original technicity, relation to exteriority, or the alterity of the “nonhuman.” It is always already also a relation to temporal alterity and alterity in general. Now this is clearly a very significant point in relation to Stiegler’s attempt to develop the thought of originary technicity in Derrida’s early work on arche-writing into a general theory of technics. For Stiegler’s argument is, as we have seen, that the technical object in general constitutes the relationship to time, the condition of access to the undetermined future (and the privileged example of this is what he calls orthographic writing, what Derrida calls “phonetic” writing). Yet the argument around iterability makes it clear that for Derrida the “orthographic” mark is already itself constituted by a relation to alterity–the repeatable identity of the mark is only constituted through a relation to its temporal alteration and to alterity in general. There are in effect two sides to the argument around the trace. On the one hand, “articulating the living on the non-living in general,” the trace is a moment of exteriorization, binding idealization indissolubly to the mark (Of Grammatology 65). On the other hand (“it is always a question of hands“), the mark is never simply material: it is only constituted as the mark that it is through a relation with alterity. Iterability can never mean simply “possibility of repetition” because in that case what guaranteed the identity of the mark would have to be constituted as a possibility prior to the actual repetitions it made possible–this structure of an ideal form and its real copies would then reconstitute a logocentric and idealist understanding of language. The trace therefore can never simply constitute the technical possibility of a relationship to alterity, which it is already constituted itself through a relationship with alterity. The technical organization of time is always already the temporal organization of technics.

     

    The necessary relationship between technicity and alterity in relation to the sign is underlined in Derrida’s later work on the commodity. For Derrida, the spectral quality that Marx locates in exchange-value–that is, that an exterior thing be the bearer of an idealized value–is already at work in use-value. For the use-value of the ordinary useful thing is never simply a material property, or constituted simply through an imminent relation of a human subject to the thing, but is always constituted through “the possibility of being used by the other or being used another time . . . . in its originary iterability, a use-value is in advance promised, promised to exchange and beyond exchange” (Specters of Marx 162). What this makes clear once again is that for Derrida iterability, the identity of the technical object, or what Stiegler wants to think of as the organization of “organised inorganic matter” can’t simply be thought of as constitutive of temporalization because it is first of all constituted by and through a relation to an alterity that is both spatial and temporal (here figured precisely in terms of the promise that Beardsworth would like to oppose to it). On the one hand this problematises the whole project of Technics and Time in as much at it wants to relate the history of the supplement–thought of as the history of organized inorganic matter or technics–as the prosthesis that invents the human in its relationship to time. For the relationship to time cannot be simply derived from the technical object if, as Derrida’s argument around iterability makes clear; the technical object is already constituted in part by that relationship with time. On the other hand it also renders extremely problematic the division Beardsworth is trying to demonstrate in his conclusion to Derrida and the Political between two forms of alterity. To recall the terms of Beardsworth’s argument:

     

    in the context of the theme of originary technicity of man . . . there is indeed a shift which Derrida has not expounded. In Of Grammatology the trace was said to "connect with the same possibility . . . the structure of relationship to the other, the movement of temporalization, and language as writing" . . . In "The violence of the letter: from Lévi-Strauss to Rousseau" Derrida maintained that "arche-writing" was the origin of morality as of immorality. The non-ethical opening of ethics. A violent opening." This opening is rewritten as the promise in Specters of Marx. And yet, if time is from the first technically organized, if access to the experience of time is only possible through technics, then the "promise" must be more originary than "originary technicity." Even if they are inseparable--and what else is the law of contamination but this inextricability?--they are not on the same "ontological" level. There are, consequently, "two" instances of "radical alterity" here which need articulation and whose relation demands to be developed: the radical alterity of the promise and the radical alterity of the other prior to the ego of which one modality (and increasingly so in the coming years) is the technical other. (Derrida and the Political 155)

     

    In our context it becomes clear what Beardsworth’s problem here is. He wants to regard Derrida’s early work as concerned with an originary technicity in the form of the trace that would be constitutive of both temporalization and the relationship to the other, and therefore constitute the “nonethical opening of ethics.” The priority would be not to think alterity but rather to think that which is constitutive of alterity, i.e., the “technical other,” exteriority, and the relation to the nonhuman–in short, “technics.” But with the thinking of the “promise” in Specters of Marx the alterity that appeared to be constituted by technics in the early work is seen to be more originary than technics. The relation to temporal alterity in the form of the event would have to be thought prior to the technical “organization” of time. This leads Beardsworth to conclude that there must indeed be two forms of alterity at work in Derrida, “which need articulation and whose relation demands to be developed.”

     

    But the analysis we have just made makes it clear that for Derrida the “technicity” of the sign, i.e. iterability, is already constituted through a relation to the other. It is not a question of simply constituting or making possible a relation to temporal alterity. The problem here is Beardsworth’s assumption in the phrase “And yet, if time is from the first technically organized . . . .” For that implies that technical organization is to be thought prior to the temporalization to which it gives access. (Indeed this sounds much more like Stiegler than like Derrida.) As Derrida puts it in Of Grammatology, the very text from which Beardsworth is quoting:

     

    The "unmotivatedness" of the sign requires a synthesis in which the absolutely other is announced as such--without any simplicity, any identity, any resemblance or continuity--within what is not it . . . . The trace, where the relationship with the other is marked, articulates its possibility in the entire field of the entity [étant]. (47; translation modified, emphasis added)

     

    The relation to the other is not constituted by some, technical, for example, “synthesis” that precedes it: alterity is rather already inscribed within the synthesis that constitutes the trace. Originary technicity in the form of the trace is here quite clearly the opening to alterity, to the “event,” to the “promise” which Beardsworth thinks must come along later and therefore constitute “a shift which Derrida has not expounded.” But there is no shift in Derridahere that has not been expounded. If there is a shift to be “expounded” it is between Derrida’s understanding of originary technicity in the trace and Stiegler’s thinking of technics as the technical organization or determination of time. 

     

    Notes

     

    1. On the aporia of the origin of the human in relation to the work of Leroi-Gourhan, see particularly Technics and Time 141-12. Stiegler develops the argument around the “default of origin” (défaut d’origine) through a reading of the “fault” of Epimetheus in Plato’s Protagoras, concluding that “[humans] only occur through their being forgotten; they only appear in disappearing” (Technics and Time 188). See also Bennington and Beardsworth’s exposition of this argument in Stiegler, “Emergencies” 180-81; “From a Genealogy of Matter to a Politics of Memory” 95n16.

     

    2. This can be seen in the following definition of the organized inorganic from Stiegler’s article “Leroi-Gourhan: l’inorganique organisé“: “Leroi-Gourhan fournit les concepts fondamentaux, et à partir desquels il est possible de faire apparaître un troisième Règne, à côté des deux règnes reconnus depuis longtemps des êtres inertes et des êtres organiques. Ce nouveau règne, qui a été ignoré aussi bien par la philosophie que par les sciences, c’est le règne de ce que j’appelle les êtres inorganiques (non-vivants) organisés (instrumentaux)” (188-89).

     

    3. See Bennington’s comments on the problematic nature of this equation of phusis and “life” (189).

     

    4. This clean separation between phylogenetic and epiphylogenetic evolution is challenged for Stiegler by modern technology in the form of genetic manipulation: “Dès lors que la biologie molèculaire rend possible une manipulation du germen par l’intervention de la main, le programme reçoit une leçon de l’expérience. La loi même de la vie s’en trouve purement et simplement suspendue.” (“Quand faire c’est dire” 272). See also La technique et le temps II 173-87.

     

    5.”Différance is literally neither a word nor a concept”; “différance is neither a word nor a concept“; “différance, which is not a concept” (Margins 3, 7, 11).

     

    6. Bennington criticizes Stiegler for his “confident identification of ‘technics’ as the name for a problem which he also recognizes goes far beyond any traditional determination of that concept” (190).

     

    7.”‘Older’ than Being itself, such a différance has no name in our language. But we ‘already know’ that if it is unnameable, it is not provisionally so, not because our language has not yet found or received this name, or because we would have to seek it in another language, outside the finite system of our own. It is rather because there is no name for it at all, not even the name of essence or of Being, not even that of “différance,” which is not a name, which is not a pure nominal unity, and unceasingly dislocates itself in a chain of differing and deferring substitutions” (Derrida, Margins 26).

     

    8.”[Stiegler’s] compelling, and at times brilliant account of originary technicity is presented in tandem with a set of claims about technics and even techno-science as though all these claims happened at the same level. This mechanism makes of Stiegler’s book perhaps the most refined example to date of the confusion of the quasi-transcendental (originary technicity) and transcendental contraband (technics)” (“Emergencies” 190).

     

    9.”To feel ourselves seen by a look that it will always be impossible to cross, that is the visor effect on the basis of which we inherit from the law” (Derrida, Specters 7).

     

    10. This is essentially the argument Bennington makes in his reading of Stiegler: “‘Technics’ is a philosophical concept, and to that extent can never provide the means to criticise philosophy. Failing to register this point (which is now very familiar as the principle of all of Derrida’s analyses of the human sciences in Writing and Difference and Margins) condemns one to a certain positivism, itself grounded in the mechanism of transcendental contraband whereby the term supposed to do the critical work on philosophy (here tekhn) is simply elevated into a transcendental explanatory position whence it is supposed to criticise philosophy, while all the time exploiting without knowing it a philosophical structure par excellence” (184).

     

    11. I am drawing here on Richard Beardsworth’s account of Stiegler’s work: “La technique et le temps therefore thinks technics firstly within time (in terms of its own historical dynamic), secondly with time (in terms of the impossibility of the origin), and thirdly as time (as the impure, retrospective constitution of the apophantic ‘as such,’ or consciousness)” (“From a Genealogy” 96).

     

    12. For example in Stiegler, “Derrida and Technology.”

     

    13. “Histoire [du supplément] dont je pense que Derrida n’a malheureusement jamais réellement exploré les conditions” (“Discrétiser le temps” 117n6).

     

    14. “L’enjeu porte sur la spécificité de l’écriture linéaire dans l’histoire de l’archi-écriture, écriture ortho-graphique qui est aussi phono-logique, toujours comprise d’abord comme telle, et dont Derrida parâit souvent éstomper, sinon dénier, la spécificité dans l’histoire de la trace” (La technique II 41).

     

    15. “L’écriture proprement dite est ce qui nous est lisible pourvu que nous disposions du code d’enregistrement. C’est l’enregistrement orthothétique. Les tablettes pictographiques nous restent illisibles même lorsque nous disposons du code: il faut avoir aussi conaissance du contexte. Sans lui, la signification échappe. Pour accéder pleinement à la signification d’une inscripiton pictographique, il faut avoir vécu l’évenement dont elle tient registre” (La technique II 68-9).

     

    16. “La grammatologie élabore une logique du supplément où l’accidentalité supplémentaire est originaire. Il s’agit de prendre l’histoire du supplément en considération commehistoire accidentelle gauche dont résulterait un devenir-essential de l’accident–mais il faudrait alors parler aussi d’un devenir accidentelle de l’essence. En estompant le plus souvent la spécificité de l’écriture phonologique, en suggérant que la plupart du temps presque tout ce qui s’y développe était déjà là avant, en ne faisant donc pas de cette spécificité une question centrale (et toute la grammatologie n’en vient-elle pas d’une certaine manière nécessairement à reléguer une telle question?), n’affaiblit-on pas par avance le projet grammatologique?” (La technique II 43).

     

    17. Bennington cites this passage from Beardsworth and then comments: “Beardsworth’s gesture in proposing this scenario only immediately to refuse it really might be described by the operator of disavowal” (“Emergencies” 214n47). Bennington is alluding here to Beardsworth’s frequent usage of the term disavowal to describe gestures of philosophical exclusion. (To take a few examples from an extremely rich field: in Chapter 2, “[in] Hegelian logic, the very logic of contradiction ends up also disavowing time” (Derrida and the Political 91); in Chapter 3, “Heidegger’s interpretation of Aristotle with respect to an opposition between vulgar and primordial time is Iitself a disavowal of time” (109); in the conclusion, “does Derrida’s thinking of the ‘there’ in terms of the promise disavow in turn the originary relation between the human and the nonhuman?” (152). In general in Beardsworth one either “articulates” or “negotiates,” on the one hand, or “disavows” on the other.) Bennington comments on this “operator of disavowal” in Beardsworth’s book: “Beardsworth’s understanding is that Derrida takes ‘metaphysics’ to do with a ‘disavowal’ of time . . . he uses the term within mild scare-quotes at first, but soon stops and never thinks through the difficult implications there may be in relying on a psychoanalytically determined concept to describe this situation” (“Emergencies” 197). It should be pointed out, however, that Beardsworth does offer the following (albeit short) justification in a footnote to his introduction: “[I use] ‘Disavows’ in the Freudian sense, that is in the sense of a refusal to perceive a fact which impinges from the outside. Freud’s example in his use of the term is the denial of a woman’s absence of penis . . . The term is, however, appropriate for the way in which the tradition of philosophy has ‘denied’ finitude. The concept will be used frequently in my argument” (Derrida and the Political 158n2).

     

    18. The argument that Beardsworth makes here is similar to the one made by Bennington in his earlier essay “Emergencies,” which may well have influenced Beardsworth’s thinking. Bennington argues: “Stiegler wants to force the whole philosophical argumentation of Derrida through the ‘passage’ of the emergence of mankind: the fact that he then goes on to characterise that ‘passage’ in terms of an originary technicity which is very close to Derrida’s own thinking does not alter the fact that his first gesture commits him to a certain positivism about difference, and this leads to his confident identification of ‘technics’ as the name for a problem which he also recognises goes far beyond any traditional determination of that concept” (190).

     

    19. In a remarkable conversation between Beardsworth and Derrida entitled “Nietzsche and the Machine,” Derrida provides the following extended analysis of why the “idea” of “democracy to come” is different from the Kantian Idea: “Where the Idea in the Kantian sense leaves me dissatisfied is precisely around its principle of infinity: firstly, it refers to an infinite in the very place what I call différance implies the here and now, implies urgency and imminence . . . secondly, the Kantian Idea refers to an infinity which constitutes a horizon. The horizon is, as the Greek word says, a limit forming a backdrop against which one can know, against which one can see what’s coming. The Idea has already anticipated the future before it arrives. So the idea is both too futural, in the sense that it is unable to think the deferral of difference in terms of ‘now’, and it is not ‘futural’ enough, in the sense that it already knows what tomorrow should be” (49-50).

    Works Cited

     

    • Beardsworth, Richard. “From a Genealogy of Matter to a Politics of Memory: Stiegler’s Thinking of Technics.” Tekhnema: Journal of Philosophy and Technology 2 (1995): 85-115.
    • —. “Thinking Technicity.” Cultural Values 2 (1998): 70-86.
    • —. “Towards a Critical Culture of the Image.” Tekhnema: Journal of Philosophy and Technology 4 (1998): 114-41.
    • Bennington, Geoffrey. “Emergencies.” The Oxford Literary Review 18 (1996): 175-216.
    • Derrida, Jacques. Acts of Religion. Ed. Gil Anidjar. New York: Routledge, 2002.
    • —. Margins of Philosophy. Trans. Alan Bass. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1982.
    • —. Of Grammatology. Trans. Gayatri C. Spivak. New York: John Hopkins UP, 1976.
    • —. Specters of Marx: The State of the Debt, the Work of Mourning, and the New International. Trans. Peggy Kamuf. New York: Routledge, 1994.
    • Derrida, Jacques, and Bernard Stiegler. Echographies of Television. Trans. Jennifer Bajorek. Cambridge: Polity, 2002.
    • Glendinning, Simon. On Being With Others. London: Routledge, 1998.
    • Stiegler, Bernard. “Derrida and Technology: Fidelity at the Limits of Deconstruction and the Prosthesis of Faith.” Jacques Derrida and the Humanities: a Critical Reader. Ed. Tom Cohen. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2001. 238-70.
    • —. “Discrétiser le temps.” Les Cahiers de médiologie (2000): 115-21.
    • —. “Leroi-Gourhan: l’inorganique organisé.” Les Cahiers de médiologie (1998): 187-94.
    • —. “Quand faire c’est dire: de la technique comme différance de toute frontière.” Le passage des frontières: autour du travail de Jacques Derrida. Paris: Galilée, 1994. 271-83.
    • —. Technics and Time. Trans. Richard Beardsworth and George Collins. Stanford: Stanford UP, 1998.
    • —. “Technics of Decision: An Interview.” Interview with Peter Hallward. Trans. Sean Gaston. Angelaki 8 (2003): 151-68.
    • —. La technique et le temps. Vol. 2. La désorientation. Paris: Galilée, 1996.

     

  • Duchamp’s “Luggage Physics”: Art on the Move

    Dalia Judovitz

    Department of French and Italian
    Emory University
    djudovi@emory.edu

     

    Besides, you know, all my work, literally and figuratively, fits into a
    valise . . .

    –Marcel Duchamp, 16 Dec. 1954

     

    “Well, it had to come. How long will it last?” wondered Marcel Duchamp in a letter to Katherine Dreier about the onset of World War II following the invasion of Poland. “How will we come out of it, if we come out of it?” At fifty-two, and thus too old for military service, Duchamp envisaged doing “some civilian work to help. What?? Everything is still a mess,” he exclaimed. In Paris, half deserted and in darkness, he was “waiting for the first bomb, to leave for somewhere in the country.”1 The eruption of the war had Duchamp packing his bags again, just as he did during World War I when he first came to America. In this period he was producing materials for a box packed in a valise, a folding exhibition space that would assemble reproductions of his artistic corpus. Resembling a portable museum, The Box in a Valise (1935-41) collected 69 miniature reproductions and replicas that he intended to assemble in America.2 Traveling between the unoccupied and occupied zones with a cheese dealer’s pass in the spring of 1941, Duchamp anxiously transported across the German lines a large suitcase filled not with cheese, but with materials for his boxes.3 The materials for assembly and reproductions for fifty boxes were shipped off to New York in 1941 in two cases, along with Peggy Guggenheim’s recently acquired art collection, under the label “household goods.” By 14 May 1942, when Duchamp got his papers and headed from Marseilles to New York, most artists and intellectuals had already left France; this escape route would soon be cut off.4 Fleeing the ravages of war in the nick of time, Duchamp would once again assume the migrant condition inaugurated by his arrival to the U.S. during World War I.

     

    Duchamp’s repeated attempts to take refuge from war reflected his enduring aversion to militarism and patriotism. Speaking of the reasons for his first migration to the U.S. during WWI, he stated: “I had left France basically for lack of militarism. For lack of patriotism, if you wish” (Cabanne 59). He held this conviction throughout his life, although after WWII it was colored by ambivalence and regret.5 Even as early as 1905, “being neither militaristic nor soldierly,” he availed himself of the exemption of “art worker” by becoming a printer of engravings (the other option was to be a typographer) in order to reduce his military service (Cabanne 19-20). Duchamp’s aversion to war largely overlapped his discontent with art and his sense that he was incompatible with its endeavors. In a letter to Walter Pach (27 Apr. 1915), he notes the combined impact of war and art on his decision to leave France:

     

    For a long time and even before the war, I have disliked this "artistic life" in which I was involved.--It is the exact opposite of what I want. So I tried to somewhat escape from the artists through the library. Then during the war, I felt increasingly more incompatible with this milieu. I absolutely wanted to leave. (Duchamp, Amicalement 40)

     

    His disenchantment with art is based on its exclusive cultivation of visual aspects (what he called the “retinal”) to the detriment of intellectual expression. Trapped by professional and market pressures that left artists to merely repeat themselves by copying and multiplying a few ideas, he actively sought to escape. War appears to have exacerbated this rising disaffection with art and with the artistic milieu by bringing it to a crisis. However, the challenge of implementing his decision to leave both war and art behind and the questions this decision raises gained renewed urgency upon the eruption of WWII.

     

    Does the production of The Box in a Valise during World War II attest to an attempt to take refuge in art by stepping out of history? Walter Arensberg, Duchamp’s sometime patron and friend, commented in 1943 that the retrospective history that the Box constructs through the monograph-like compilation of Duchamp’s works suggests that he became the “puppeteer” of his past by inventing a “new kind of autobiography.”6 Arensberg’s contention that Duchamp would resort to the creation of personal myth by artistically manipulating his past, however, is hard to reconcile with Duchamp’s denunciation of autobiography: “I flatly refuse to write an autobiography. It has always been a hobby of mine to object to the written, I, I, I’s on the part of the artist” (Hulten 28 June 1965). Duchamp objected to autobiography’s excessive reliance on the “I” as supreme referent because it consolidates and aggrandizes authorial identity, instead of putting it into question as he had done in his works. His refusal to write an autobiography suggests that his endeavor in the The Box in a Valise may not be simply an effort to manipulate and reclaim past history in artistic terms. Marked by traumatic dislocation, this work is symptomatic of Duchamp’s attempt to respond to historical events whose magnitude can no longer find refuge in art. In this essay, I argue that The Box in a Valise affirms the vulnerability of art in the face of catastrophic change. Rather than representing a step out of history, The Box in a Valise reflects the realization that the production of art and the position of the artist would have to change in response to traumatic historical events. In the face of global war, neither art nor the artist can offer salvation, that is, the pretense to reclaim, in the guise of art, historical events that have shattered the frames of reference for human experience.

     

    War Refugee and/or Art Refugee?

     

    Drafted, but found to be “too sick to be a soldier” (he had a heart murmur), Duchamp was “condemned to remain a civilian for the entire duration of the war,” a decision he was not too unhappy about (Duchamp, Amicalement 37). Unable to tolerate the rising patriotic fever of the war along with the rising pitch of the artistic dogmas of the day, notably Cubism, Duchamp arrived in New York on 15 June 1915. In the “Special Feature” section of The New York Tribune (12 September 1915), he reflects on the unique nature of the trauma and grief engendered by the First World War in order to comment on its irremediable impact on the production of art. Referring to Cubism as a “prophet of the war,” he concludes: “for the war will produce a severe, direct art.” He claims that there would be a major shift in sensibility due to the immensity of the scale of suffering brought on by war, and ascribes the emergence of this “severe, direct art” to the hardness of feeling in Europe, due to the experience of a new kind of grief whose magnitude no longer seemed to concern any one individual. He explains:

     

    One readily understands this when one realizes the growing hardness of feeling in Europe, one might almost say the utter callousness with which people are learning to receive the news of the death of those nearest and dearest to them. Before the war the death of a son in a family was received with utter, abject woe, but today it is merely part of a huge universal grief, which hardly seems to concern any one individual. (Hulten 12 Sept. 1915)

     

    Duchamp’s remarks elucidate the nature of the trauma of the First World War by pointing out the extent to which the personal sense of loss was supplanted by a universal grief beyond representation. The problem is not that people became more callous, but that they were no longer able to claim their personal grief and suffering in the face of events whose magnitude shattered the very framework of human experience. Thus his comments suggest that the nature and fate of art in the wake of the traumatic experience of World War I would have to change. But in what sense and how would these developments impact his work?

     

    Duchamp’s personal observations regarding his first migration to America provide some interesting clues. In an article, “French Artists Spur on American Art” (24 Oct. 1915), Duchamp notes the impact of the war: “Art has gone dusty . . . Paris is like a deserted mansion. Her lights are out. One’s friends are all away at the front. Or else they have been already killed.” The foment of artistic activities and exchanges was exhausted, weighed down by talk about the war: “Nothing but war was talked about from morning until night. In such an atmosphere, especially for one who holds war to be an abomination, it may readily be conceived that existence was heavy and dull.” As far as painting is concerned, he writes, “it is a matter of indifference to me where I am.” He concludes that he is so happy to be in New York, “for I have not painted a single picture since coming over” (Hulten 24 Oct. 1915). Duchamp’s expressed indifference to his location reflects the indifference he appears to have developed to painting as a whole, since he stopped painting upon his arrival in the United States. Thus it would seem that for Duchamp art had gone dusty not just in the ateliers of Paris affected by the war, but more generally, as a pursuit that he would suspend and subsequently leave behind.

     

    Does the refuge that Duchamp sought from the war coincide with the freedom that he had been seeking not just from painting but also from art as a whole? A closer look at his activities since 1913 onwards reveals his emergent interest in the readymades on the one hand, and the development of his ideas for The Bride Stripped Bare by her Bachelors, Even or The Large Glass (1915-1923) on the other. These projects reflect his efforts to move away from a purely visual idea of painting toward an understanding of art as intellectual expression.7 Playfully fudging the distinction between ordinary and art objects through mechanical reproduction, the readymades expose through this redundancy the conceptual and institutional premises that encase the designation of objects as art. The Large Glass reassembles and reproduces earlier pictorial studies on glass, stripping painting bare of its visual vestments by rendering it transparent. Using various techniques of reproduction to “dry” up its pictorial content, Duchamp postpones the intent of its pictorial and artistic becoming. By laying bare its conditions of possibility, he challenges the idea of painting and by extension art. Thus, while Duchamp’s refuge from World War I resulted in the suspension of his activities as a painter, it also seems to have provided the freedom to rethink the nature and destiny of art. Consistent with his claim that there is “nothing static about his manner of working,” his departure inaugurated a new beginning: “I have never deceived myself into thinking that I have at length hit upon the ultimate expression. In the midst of each epoch I fully realize that a new epoch will dawn” (Hulten 24 Oct. 1915).

     

    Voyage Sculptures: The Physics of Baggage

     

    Among Duchamp’s readymades produced after his arrival in New York in 1915 was his first portable work entitled Traveler’s Folding Item (1916, New York) (see Figure 1).

     

    Figure 1
    Figure 1: Traveler’s Folding Item, 1916 (1964 edition)
    Gift of Mary Sisler Foundation, Collection of John and Mable Ringling Museum of Art,
    The State Art Museum of Florida
    © 2005 Succession Marcel Duchamp ARS, N.Y./ADAGP, Paris

     

    This Underwood typewriter cover was lost, with no photo left of the original, and was recreated in miniature in 1940 for inclusion in The Box in a Valise. What is notable about this little-discussed work is the centrality of its assigned position in the Box. Displayed between Paris Air and Fountain, it is aligned with the bar that separates the upper and lower portions of The Large Glass.[8] Does the portable and folding nature of this work imply a reflection on The Box in a Valise as folding exhibition case? Its portability, like that of the valise, implies freedom of display outside the confines of the museum, while its flexibility and hence capacity for folding opens up new ways of thinking about the nature of art objects. This work stands out among Duchamp’s readymades because it interrogates the pretensions to solidity associated with sculpture by introducing the “idea of softness”: “I thought it would be a good idea to introduce softness in the Ready-made–in other words not altogether hardness–porcelain, iron, or things like that–why not use something flexible as a new shape–changing shape, so that’s why the typewriter cover came into existence.”[9] But Duchamp does more than just introduce softness into the readymade, since the cover’s flexibility undermines in effect its ability to stand up as an object in its own right. The changing nature of the cover’s shape (whether folded or unfolded) is determined by its use and activation by an agent.

     

    Traveler’s Folding Item points to the typewriter it hides from view, a reference reinforced by the verbal cue of the brand name “Underwood” on the cover. When Walter Hopps asked him about this work, Duchamp responded: “Oh, it is removed from its machine” (Camfield 110). Hidden under the “skirts” of the cover is not just any ordinary object, but a writing machine (machine à écrier).[10] While not particularly worthy of being looked at, the absent typewriter alludes to the mental and verbal processes involved in the production of readymades. These include the choice and determination of the object’s modes of display, along with the use of poetic or punning titles that add “intellectual color.” But as Duchamp specifies, this “cerebral colour” “adds not in the way of intellectualism, but in the way you make another frame to a painting” (Hulten 19 Oct. 1949). Its function is to reframe the work, opening up a new way for seeing and understanding it. Portable by nature and not quite an object in its own right, this flexible case adapts itself to circumstance, thus relinquishing claims to stability both of form and of meaning. This work is doubly interactive, not only because it derives its meaning by association with another object, but also because it requires the intervention of the spectator/producer for its activation in its various conditions. If the readymades were a way of demonstrating the “cover-up” involved in the framing and thus packaging of objects as works of art, Traveler’s Folding Item lifts that cover to revel in the absence of the object, the implied institutional gestures that underwrite its artistic existence and display. Unfolding and suspending the conventions that encase the traditional definition of art objects in the confines of the museum, this portable work anticipates Duchamp’s folding exhibition project, The Box in a Valise.

     

    Following America’s entry into World War I in 1917 and his classification for military duty as a foreigner, Duchamp set off in 1918 for the neutrality of Argentina. Having left France in 1915 for his lack of militarism and patriotism, he had now “fallen into American patriotism, which certainly was worse” (Cabanne 59). He packed in his bags Sculpture for Traveling (New York; object disintegrated; dimensions variable) (see Figure 2), a portable piece made from colored rubber bathing caps cut into irregular strips and glued together into a flexible lattice.

     

    Figure 2
    Figure 2: Sculpture for Traveling, 1918
    Philadelphia Museum of Art: Marcel Duchamp Archive,
    Gift of Jacqueline, Peter and Paul Matisse in memory of their Mother Alexina Duchamp.
    © 2005 Succession Marcel Duchamp ARS, N. Y./ADAGP Paris

     

    Attached with variable lengths of string to the four corners of his studio, this “multi-colored spider’s web” (Hulten 8 July 1918) lacks the solidity of statuary since the “form was ad libitum” (Cabanne 59). Its variable shape and dimensions can adapt to its conditions of display. Duchamp may have chosen to use strips of bathing caps not just because of their elasticity, but also because they allude playfully to the head. The inscription of a mental dimension in the work is particularly important to Duchamp, given his efforts to challenge a purely visual understanding of painting and art. The analogy of this work to a “spider’s web” hides a reference to painting, since the French word for a spider’s web (toile d’arraignée) also refers to the pictorial canvas (toile). Dispensing with the idea of painting, the suspension of this web of strings only retained the protocols of its display. Suspended like a spider’s web, Sculpture for Traveling lay in wait ready to entrap unwitting spectators by impeding their ability to walk around the room (Cabanne 59). The unfolding of this work in space obstructs the “habitual movement of the individual around the contemplated object” (Hulten 26 June 1955), thus disrupting notions of exhibition display. Providing an “antidote” to painting and sculpture, the economy of means and portability of Sculpture for Traveling exposes and challenges the defining conventions for both the production and consumption of works of art. While alluding to his efforts to take refuge from war once again, this work marks his refusal to take refuge in art by rethinking and redefining its nature.

     

    In 1942 Duchamp produced a modified version of this work in an installation format, using the idea of entangled strings minus the bathing caps. Sixteen Miles of String (see Figure 3) was presented in the First Papers of Surrealism Exhibition organized by André Breton and Marcel Duchamp (referred to as his “twine”) for the Coordinating Council for French Relief Societies in New York, 14 Oct.-7 Nov. 1942.

     

    Figure 3
    Figure 3: Sixteen Miles of String, 1942.
    Philadelphia Museum of Art: Marcel Duchamp Archive,
    Gift of Jacqueline, Peter and Paul Matisse in memory of their Mother Alexina Duchamp.
    © 2005 Succession Marcel Duchamp ARS, N. Y./ADAGP Paris.

     

    For now, this analysis will focus on the installation before proceeding to discuss the exhibition’s circumstances, catalog, and opening in more detail. The most notable consideration framing this work is that it was set up to benefit the war relief efforts. The setting for this exhibition was the ornate Whitelaw Reid mansion (ca. 1880s), with its gilded decorations and painted ceilings. This ostentatious and dated setting was out of line not only with the “modernity” of the works displayed but also with the events surrounding the display. Transposing his intervention in Sculpture for Traveling to the public sphere, Duchamp constructed an elaborate web of entangled strings that crisscrossed the exhibition space, obscuring individual works as well as impeding the spectator. By posing a physical impediment, the entangled strings hindered the spectators’ efforts to see the paintings. Reflecting his earlier attempts to keep painting and its retinal seduction at bay, this work reframed the conditions for the display and consumption of art. Given the context of WWII, these attempts at obstructing art took on added resonance.

     

    Not surprisingly, the artists exhibiting their works were less than sanguine about this disruption of the conditions for viewing their works.[11] As Duchamp recalled, his gesture attracted their concern and ire: “Some painters were actually disgusted with the idea of having their paintings back of lines like that, thought nobody would see their paintings.”[12] Did Duchamp’s “harassment of the spectators” disguise the harassment of his fellow artists’ works, as Brian O’Doherty (a.k.a. Patrick Ireland) contends (72)? It is important to keep in mind that his intervention took on not other artists’ works, but rather the conditions of their display. This disruption of aesthetic contemplation reframed the spectators’ experience of the exhibition as an event which was no longer about the business of art as usual. Moreover, on the exhibition’s opening night, children solicited and instructed by Duchamp played in the galleries, throwing balls and creating havoc. Countermanding the anachronism of the setting and challenging the conventions of art, this installation staged the possibility of its own annulment. By barring access and obscuring visibility, the crisscrossing strings marked a de facto cancellation of the show as a purely visual event. Resembling a giant cobweb, this installation commented on the obsoleteness of art gone dusty in the midst of war, along with its modes of display.[13] Sixteen Miles of String exposed the institutional premises (or “strings”) attached to the display and consumption of art that secured the myth of its immutability. It is precisely this entanglement or trap that The Box in a Valise avoids since its tangibility, mutability, and portability challenge both the idea of art and the immobilizing foreclosure of the museum.

     

    Canned Goods

     

    Referring to The Box in a Valise, Duchamp inquired where he should send his “canned goods” (Hulten 23 Feb. 1941). It would seem that in addition to his earlier efforts to “can chance,” he had now “canned” reproductions of his works in a box. This idea of gathering reproductions of his works in a box is new, although Duchamp had already began producing compilations of his notes as early as 1914. As he noted however, at the time “I didn’t have the idea of a box as much as just notes” (Cabanne 42). The Box of 1914 (see Figure 4) is a Kodak photographic box containing sixteen photos of manuscript pages of notes and a drawing.[14]

     

    Figure 4
    Figure 4: The Box of 1914, Closed View.
    Philadelphia Museum of Art, Gift of Mme. Marcel Duchamp.
    © 2005 Succession Marcel Duchamp ARS, N.Y./ ADAGP, Paris

     

    These allusions to photography as a medium for mass reproduction parallel Duchamp’s emergent interest in questions of reproducibility and the multiple, which became the explicit content of his readymades. Reproducing disparate fragments of Duchamp’s mental musings, these notes “can” his thought processes as counterparts to the physical production of art.[15] His comments on The Green Box (1934) (see Figure 5) reiterate the notion of compilation (the equivalent of a Sears, Roebuck catalog) with the caveat that this catalogue was to be consulted when seeing the Glass“because . . . it must not be ‘looked at’ in the aesthetic sense of the word” (Cabanne 42-43).

     

    Figure 5
    Figure 5: The Green Box, 1934.
    Philadelphia Museum of Art: Louise and Walter Arensberg Collection.
    © 2005 Succession Marcel Duchamp ARS, N.Y./ADAGP, Paris.

     

    This conjunction removed the “retinal aspect” by disrupting the aesthetics of the “look,” that is to say a purely visual consumption of art (Hulten 16 Oct. 1934). In his discussion of The Box in a Valise, Duchamp explained that he found a “new form of expression”: “Instead of painting something the idea was to reproduce the paintings that I loved so much in miniature. I didn’t know how to do it. I thought of a book, but I didn’t like the idea” (Duchamp, Writings 136).[16] His remarks indicate that the Valise represents not just an alternative to painting, but a new form of expression that relies on miniature reproduction but is not assimilable to a book. Unfettered by the logic of the book that freezes representation into a regulated succession of static images, Duchamp’s box encased in a valise provides a dynamic and interactive space for the assemblage of his works. Does Duchamp merely repeat himself through a strategy of self-quotation? Or does he discover through The Box in a Valise a new way of thinking about art by redefining notions of artistic making?

     

    The process of reproducing and assembling his portable boxes proved to be painstaking and time consuming. Duchamp had to travel in order to retrieve information regarding the color tones of the originals. Lost objects were reproduced with the aid of photographs, and he even had to repurchase a work in order to reproduce it. In the case of the typewriter cover, where both the original and the photo were lost, he had a miniature replica made that now became an original. The Valise also made available through reproduction works unavailable for viewing because they were in private collections. Shying away from readily available reproduction techniques, he resorted to older, more time-consuming methods using collotype printing and hand colored stencils. Since he delegated the actual handwork involved in the production of the replicas to various artisanal workshops, his intervention consisted of preparing the materials for reproduction by spelling out and then supervising the successive steps to be followed. According to Ecke Bonk, “he broke down his originals into separate graphic steps and had them reassembled as reproduction” (20).[17] His analytic breakdown of “original” works in order to generate directives for their re-assemblage as replicas redefined the issues raised by mechanical reproduction in the case of the readymades. In The Box in a Valise Duchamp takes to task the conventional understanding of mechanical reproduction through the laborious hand reproduction of works which undermine and blur the distinction between an original and its replica, the unique and the multiple. Alluding to his discovery of the readymades, he playfully reappropriates and restages his earlier gestures, thereby relying on a notion of making whose unartistic character postpones its possibility of becoming art.

     

    Unpacking the Museum?

     

    One of the most noteworthy aspects of The Box in a Valise (see Figure 6) is that it appears to function as a miniaturized collection and museum-like retrospective of Duchamp’s works.

     

    Figure 6
    Figure 6: The Box in a Valise, 1941.
    Philadelphia Museum of Art: The Louise and Walter Arensberg Collection.
    © 2005 Succession Marcel Duchamp ARS, N.Y./ADAGP, Paris

     

    He first described the idea for this project to Katherine Dreier in March of 1935: “I want to make, sometime an album of approximately all the things I have produced” (Affectionately 197). Initially he thought of assembling them in a book, but then “I thought of the idea of a box in which all my works would be mounted like in a small museum, a portable museum, so to speak, and here it is in this valise” (Duchamp, Writings 136). The monographic and retrospective character of the box playfully alludes to the institution of the museum in the guise of a portable collection presented as a collectible item. But does this collection of reproductions of his works merely reinforce, or rather, mimic the museum in order to expose its institutional logic? In response to Katherine Dreier’s idea of turning her house into a museum, he remarked that keeping together the paintings and sculptures she has collected is to him “more important than thinking of a Monument or any grandiose form of doing it” (Hulten 24 Aug. 1937). Duchamp’s comment indicates that his idea of collection as a context that frames the totality of a body of work is independent of notions of institutional aggrandizement. In a letter to Walter Pach (28 Sept. 1937), Duchamp explains that he would like to see his painting join its “brothers and sisters in California,” rather than be subject to speculation by being scattered about. He added that he is certain that Arensberg, like himself, “intends making it a coherent whole” (Affectionately 216). His idea of amassing his works in a collection involves an appeal to their contextual coherence suggests the iterative and interrelated character of these works. The collection of miniature reproductions in The Box in a Valise functions as an antidote to the institutional logic of the museum by creating an alternative exhibition context where visual consumption is undermined through interactivity and play.[18] Rather than merely presenting a retrospective record of his works, the Valise will subvert the idea of art through strategies of reproduction and mimicry that will challenge notions of authenticity and display associated with the museum.

     

    Upon opening the leather case of the valise, the viewer discovers a box whose lid lifts up to reveal the assembled miniature reproductions. Across the celluloid transparency of The Large Glass one can see other works, which are only brought into view once the sliding partitions on both sides are pulled out. The exhibition space requires the intervention of the spectator for its activation; its unfolding delays the immediacy of visual consumption. This work’s tangibility challenges the museum’s interdiction of touch, mediating visual access through an interactive process analogous to play. Undermining the institutional premises of exhibition display based on distance and passive viewing, this work does not invite the spectator but indeed requires him or her to give a hand in its “making.” Postulating appropriation as the only mode of access to this work, Duchamp redefines the position of the viewer by actively engaging him or her in the production of meaning. The prominent display of The Large Glass, flanked on the left by three readymades, Paris Air, Traveler’s Folding Item, and Fountain, underlines their shared significance in challenging retinal art through unartistic forms of expression.[19] The left sliding panel unfolds to reveal two reproductions of paintings that mark the passage or transition to the Glass, thereby hiding from view Nude Descending a Staircase No. 2 which had been instrumental in establishing Duchamp’s artistic reputation. By foregrounding these preparatory studies leading to the Glass along with the readymades, and by obstructing the view of his celebrated Nude, he redirects the viewer’s gaze away from painting. This effort to downplay painting can also be seen in his choice of stacking the reproductions of his paintings on top of each other in the bottom part of the box, thereby impeding visual access.

     

    The sliding panel on the right displays on the bottom 9 Malic Moulds, another preparatory study for the Glass, and on the top, Tu’m, an assemblage or compendium of shadows of readymades, in conjunction with the transparent Glider, and Comb, a readymade. By presenting an assemblage of his preparatory studies for the Glass, along with the compilation of readymades in Tu’m, this section draws our attention to the notion of compilation as a guiding principle not just for the Glass, but for the Valise as a whole. It suggests that the meaning of represented objects can only be addressed as a context of embedded gestures. The privilege accorded to the display of Comb may be explained by its French title “peigne,” which is the subjunctive form of the verb to paint, “I ought to or should paint.” Thierry de Duve observes that Comb refers both to the impossibility and to the possibility of painting, since while doomed by industrialization it retains a conceptual potential whose affirmation entails the postponement of its pictorial “happening” (115). Comb thus alludes to Duchamp’s dilemma as an artist who sought to move beyond a retinal understanding of art, the obligatory “I ought or should paint,” toward its conceptual redefinition through unartistic modes of production capitalizing on notions of reproduction and mimicry. As Duchamp pointedly notes: “I am not a painter in perpetuity and since generals no longer die in the saddle, painters are no longer obliged to die at their easel” (Hulten 29 Oct. 1958).

     

    On bottom left of the case there is a foldout photograph of Three Standard Stoppages (1913-14), which Duchamp designates as an instance of “canned chance.” Recording the accidental shapes produced by three meter long strings (dropped from the height of one meter on three canvases painted in blue), he fixed them in glue, cut them into strips and affixed the resulting impressions on glass plates which served as molds for the preparation of three wooden templates. By resorting to these various strategies of reproduction he conceptually drew upon the plastic potential of chance as generator of variable shapes. Thus his efforts to “can” chance by recording and reproducing its contingencies ends up not just preserving the past, but strategically redeploying its manifestations. This work illuminates his particular claims for reproduction in the Valise, understood not just as mere replication of his past works, but as a new strategy for making that can no longer be assimilated to art. Commenting on the readymade, Duchamp noted that its significance lies precisely in its “lack of uniqueness,” a message that is also delivered by the “replica of a readymade” (Duchamp, Writings 142). While his original readymades were products of mechanical reproduction, the replicas in the Valise were hand-made using traditional techniques: The Box in a Valise thus questions the notion of uniqueness attached to a work of art through reproduction, be it a mechanical or artisanal process. By exploring the logic of the multiple as a new horizon, Duchamp uncovers the conceptual potential of reproduction using replication and mimicry to undermine notions of artistic production. Challenging the idea of art and the institution of the museum, the Valise stands as an affirmation of freedom. While drawing on Duchamp’s prior interventions, this nomadic work does not recover the past as an object of nostalgia or autobiographical self-reference. Rather than reclaiming past history, The Box in a Valise opens up a transition toward new forms of making no longer reducible to art.

     

    Luggage Tags

     

    The leather-bound copies of The Box in a Valise bear the intriguing hand-lettered signature “of or by Marcel Duchamp and Rrose Sélavy.” Rrose Sélavy was Duchamp’s female alter ego who began to sign or co-sign his ready-mades starting in 1920. She made her physical appearance in a photograph by Man Ray (1921) of Duchamp in female masquerade (see Figure 7).

     

    Figure 7
    Figure 7: Rrose Sélavy, 1921.
    Philadelphia Museum of Art: The Samuel S. White, 3rd, and Vera White Collection.
    © 2005 Succession Marcel Duchamp ARS, N.Y./ADAGP, Paris

     

    This doubling of the artist as himself and/or his female other challenges the myth of the artist as unique creator and recasts the gesture of artistic making as an appropriative, rather than originary act. For Duchamp the aesthetic result is a phenomenon that involves two poles, since the picture is made as much by the onlooker as by the artist (Hulten 13 Jan. 1961). By redefining artistic making as an active interchange, he opens up the appropriation of the Valise not just to Rrose Sélavy, but to the spectator as well.[20] This attempt to activate and reauthorize the position of spectatorship can be seen in his birthday gift to Ettie Stettheimer of a set of luggage tags complete with string. Bearing Rrose’s alias and Duchamp’s address, this tag bears in lieu of its destination the phrase: “Ettie who are: YOU FOR ME?” (Hulten 30 July 1922). The query regarding identity, and its redeployment through the interchange of “YOU” and “ME,” extend a playful invitation that the Valise enacts insofar as it requires activation by the spectator. But in The Box in a Valise, Duchamp did not just question the institution of authorship, since in addition to assuming the role of producer of reproductions executed by others he also emerged as collector, curator, and archivist of his works. Undermining the position of the artist as originating agency, he subsumed under the guise of producer a plurality of forms of agency, which conventionally are associated with different professional entities and activities.[21] By blurring the institutional and professional distinctions that sustain the autonomy of these roles as underwritten by the institution of the museum, he successfully challenges in the Valise the cultural presuppositions that underlie the definition both of the artist and of the production of art.

     

    Baggage Claims?

     

    Trapped by the increased violence and widening scope of WWII, while attempting to supervise the production of and retrieve the materials for The Box in a Valise, Duchamp made his last-minute escape from war-ravaged France on 14 May 1942. Shortly after his arrival in New York in June, he was asked to help organize a Surrealist group show for the benefit of the war relief efforts sponsored by the Coordinating Council for French Relief Societies. The money raised was to be used for supplies for French prisoners and for the adoption of French children orphaned by the war. In addition to participating with André Breton in organizing the exhibition, he presented the installation Sixteen Miles of String discussed earlier. He also worked with Breton on the conception of the exhibition catalog First Papers of Surrealism (see Figure 8) and designed its covers.[22]

     

    Figure 8
    Figure 8: Covers of First Papers of Surrealism, 1942.
    Front cover on the right, back cover on the left.
    Philadelphia Museum of Art: Louise and Walter Arensberg Archives.
    © 2005 Succession Marcel Duchamp ARS, N.Y./ADAGP, Paris

     

    The front cover depicted a photographic close-up of the crumbling wall of his fellow artist Kurt Seligman’s barn bearing the bullet traces of Duchamp’s rifle shots reproduced as perforations (Hulten 14 Oct. 1942). This “shooting” event took place in the context of an outdoor party attended by friends and other Surrealist artists.[23] While alluding to the violence of war, this photograph records the impact of a simulated event akin to an “art performance.” In the midst of the war, when images of destruction were readily available, why did Duchamp resort to this strategy of simulation? Instead of appropriating ready-made images, he relied on a photographic “shot” of the damage inflicted by his shooting. Punning on the violence implied in “shooting” (since “shooting” refers both to bullet and to photographic “shots”), Duchamp introduces a cautionary note in regard to photography’s and art’s potential for violence in attempting to represent the impact of the war.

     

    The back cover shows a close-up photo of a slab of Gruyère cheese pockmarked with holes and stamped over with the title and details of the exhibition. The absurdity of the juxtaposition of the bullet-ridden wall with a slab of cheese is at first shocking. Is it simply a bad joke on the absurdity of war? Keeping in mind the circumstances of Duchamp’s recent escape from the war, this back cover may well allude to the cheese dealer’s pass Duchamp used to transport the materials and reproductions for the The Box in a Valise across enemy lines. If so, this allusion would underline the absurdity of his efforts to retrieve his “valises,” which marked his refuge and renunciation of making art. The juxtaposition of bullet shots and cheese may be a visual pun, suggesting that the holes in the cheese may have resulted from its being shot.[24] If so, this may be yet another way to figure the potential damage of photography in attempting to “shoot” the effects of war. The only mention of war in the catalogue, to Düsseldorf having been repeatedly bombed, is not accompanied by a photograph. Thus while alluding to the violence of war, the front and back covers also point to the dangers implied in the attempt to take refuge in its photographic and/or artistic representation.

     

    The exhibition catalog includes Duchamp’s “Compensation Portrait” (1942) (see Figure 9), a reproduction of Ben Shahn’s photograph (ca. 1935-41) of a haggard and care-worn woman in rural America during the Great Depression with the caption “Marcel Duchamp” below.[25]

     

    Figure 9
    Figure 9: Marcel Duchamp’s “Compensation Portrait
    First Papers of Surrealism Catalogue, 1942

    Philadelphia Museum of Art: Collection Mme. Duchamp.
    © 2005 Succession Marcel Duchamp ARS, N.Y./ADAGP, Paris

     

    Suggested by Duchamp and Breton, the idea of “compensation portraits” mandated that participating artists choose the photograph of an unknown person to represent them. The rationale presented was as follows: “not being able to offer an entirely adequate photographic image of each of the principal exhibitors, we have thought it best here to resort to the general scheme of ‘compensation portraits.’” Why did the exhibition’s organizers resort to this unusual compensation scheme? Was their inability to represent the exhibitors adequately also a reflection on the inadequacy of photography’s claims to representation? Referring to the ongoing war, the catalog dryly states: “Circumstances made it impossible for us to represent properly or by their most recent works a number of artists.” The list of artists that follows (grouped by country, not always of origin but sometimes of refuge) documents the absence, inaccessibility, or displacement of artists and/or their works from the sphere of artistic activity. Deprived of their national identity and expropriated of their worldly goods including their art, many of these artists were on the run. Thus Duchamp’s and Breton’s failure to represent certain artists or recent works served to mark both art’s vulnerability in the face of war and its inability to compensate for damages incurred. While set up as a “benefit” in order to generate funds for the “relief” of French prisoners and orphans, this exhibition could neither relieve the damages incurred nor compensate for the losses suffered.

     

    A closer look at Duchamp’s “Compensation Portrait” reveals Duchamp’s playful reflection on the potential dangers implied in artistic attempts to lay claim to traumatic events. In letting Shahn’s photograph stand in lieu of his own semblance, Duchamp does not so much appropriate the “portrait” of another person as Shahn’s claim to “portray” the ravages of the Great Depression. In so doing, he demonstrates that Shahn’s photographic “claim” to represent this painful epoch (in the guise of an anonymous woman’s ravaged complexion) cannot be secured. His photograph is open to appropriation, and hence to the possibility of betrayal of its author and of its intended meaning. Drawing on the purpose of this art exhibition as a benefit to raise funds for the “adoption” of French children orphaned by war, Duchamp strategically redeploys this notion of adoption to rethink the nature of art in the face of war. Adoption means taking as one’s own what is not “naturally” so; in the case of a child orphaned by war, adoption secures the legal recognition of the child’s history through the assignment of a new surname and hence a new identity. The child’s assumption of a different name marks the traumatic loss of the parents, designating a damage that cannot be claimed but only passed on as an event beyond compensation. Thus by “adopting” Shahn’s photograph as if it were an “orphan,” and reissuing it under his own name, Duchamp acknowledges its traumatic history without claiming to represent it. In so doing, he demonstrates that his strategies of appropriation do not lead to the consolidation but rather to the dissemination of the self and to the postponement of identity.

     

    Overlapping with the dates that frame the idea and execution of The Box in a Valise (1935-41), Marcel Duchamp’s “Compensation Portrait” substitutes an American, aged, impoverished, and worn-down feminine semblance for the seductively French, feminine, and gay co-signatory of The Box in a Valise, Rrose Sélavy. Sporting an American identity authorized by another artist, this new persona in the guise of a “compensation portrait” attests to a traumatic history that can no longer be claimed in the name of art and of the artist. As Duchamp later explained: “You see art never saved the world. It cannot” (Hulten 8 Sept. 1966). Challenging aestheticism, particularly the idea of the cultivation of art for its own sake, he underlines the inability of art to save the world. However, while art cannot offer redemption by transcending the brutality of war, this fundamental limitation does not mean that all attempts at making must cease at once and forever. Recalling Duchamp’s choice in 1905 to avail himself of the option of becoming an “art worker,” instead of fulfilling his regular military service, and his subsequent concerted efforts to produce works that draw upon but are no longer reducible to art, we can begin to understand that he could go on working without falling into the trap of making art. Declaring his affinity to craft rather than to art, his strategic use and deployment of handcrafted reproductions aligns him with modes of production associated with craftsmen rather than with artists. Decrying the relatively recent “invention” and individuation of the “artist,” he privileges a notion of “making” whose meaning cannot be exhausted by art: “We’re all craftsmen, in civilian or military or artistic life” (Cabanne 16).

     

    Attesting to the vulnerability of art in the face of catastrophic events, The Box in a Valise commemorates the idea of transition as a refuge from war that no longer retreats into art. Turning away from the monumentalization of art and the self-aggrandizement of the artist, this nomadic work will mark, through its appeal to transience, the impossibility of finding refuge in art. Liberated from the confines of the museum by its portability, this work relies on strategies of reproduction and miniaturization whose conceptual import privileges reiterated gestures rather than fetishized objects. Instead of falling prey to self-referentiality by upholding the personal myth of the artist, this work scrambles and redistributes authorial agency. Requiring the intervention of multiple agents, its production no longer relies on nor privileges a unique maker. Affirming its affinity with child’s play rather than with the seriousness of making art, this work postpones the artistic becoming of art in response to the catastrophic events of modern history. Claiming the only “baggage” it can, that of art and the institution of the museum, The Box in a Valise opens up new possibilities for engagement and making in the wake of modernism. Foregrounding the assumptions implicit in modern art, this work postpones its becoming by setting its determinations into play. In so doing, it delineates a new postmodern horizon for activities that draw upon but are no longer classifiable as art.[26] Even as the forces of the art market and art institutions conspire to reclaim and enshrine this work as art within the walls of the museum, they cannot undermine the primacy of its appeal: an open invitation to the spectator and by extension to posterity to lend a hand in the creative act.

     

    Notes

     

    1. Excerpts from this letter of 24 September 1939 are reprinted in Hulten, henceforth cited as Hulten, followed by date of entry.

     

    2. First issued in 1941 as a deluxe edition of twenty copies accompanied by “colorized” originals, it was subsequently produced in seven series (A-G) until 1968; see Schwarz 762-64.

     

    3. Duchamp obtained his travel permit as a cheese buyer from his friend Gustave Candel, the owner of a chain of Paris dairies; see Marquis 262.

     

    4. For a detailed account of Duchamp’s activities during this period, see Tompkins.

     

    5. In his 1967 interview with Cabanne (a year and a half before his death), Duchamp remarked: “I left France during the war in 1942, when I would have had to have been part of the Resistance. I don’t have what is called a strong patriotic sense; I’d rather not even talk about it” (85).

     

    6. Letter from Walter Arensberg to Duchamp, 21 May 1943, at the Philadelphia Museum of Art, Walter and Louise Arensberg Archives, Philadelphia, PA; also quoted in Tompkins 316.

     

    7. For a detailed analysis of these two projects, see Judovitz 52-73 and 74-119.

     

    8. Duchamp’s comment on this particular alignment of readymades was that they were like “ready-made talk of what goes on in the Glass.” This remark was reported by Walter Hopps to William Camfield, based on an exchange with Duchamp on the occasion of his first solo retrospective (at the age of 76), organized by Hopps at the Pasadena Museum of Art (Fall 1963). See Camfield 109.

     

    9. Duchamp’s observation is from an unpublished interview with Harriet, Sidney, and Carroll Janis in 1953 in the Philadelphia Museum of Art Archives, quoted in d’Harnoncourt and McShine 281.

     

    10. For the gender implications of this cover as a kind of skirt and its potential reference to the Bride and the Large Glass, see Schwarz 196.

     

    11. The critics and the public, however, appeared to have taken to this idea in a stride, recognizing this installation as a work in its own right. See Kachur’s helpful discussion of the circumstances and reception of this work (171-188 and 1899-91).

     

    12. Harriet, Sidney, and Carroll Janis’s unpublished interview with Duchamp 7-16; also quoted in Kachur 189-90.

     

    13. Buchloh examines Duchamp’s appeal to obsoleteness as a reflection on problems of cultural institutionalization and reception (46).

     

    14. For a description of the various versions of the Box of 1914, see Schwarz 598-603.

     

    15. Joselit suggests that Duchamp’s use of photography as a means of gaining access to his personal notes ends up equating mental and industrial processes; see pp. 84-6.

     

    16. From “A Conversation with Marcel Duchamp,” television interview for NBC, Jan. 1956.

     

    17. Along with Bonk’s comprehensive account of Duchamp’s activities and techniques for reproduction, also see Buskirk’s helpful summary (194-97).

     

    18. Stewart comments on the collection as a “form of art as play, a form involving the reframing of objects within a world of attention and manipulation of context” (151).

     

    19. Buskirk has persuasively argued that the Valise retrospectively reinforced and solidified the impact and reception of the readymades; see 194-203.

     

    20. Duchamp’s play with the reversibility of gender represents both a critique of the essentialism of gender and of notions of fixed artistic identity; see Judovitz, “‘A Certain Inopticity’” 312-15.

     

    21. Buskirk suggests that Duchamp’s assumption of these various professional functions anticipated postmodern developments; see 201.

     

    22. Tompkins observed that the title of the exhibition “First Papers of Surrealism” referred to an immigrant’s application for U.S. citizenship, alluding to the refugee status and the loss of national identity of many of the participating artists; see 332.

     

    23. See Hauser’s comments on this event (2).

     

    24. In his notes on the “Infrathin” (which also refers to the infinitesimal interval separating a shape from its mold), Duchamp uses the example, “Gruyère with fillings for defective dentitions.” Playfully suggesting that the cheese holes are in need of dental fillings, he uses the French word for making a filling (plombé) as a pun on a lead bullet (plomb); see Matisse, n26 (no pagination).

     

    25. This image was reproduced in First Papers on Surrealism. Ben Shahn’s photograph was taken under the auspices of the Farm Security Administration and was published in Steichen; see Schwarz 766.

     

    26. For a more relevant account of the relation of modernism and postmodernism in the arts, see Lyotard 79-82.

     

    Works Cited

     

    • Bonk, Ecke. Marcel Duchamp: The Box in a Valise. Trans. David Britt. New York: Rizzoli, 1989.
    • Breton, André, and Marcel Duchamp. First Papers of Surrealism. New York: Coordinating Council of French Relief Societies, 1942.
    • Buchloch, Benjamin. “The Museum Fictions of Marcel Broodthaers.” Museums by Artists. Eds. A.A. Bronson and Peggy Gale. Toronto: Art Metropole, 1983. 115-27.
    • Buskirk, Martha. “Thorougly Modern Marcel.” October 70 (Fall 1994). Rpt. in The Duchamp Effect: Essays, Interviews, Round Table. Eds. Martha Buskirk and Mignon Nixon. Cambridge: MIT P, 1996.
    • Cabanne, Pierre. Dialogues with Marcel Duchamp. Trans. Ron Padgett. New York: Da Capo, 1971.
    • Camfield, William. Marcel Duchamp: Fountain. “Introduction.” Walter Hopps. Houston: Menil Collection and Houston Fine Arts, 1989.
    • Cooper-Gough, Jennifer, and Jacques Caumont, eds. Ephemerides on or about Marcel Duchamp and Rrose Sélavy 1887-1968. Marcel Duchamp: Work and Life. Ed. Pontus Hulten. Milan: Bompiani, 1993. N. pag.
    • D’Harnoncourt, Anne, and Kynaston McShine, eds. Marcel Duchamp. New York: Museum of Modern Art, 1973.
    • Duchamp, Marcel. Letter of March 3, 1935. Affectionately, Marcel: The Selected Correspondence of Marcel Duchamp. Eds. Francis M. Naumann and Hector Obalk. Ghent: Ludion, 2000.
    • —. “Amicalement Marcel: Fourteen Letters from Marcel Duchamp to Walter Pach.” Ed. Francis M. Naumann and Hector Obalk. Archives of American Art Journal 29:3-4. 36-50.
    • —. Marcel Duchamp: Notes. Ed. Paul Matisse. Boston: Hall, 1983.
    • —. The Writings of Marcel Duchamp. Eds. Michel Sanouillet and Elmer Peterson. New York: Da Capo, 1973.
    • Duve, Thierry de. “The Readymade and the Tube of Paint.” Artforum International 24 (May 1986): 110-21.
    • Hauser, Stephan E. “Marcel Duchamp Chose Emmentaler Cheese (1942).” Tout-Fait: The Marcel Duchamp Online Journal 1.3 (Dec. 2000): <http://www.toutfait.com/issues/issue_3/Contents/contents.html>.
    • Joselit, David. Infinite Regress: Marcel Duchamp 1910-1941. Cambridge: MIT P, 1998.
    • Judovitz, Dalia. “‘A Certain Inopticity’: Duchamp and Paris Dada.” Paris Dada: The Barbarians Storm the Gates. Ed. Elmer Peterson. Boston: Hall, 2001.
    • —. Unpacking Duchamp: Art in Transit. Berkeley: U of California P, 1995.
    • Kachur, Lewis. Displaying the Marvelous: Marcel Duchamp, Salvador Dali and Surrealist Exhibition Installations. Cambridge: MIT P, 2001.
    • Lyotard, Jean-François. “Answering the Question: What is Postmodernism?” The Postmodern Condition: A Report on Knowledge. Trans. Geoff Bennington and Brian Massumi. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1997.
    • Marquis, Alice Goldfarb. Marcel Duchamp: Eros, C’est la Vie: a Biography. Troy: Whitston, 1981.
    • O’Doherty, Brian. Inside the White Cube: The Ideology of the Gallery Space. Berkeley: U of California P, 1986.
    • Schwarz, Arturo. The Complete Works of Marcel Duchamp. New York: Delano Greenridge, 1997.
    • Steichen, Edward. The Bitter Years, 1935-1941. New York: Museum of Modern Art, 1962.
    • Stewart, Susan. On Longing: Narratives of the Miniature, the Gigantic, the Souvenir, the Collection. Durham: Duke UP, 1993.
    • Tompkins, Calvin. Duchamp: A Biography. New York: Holt, 1996.

     

  • “Love Music, Hate Racism”: The Cultural Politics of the Rock Against Racism Campaigns, 1976-1981

    Ashley Dawson

    Department of English
    College of Staten Island,

    City University of New York
    adawson@gc.cuny.edu

     

    In his classic study of post-1945 youth subcultures, Dick Hebdige suggests that Black British popular culture served as a template for defiant white working class subcultural practices and styles (29). The kind of affiliatory cultural politics that Hebdige describes is best exemplified in the little-studied Rock Against Racism (RAR) campaign of the late 1970s. As Paul Gilroy stresses in There Ain’t No Black in the Union Jack, his seminal analysis of British culture and nationalism, unlike much of the Left at the time, RAR took the politics of youth cultural style and identity seriously.1Surprisingly, neither Gilroy himself nor subsequent cultural historians have extended his brief discussion of RAR; as a result, our understanding of this movement, its cultural moment and its contradictions remains relatively undeveloped. This is particularly unfortunate since, unlike previous initiatives by members of Britain’s radical community, RAR played an important role in developing the often-latent political content of British youth culture into one of the most potent social movements of the period. In 1978 alone, for instance, RAR organized 300 local gigs and five carnivals in Britain, including two enormous London events that each drew audiences of nearly 100,000. Supporters of RAR claim that the movement played a pivotal role in defeating the neo-fascist threat in Britain during the late 1970s by quashing the electoral and political appeal of the National Front. Although there has been debate about the ethics and efficacy of the campaign, there can be little doubt that RAR provoked a rich and unprecedented fusion of aesthetics and politics.

     

    The anti-racist festivals organized by RAR responded to an exclusionary ethnic nationalism evident among supporters of the neo-fascist National Front, official discourses emanating from the Labour and Tory mainstream, and British culture more broadly. Drawing on cultural forms of the Black diaspora such as reggae and carnival and juxtaposing them with the renegade punk subculture, RAR sought to catalyze anti-racist cultural and political solidarity among Black, Asian, and white youths. RAR thus offers a particularly powerful example of what Vijay Prashad calls polyculturalism, a term which challenges hegemonic multiculturalism, with its model of neatly bounded, discrete cultures (xi). In contrast to prevailing notions of multiculturalism, the term “polyculturalism” underlines the permeability and dynamism of contemporary cultural formations. As a result of RAR’s work, proponents of RAR argue, a generation of white youths have been exposed to and came to admire Black culture, to hate racism, and to view Britain as a mongrel rather than an ethnically pure nation.

     

    Polycultural transformation does not, however, just happen. Rather, the forms of quotidian identification and exchange experienced by white, Asian, and Black communities need to be forged consciously into traditions of political solidarity. Unlike in the multicultural model, which is predicated on the ahistorical interaction of supposedly isolated cultures, the polycultural carnivals organized by RAR stressed the interwoven character of British popular cultures in order to build a grass-roots anti-racist movement.2 By taking the quotidian bonds and identifications shared by urban youth cultures of the period seriously, RAR opened up a new terrain of politics predicated on engaging with the spontaneous energies of subcultural creativity rather than trying to ram preconceived politically correct cultural forms down young people’s throats. While an incendiary fusion of culture and politics was integral to European avant-garde groups for most of the century, RAR brought this combustible combination to a mass audience for the first time in Britain, blazing a trail for contemporary direct action movements.

     

    The anti-racist tradition developed by RAR was also predicated on evoking links with anti-racist struggles outside the sclerotic confines of the British body politic, in sites such as South Africa and the United States. Such transnational affiliations suggest liberatory possibilities that break the boundaries of the nation-state.3 This politics of spatial transgression becomes particularly clear once we begin recuperating the legacy of punk and of Two-Tone aesthetics. The genealogy of groups like the Slits, the Clash, and the Specials, for example, runs not only to the European avant-garde, but also to non-metropolitan traditions such as Jamaican dancehall and South Asian anti-colonialism.4 In turn, the dialogic performances that characterize popular cultures of the Black diaspora need to be connected to the assault on the culture of the spectacle embodied in the punk movement.5 If, as Hebdige argues, Black popular music provided the generative matrix of post-war youth subcultures in Britain, at crucial moments Black, white, and Asian subcultures have converged and exchanged musical beliefs in electric circuits with significant political outcomes. The Rock Against Racism campaigns of the mid- to late-1970s were a particularly important effort to draw on the energies of polycultural youth subcultures, one whose relevancy has grown more apparent as xenophobic rhetoric has reemerged as a regular feature of the British public sphere.

     

    In mid-May, 1977 the Clash took the stage at the decrepit Gaumont-Egyptian Rainbow theatre in London’s Finsbury Park, backed by a billboard-sized banner of the police under attack by brick-throwing Black youths at the carnival of the previous August in Notting Hill. The group launched straight into “White Riot,” their anthem of identification with Black rebellion:

     

    White riot - I wanna riot
    White riot - a riot of my own
    White riot - I wanna riot
    White riot - a riot of my own
    Black people gotta lot a problems
    But they don’t mind throwing a brick
    White people go to school
    Where they teach you how to be thick

     

    An’ everybody’s doing
    Just what they’re told to
    An’ nobody wants
    To go to jail!

     

    All the power’s in the hands
    Of people rich enough to buy it
    While we walk the street
    Too chicken to even try it

     

    Everybody’s doing
    Just what they’re told to
    Nobody wants
    To go to jail!

     

    Are you taking over
    or are you taking orders?
    Are you going backwards
    Or are you going forwards?

     

    For the Clash, the Notting Hill carnival uprising was a symbol of Black youth resistance to an exploitative and oppressive system, a form of rejection that the punk generation needed to emulate. “White Riot” suggests that Black kids had not just seen through the lies and hypocrisies of the decaying British welfare state, but had the courage to do something about it. By contrast, not only were white youths brainwashed by the state apparatus of education, but, according to the Clash, they also lacked the courage to rebel and change the system when they were able to penetrate the veil of ideology.

     

    The Clash were touring in 1977 with punk bands the Jam and the Buzzcocks, as well as with a roots-reggae sound system featuring I-Roy and dub from the Revolutionaries. This line-up was an expression of the polycultural character of certain segments of punk subculture in the mid-1970s.6 Dub reggae was the soundtrack for punk in those early days, with Rastafarian DJ Don Letts spinning records at seminal punk club the Roxy. In addition, many punk bands practiced in run-down areas of London such as Ladbroke Grove, home to one of Britain’s largest Caribbean communities.7 But hybridity was not the only game in town; neo-fascist skinheads also turned up at punk gigs regularly, trolling for disaffected youths who might be turned on to racial supremacist doctrine. Indeed, in case anyone in their fishnet stocking-clad, mohawk-wearing audience didn’t get the anti-racist message, Joe Strummer announced from the stage before the band barreled into their wailing version of Junior Murvin’s lyrical reggae classic “Police and Thieves,” “Last week 119,000 people voted National Front in London. Well, this next one’s by a wog. And if you don’t like wogs, you know where the bog [toilet] is” (Widgery 70).8 Strummer’s terse statement attests to the deeply racialized character of British popular culture in general and to the menacing presence of neo-fascists at gigs in particular, as well as to the determination of certain segments of the punk movement to confront such racism head on.

     

    The Clash’s anti-racist stance was catalyzed by the evolution of new models for political practice within Black British and Asian communities during the 1970s. Such practices were based on an explicit rejection of the vanguardist philosophy that underpinned many previous Black power organizations. In an editorial published in 1976, for example, the Race Today collective articulates the new philosophy of self-organized activity:

     

    Our view of the self-activity of the black working class, both Caribbean and Asian, has caused us to break from the idea of "organizing" them. We are not for setting up, in the fashion of the 60's, a vanguard party or vehicle with a welfare programme to attract people . . . . In the name of "service to the community," there has been the growth of state-nurtured cadres of black workers, who are devoted to dealing with the particularities of black rebellion.

     

    In turning against the tradition of the vanguard party, groups such as the Race Today collective were not simply rebelling against their immediate predecessors in the Black power tradition. They were, rather, recuperating a tradition of autonomist theory and practice that extends back to the work of C.L.R. James in Britain during the 1930s.

     

    By the mid-1970s, James had returned to Britain and his brilliant writings on the tradition of radical Black self-organization had begun to influence younger generations of activists in the Black community there.9 For James and for other radicals of his generation such as George Padmore, the impatience with vanguardist philosophies stemmed from the failure of the Comintern and the Soviet Union to support anti-colonial struggles during the 1930s adequately.10 In James’s case, however, this disillusionment with particular Communist institutions developed through his historiographic and theoretical work into a full-blown embrace of popular spontaneity and self-organization. From his account of Toussaint L’Ouverture’s tragic failure to communicate with his followers during the Haitian revolution in The Black Jacobins to his attack on the stranglehold of Stalinist bureaucracy on the revolutionary proletariat in Notes on Dialectics, James consistently champions the free creative activity of the people.11 His theories gave activists a way of talking about the complex conjunction of race and class that characterized anti-imperialist struggle in the periphery and anti-racist politics in the metropolis.12 Taking the revolutionary activity of the slaves in Haiti as his paradigm, James articulates a model of autonomous popular insurrectionary energy that offers a perfect theoretical analysis of spontaneous uprisings such as those that took place at the Notting Hill carnivals of 1976-78 in London. He was, indeed, one of the few major radicals to proclaim the inevitability and justice of the urban uprisings throughout Britain in 1981 (Buhle 161). The impact of James’s ideas concerning the autonomy of the revolutionary masses can be seen in the polycultural politics of coalition that mushroomed in response to the violence of the British state during the late 1970s.

     

    Yet despite the increasing militancy of the Black community, the grip of popular authoritarianism continued to tighten in Britain. If people of African descent were particularly subject to harassment and violence by the police, the Asian community in Britain suffered especially heavily from both organized and impromptu racist violence. In June 1976, 18-year-old Gurdip Singh Chaggar was attacked and stabbed to death by a group of white youths opposite the Indian Workers’ Association’s Dominion Cinema in Southall (Sivanandan 142). Horrified by the lack of official action in response to this violence committed in the symbolic heart of one of Britain’s largest Asian communities, the elders of the community gathered to give speeches and pass resolutions against the tide of racist violence.13 Asian youth in Southall, however, were fed up with this kind of pallid response, and with the quietist approach of their so-called leaders. They marched to the local police station demanding action. When the police arrested some of them for stoning a police van along the way, the crowd of youths sat down in front of the police station and refused to budge until their friends were freed. The following day, the Southall Youth Movement was born.14 Other Asian youth groups followed in its wake around London and in other British cities. These groups were primarily defensive and local in character.15 Unlike the class-based organizations that traditionally dominated the Left wing in British politics, in other words, these groups stressed the language of community over that of class. Their struggle tended to turn on immediate goals related to political self-management, cultural identity, and collective consumption rather than on the more ambitious but distant goals of the revolutionary tradition.16

     

    Like the spontaneous uprisings that took place during the Notting Hill carnival, the Asian Youth Movement also led to the development of new political formations that helped forge what Stuart Hall afterwards termed “new ethnicities.” Youth organizations and defense committees that sprang up in one community tended to receive help from groups in other communities, and, in turn, to go to the aid of similar organizations when the occasion arose. In the process, boundaries between Britain’s different ethnic communities were overcome in the name of mutual aid. Asian groups like the Southall Youth Movement joined with Black groups such as Peoples Unite, and, in some instances, new pan-ethnic, polycultural groups such as Hackney Black People’s Defence Organization coalesced.17 In addition, Blacks and Asians formed political groups that addressed the oppressive conditions experienced not only by racialized subjects in Britain but throughout the Third World at this time. Such organizations regarded racism in the metropolis and imperialism in the periphery, in the tradition of C.L.R. James, as related aspects of the global capitalist system. Many of these groups hearkened back explicitly to the Bandung conference of 1955 between African and Asian heads of state by developing a politics of solidarity in the face of state and popular racism in Britain. The polycultural character and ambitions of these groups is reflected in the titles of journals such as Samaj in’a Babylon (produced in Urdu and English) and Black Struggle. While such coalitions always had their internal tensions, they were sustained by their participants’ conscious reaction to the divide-and-conquer politics that had characterized historical British imperialism and that continued to manifest itself in the metropolis.

     

    The emotional resonance of this politics of polycultural solidarity is suggested by dub poet Linton Kwesi Johnson’s “It Dread Inna Inglan.” Composed as part of a campaign to free an unjustly imprisoned community activist, LKJ’s dub poem celebrates the potent affiliations that racialized groups in Britain strove to foster during this period:

     

    mi se dem frame-up George Lindo
    up in Bradford Toun
    but di Bradford Blacks
    dem a rally roun . . .
    Maggi Thatcher on di go
    wid a racist show,
    but a she haffi go
    kaw,
    rite now,
    African
    Asian
    West Indian
    An’ Black British
    stan firm inna Inglan
    inna disya time yah

     

    for noh mattah wat dey say,
    come wat may,
    we are here to stay
    inna Inglan,
    inna disya time yah . . . (Johnson 14).

     

    LKJ’s catalogue of different ethnic groups closes with the unifying label “Black British,” which unites the groups in common resistance to the racism of politicians such as Margaret Thatcher. LKJ’s dub verse creates a linguistic equivalent of this imagined community by hybridizing standard English and Jamaican patois (Hitchcock). This was a community forged by dint of anti-racist struggle in the metropolis. Indeed, for prominent radical theorists of the time such as A. Sivanandan, Blackness was a political rather than a phenotypical label.18 Skin color, in other words, only became an important signifier of social difference when it was embedded in power relations predicated on the systematic exploitation and oppression of certain groups of people by others.19 If this understanding of the social construction of “race” derives from the bitter experiences of colonial divide-and-conquer policies, the politics of solidarity found within local anti-racist groups emerge from a tradition of struggle against the racializing impact of state immigration legislation and policing in post-war Britain. As the popular authoritarian ideology gained greater purchase on the British public in the economic and social crisis conditions of the late 1970s, such forms of solidarity became increasingly important.

     

    When LKJ published “It Dread Inna Inglan,” Margaret Thatcher had just won the general election. Her agenda was, however, already quite clear to Britain’s Black and Asian communities. In 1978, she had given an interview on Granada TV in which she linked the fears of post-imperial Britain to prejudice against Black people:

     

    I think people are really rather afraid that this country might be rather swamped by people with a different culture and, you know, the British character has done so much for democracy and law, and has done so much throughout the world, that if there is any fear that it might be swamped, people are going to be really rather hostile to those coming in. (Qtd. in Widgery 14)

     

    The assumptions behind Thatcher’s infamous “swamping” rhetoric are, of course, precisely the insular ones that legitimate the increasingly exclusionary immigration legislation of the post-1945 period.20 Indeed, Thatcher’s painfully sanctimonious voice articulated views held by mainstream Labour and Conservative politicians throughout the post-war period. What had changed was the frankness with which such openly racist views could circulate in the public sphere. Thatcher’s speech delivered almost immediately bloody results for Britain’s Black and Asian communities. The media began running reports about everyday instances of “swamping,” and notorious racist agitator Enoch Powell was offered time on the BBC to discuss “induced repatriation” of Black and Asian Britons (Sivanandan, “From Resistance” 144).

     

    The rising tide of racism had become inescapably evident to anyone paying attention to mainstream British popular culture well before Thatcher’s campaign. For example, in August 1976, Eric Clapton, the British guitarist who had made a career by appropriating music of the Black diaspora, interrupted a concert in Birmingham to deliver a drunken stump speech in support of Enoch Powell. Other British musicians such as David Bowie were openly flirting with fascist iconography and ideology at the time.21 Red Saunders, a photographer and ex-Mod, responded to the endorsement of racism by Clapton, whom he called “rock music’s biggest colonist,” with a letter calling for a grassroots movement against racism in rock music that was published in the main British pop-music weeklies (qtd. in Widgery 40). His call provoked a response of over 600 letters, and Rock Against Racism, a group dedicated to amplifying the polycultural character of urban youth culture using contemporary popular music and performance, was formed soon after. David Widgery’s editorial in the inaugural issue of RAR’s paper, Temporary Hoarding, was the group’s first manifesto: “We want Rebel music, street music. Music that breaks down people’s fear of one another. Crisis music. Now music. Music that knows who the real enemy is. Rock against Racism. Love Music Hate Racism” (qtd. in Renton).

     

    RAR made its public debut at London’s Royal College of Art in December 1976. Headlining the bill was Dennis Bovell’s dub band of the time, Matumbi, who filled the hall with heavy bass frequencies and caused joyous confusion among the pogo-ing punks. The show brought together the radical Left and youth culture for the first time. This was not an easy proposition. As Widgery states in his memoir Beating Time, “the Left thought us too punky and the punks thought they would be eaten alive by Communist cannibals” (59). The traditional Left, of course, tended to see the cultural realm as superficial, something that didn’t really count in the final analysis. Underlying the traditional Left’s tactical failure was a broader theoretical shortcoming: blinkered by an orthodox Marxist reading of social relations, they tended to view “race” as a kind of epiphenomenon of the class struggle. Once the basic economic inequalities endemic to capitalist society were ameliorated through either parliamentary reform or revolution (depending on particular sectarian tendency), then the “race problem” itself, it was believed, would disappear. This attitude was confirmed for many Black radicals when the Anti-Nazi League (ANL) was formed in 1977. The very name of this organization, an outgrowth of the Socialist Workers Party (SWP) that drew broad support from the Labour Party and many major trade unions, suggested the insularity of the white members of the British Left. The National Front was regarded as a recrudescence of the Nazi party, an attitude that ignored the emergence of the racist state in imperialist high-Victorian Britain rather than in Weimar Germany. In addition, the ANL seemed to assume that the NF was reanimating the putrid corpse of a racism that was laid to rest during World War Two. This attitude blithely ignored the discrimination and hostility Black and Asian people had been exposed to since their arrival in the metropolis after 1945, not to mention the enduring experiences of imperialism and neo-colonialism of people throughout the Third World during the post-war period. In order for the forms of affiliation and solidarity imagined in the Clash’s “White Riot” to become anything more than rhetoric, the white Left would have to tackle and overcome not simply the deep-seated racism that characterized British nationalism, but also that which was embedded in their own theoretical models.

     

    Such an anti-racist project would therefore require a thorough critique of British cultural and political traditions. Although many of the core organizers of RAR were members of the SWP, they were also products of the subversive countercultures of the 1960s. Their experience working with underground newspapers and theater groups, as well as the SWP’s relatively unorthodox Luxemborgian emphasis on rank-and-file initiative, led these organizers to engage with the politics of everyday life and popular culture. As a result, organizers such as Widgery, Syd Shelton, Andy Dark, and Ruth Gregory realized that they had to appeal to both white and black youths using cultural forms that spoke to the sense of alienation and despair that was corroding Britain’s hidebound society, and, in the process, offer them alternatives grounded in the polycultural affiliations emerging in contemporary British cities (Goodyer 56). If they didn’t, the fascist appeal to nationalist notions of ethnic purity would win out, as the experiences of Asian and Afro-Caribbean communities at the hands of the State and neo-fascists were demonstrating all too clearly. As Widgery puts it in his memoir: “If socialism is transmitted in a deliberately doleful, pre-electronic idiom, if its emotional appeal is to working class sacrifice and middle class guilt, and if its dominant medium is the ill-printed word and the drab public procession, it will simply bounce off people who have grown up on this side of the sixties watershed” (84).

     

    In seeking to mobilize subcultural movements such as punk and reggae, the activists involved with RAR were treading on ground prepared for them by C.L.R. James and by cultural studies scholars like Raymond Williams, who emphasized the importance of the “structure of feeling” that knitted people in a particular culture together.21 Despite Williams’s inattention to issues of race and imperialism, his populist focus was leading at roughly the same time as RAR’s campaigns to groundbreaking work on youth subcultures by members of the Birmingham Center for Cultural Studies.22 For scholars such as Dick Hebdige, subcultures engaged in forms of semiotic guerrilla warfare, ripping signifiers of commodity culture from their original context and refashioning them into signs of cultural and political dissent. A simple safety pin could, according to Hebdige, become an emblem of class warfare that placed the entire post-war settlement in question (104). Although Hebdige’s poststructuralist take on subcultural behavior had the great merit of finding politics where the Left had tended to see simply commodity fetishism, it lacked an ethnographic component and hence could be regarded as a form of projection rather than an accurate account of youths’ own perceptions of their behavior (Thornton 6). Unlike cultural studies scholars such as Hebdige who pronounced on youth culture from their theoretical armchairs, the organizers and participants in RAR sought to harness the iconoclastic energy of the punk and reggae subcultures in order to effect concrete political change.

     

    In their public events, RAR consciously drew on the subversive shock tactics that fueled not simply the punk movement but modernist avant-garde movements like Revolutionary Russian Constructivism, the French Surrealist movement of the interwar period, and the Situationalist International (SI), which helped catalyze the uprisings of May 1968 in Paris. Purposely setting out to denaturalize the dominant institutions of bourgeois society, these avant-garde groups used jarring juxtapositions to disrupt the society of the spectacle created by the capitalist media and to stimulate utopian hopes of alternative social arrangements. The debt of punk groups like the Sex Pistols to such movements was clear to the activists of RAR, many of whom had been active in or influenced by the Parisian uprisings in May of 1968 that were partially inspired by the SI.23 RAR appropriated many of the avant-garde’s techniques, using them to speak to youth in a fresh and direct way. Particularly important for RAR was the technique of pastiche so prominent in punk fanzines of the day. Appropriating this anti-elitist cut’n’paste aesthetic, RAR activists sought to create images that appealed to iconoclastic youth sensibilities while drawing out the sedimented political meanings of contemporary culture. In Temporary Hoarding, the broadsheet RAR distributed at their concerts, for example, images of Hitler, Enoch Powell, and David Bowie were juxtaposed to make clear the implications of the latter’s dalliance with fascist style. Similarly, Temporary Hoarding contrasted scenes from the riots that took place during the middle of the decade at the Notting Hill carnival with photographs of the Soweto uprising in apartheid South Africa in order to make clear the implications and historical background of British racism.

     

    In addition to drawing on the European artistic avant-garde, RAR also harnessed the celebratory blend of aesthetics and politics that characterizes the Caribbean carnival tradition to enliven their outdoor concerts. Savagely suppressed by colonial British authorities during the late nineteenth century, carnival had become a symbol of insurgent subaltern occupation of public space in Anglophone Caribbean nations such as Trinidad and Jamaica. The tradition was revived by Caribbean communities in Britain following the white riots of 1958 in Notting Hill. When in the mid-1970s British authorities attempted heavy-handedly to close down the festivities, Black youths rioted, producing the images used by the Clash during their performance at the Gaumont in 1977. Thus, in calling the events they organized carnivals, RAR was self-consciously drawing on a tradition of resistance to racist control of metropolitan and colonial space. Perhaps the most important such event was the massive carnival of 30 April 1978. After gathering in Trafalgar Square, the RAR carnival wound its way through the streets of London towards the East End. With 100,000 participants, it was the biggest anti-fascist rally in Britain since the 1930s. Labor-union activists, anti-racist stilt-walkers, aging stalwarts of the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, dreadlocked rastas, young punks in pink boiler suits, feminists, militant queers, and every other possible permutation of Britain’s Left united in a celebration of solidarity that decisively rejected the dour thuggery of the NF’s bully boys.

     

    The concert in Victoria Park that concluded this RAR carnival was designed, like the other events the group organized, to create an anti-racist consciousness using the twin musical subcultures of roots reggae and punk rock. The radical historian Raphael Samuel describes the carnival as “one of the very few [events] of my adult lifetime to have sensibly changed the climate of public opinion” (qtd. in Renton). RAR also organized concerts in British Asian neighborhoods such as Southall, although Asian performers were not on the bill. Critics of RAR have seized on this omission as a sign of the blindness of the group’s organizers towards ethnic minority groups who lacked the cultural cachet of Britain’s Afro-Caribbean population (Sabin 203-206). Such a charge ignores RAR’s interest in connecting with organizations such as the Asian Youth Movement, as well as the group’s attention to anti-racist organizing in Asian communities. In addition, Bhangra, a popular music form that evolved in the British Asian community, did not start to cross over until the mid-1980s, meaning that there was no organic popular cultural bridge between Asian and white youths until after RAR’s dissolution. RAR’s concentration on reggae and punk subcultures was, in other words, a product of the cultural conditions the organization confronted on the ground as well as a reflection of the group’s tactical decision to amplify organic subcultural affiliations (Goodyer 51).

     

    In order to spread the anti-racist message, RAR assiduously programmed concerts in which British reggae bands like Aswad, Steel Pulse, and the Cimarrons performed alongside punk bands like The Clash, The Slits, and Generation X. Simply putting such diverse bands together on stage was a triumph. Skinhead NF members frequently tried to disrupt early concerts put on by the organization by menacing Black performers backstage. In addition, punk bands such as Sham 69 that had substantial skinhead support had to make the same difficult decision concerning neo-fascist followers that mainstream politicians had faced and botched. The political solidarity demonstrated on stage by groups such as Misty and Adam & the Ants in the face of escalating racist violence was deepened by the musical cross-pollination that took place when the bands climbed on stage together. The Clash’s debt to reggae dub music and to the insurrectionary Rastafarian ideology is the clearest instance of such hybridization. Other examples abound. When pioneering all-women punk band the Slits eventually got their first album, Cut, released by Island records in 1978, it too demonstrated the heavy influence of dub music. Similarly, reggae bands such as Birmingham’s Steel Pulse had come up through the punk underground, playing in punk strongholds such as the Hope and Anchor and the 100 Club during 1976’s Summer of Punk in London. Their militant Rasta style (fatigues, dark glasses, and wool tams) made them kings of the gobbing, fighting, pogoing punk crowds. Performing next to punk bands like the Stranglers, their voices got angrier, guitars choppier, bass heavier, and drums rockier, but Steel Pulse nevertheless retained a roots reggae style.

     

    After just over a year of organizing, however, RAR was also helping to fuel a second wave of punk that produced the indigenous British fusion of rock and reggae known as Two-Tone music. Early proponents of Two-Tone such as Jerry Dammers of the Specials turned to ska, which Jamaican bands developed during the late 1950s in reaction to American R&B. Ska offered British Two-Tone bands a perfect vehicle for the polycultural musical styles and highly politicized messages that appealed to their racially diverse audiences. Their lyrics were often overtly didactic. For example, “A Message to You, Rudy,” The Specials’ second single, addressed the young thugs of the National Front directly:

     

    Stop your messing around
    Better think of your future
    Time you straightened right out
    Creating problems in town
    Rudy, a message to you
    Rudy, a message to you

     

    Stop your fooling around
    Time you straightened right out
    Better think of your future
    Else you’ll wind up in jail

     

    Rudy, a message to you
    Rudy, a message to you

     

    Admittedly, the hortatory character of such songs was too crude for later post-punk groups. As Simon Reynolds puts it in his recent history of the period, post-punk groups “saw the plain-speaking demagoguery of overtly politicized groups like The Tom Robinson Band and Crass as far too literal and non-aesthetic, and regarded their soapbox sermonizing as either condescending to the listener or a pointless exercise in preaching to the converted” (xxiii). Yet the Specials’ work during the era of RAR needs to be carefully contextualized; there was a literal battle going on to win the sympathies of young white working class Britons to overtly racist or anti-racist politics. Iconoclastic intentions had initially led some punks, including members of the Sex Pistols and their entourage, to wear swastikas. One of the band’s last singles concluded that “Belsen was a gas” (qtd. in Renton). In addition, copies of Bulldog, the Young National Front paper published during this period, demonstrate that punk and New Wave gigs were seen by the neo-fascists as channels through which British Nazism could proselytize and recruit (Goodyer 53). Music, including that being produced by mixed race ska bands like the Specials and Madness, was subject to fierce contention during this period. What perhaps looks like crude agitprop in retrospect, therefore, must have had an immediate existential appeal at the time. As the Specials note on their website, during their “Two Tone Tour” of 1979, for example, “it was a fact that racists from the NF and the BNP [British National Party] were recruiting at the shows, but the bands openly distanced themselves from these people, and made it clear to all that they weren’t welcome. It goes to show how stupid these people were, canvassing music fans who were dancing to multi-racial bands and singing along with songs preaching racial unity, and yet some impressionables took the bait” (“History”). The anti-racist exhortations and Two-Tone aesthetic of groups such as the Specials were thus not simply a pose, but rather offered potent examples of lived anti-racist politics. By combining cutting edge subcultural style and radical anti-racist messages, RAR helped transform what it meant to be British for a significant number of urban youths.

     

    A crucial aspect of this transformation of British culture was an analysis of the historical roots of racism. As Paul Gilroy has argued, RAR saw racism as a symbol of a far broader crisis in Britain’s economy and society (129). In order to understand the relevance of race in British life during the 1970s, young people had to develop a sense of the way in which Britain’s imperial history helped form their subjectivity. To hammer this point home, Temporary Hoarding dug up the roots of British racism with withering clarity:

     

    Racism is as British as Biggles and baked beans. You grow up with it: the golliwogs in the jam, The Black and White Minstrel Show on TV and CSE History at school. It's about Jubilee mugs and Rule Britannia and how we single-handedly saved the ungrateful world in the Second War. Gravestones, bayonets, forced starvation and the destruction of the culture of India and Africa were regrettable of course, but without our Empire the world's inhabitants would still be rolling naked in the mud, wouldn't they? However lousy our football teams or run-down our Health Service, we have the private compensation that we are white, British and used to rule the waves. It would be pathetic if it hadn't killed and injured and brutalised so many lives. Most of the time, British racialism is veiled behind forced smiles, charming policemen and considerate charities. But when times get hard, the newest arrival is the first to be blamed . . . From the wire cages of Heathrow Airport's immigrant compounds to the gleaming Alien Registration computer in Holborn, a new colour bar stretches. Every retreat by officialdom inflames the appetite of the Right. Once again racialism is back. It is growing where it is not challenged. And challenged it must be. For when racialists rule, millions die. (Qtd. in Widgery 75-78)

     

    For RAR, the marches of the NF and police brutality in places like Southall were the colonial chickens coming home to roost. In arguing that the police riot in Southall was the return of colonial violence to the metropolis, Temporary Hoarding makes a point developed at length in Hannah Arendt’s brilliant study of the imperial roots of Nazism. The genocidal techniques employed by the Nazis were developed, Arendt argues, during the mass extermination of the Herero people in German South West Africa (192). Temporary Hoarding makes a similar point about the British racist state. Without the slave trade and the plantation system, RAR argues, no industrial revolution in Britain. Without lousy housing and unemployment after 1945, no racism. Without the deeply inculcated notions of racial superiority and imperial destiny with which the average white Briton had grown up, the spurious connection between the so-called “ethnic minority” populations and the nation’s post-imperial decline could not have been made. Unpacking the scapegoating mechanism behind coded racist talk of “swamping” indulged in by politicians such as Margaret Thatcher, RAR aimed to de-construct state authoritarianism and lay the foundation for genuinely popular anti-racist alternatives.

     

    In the process, RAR went some way towards meeting the objections of Black Britons, who sometimes expressed distrust of white radicals. LKJ was among this group of skeptics during the mid-1970s. In his poem “Independent Intavenshun,” LKJ challenges the commitment of the white Left to anti-racist struggle. In doing so, he offers a powerful argument for Black and Asian autonomy:

     

    Mek dem gwaan
    Now it calm
    But a wi who haffi really ride di staam
    Wat a cheek
    Dem t’ink wi weak
    An’ wi can’t stan up pan wi feet

     

    Di SWP can’t set wi free
    Di IMG can’t dhu it fi wi
    Di Communist Pawty, cho, dem too awty-fawty
    An’ di laybahrites dem naw goh fite fi wi rites

     

    Soh mek dem gwaan
    Now it calm
    But a wi who haffi really ride di staam (18)

     

    LKJ’s poem bristles at the tendency of certain Leftist groups to arrive in Black and Asian neighborhoods in order to fight National Party members in the streets, only to depart as soon as the brawling concludes. All too often, these battles raised the ire of members of the broader white community with whom Black and Asian residents would have to deal following the departure of radical activists. Indeed, this polarizing effect was a conscious tactic on the part of the NF (Widgery 28). Since most racial attacks were not committed by fascist cadres but by “ordinary” people, the street-fighting policies of some of the white Left could backfire on members of the Black and Asian community. In addition, as LKJ’s poem suggests, the interventions of white members of the British Left too often assumed that Black and Asian communities were helpless victims who had to be “saved” by the white vanguard. Faced with this condescending attitude, Black radicals such as LKJ insisted on the necessity for self-organization and autonomy within their communities.

     

    Like LKJ, critics of RAR argue that the campaigns of the late 1970s were not simply driven by the sectarian motives of some far Left groups, but exploited anti-racist musicians and fans for their own ends (Home, Kalra). Such criticism is an important challenge to facile representations of anti-racist solidarity. While RAR’s core leadership was white and was affiliated with the SWP, these facts do not necessarily vitiate the group’s project of proposing new modes of being British grounded in the evolving polycultural solidarities of urban youth culture. First of all, RAR did not demand ideological conformity from the bands it sponsored. In fact, it did not even demand a political attitude at all, but was content to draw on the dynamic energies generated by putting Black and white musicians on stage together (Goodyer 56). In addition, the often-stated intention of organizers was to draw on existing subcultural energies rather than to shoehorn performers and audiences into an ironclad political orthodoxy. As a result, RAR largely avoided the drab didacticism of competing organization such as Musicians For Socialism (Goodyer). Finally, as Paul Gilroy has observed, RAR’s project was essentially about decolonizing white culture in Britain (115). Thus, for an RAR organizer such as Syd Shelton, “the problem was not a Black problem or an Asian problem, it was a white problem. They were the people whose minds we had to change–white youth, not black youth” (qtd. in Goodyer 55). RAR sought to make the kind of flirtation with fascism engaged in by some punks unacceptable. In this they were largely successful; groups like Siouxsie and the Banshees went from sporting swastikas in 1976 to writing “Metal Postcard,” a song based on the collages of German anti-fascist John Heartfield (Renton).

     

    Crucial to this project of decolonizing white youth culture was the recognition of new cultural affiliations. If Britain’s imperial heritage introduced a virulent strain of racism into the body politic, it also helped produce the polycultural formations on which RAR drew in order to forge an anti-racist popular culture. As David Widgery puts it in his memoir:

     

    Black is a metaphor for everything that white society cannot face in itself, its past, its passivity, its savagery . . . . We whites must realize, before it's too late, that the reverse is true. That they are here because we were there. That there is no Britain without blacks and that we could not keep our slaves out of sight forever. That there is no such thing as pure English nationality or pure Scots or Welsh but a mongrel mix of invaders and predators and settlers and émigrés and exiles and migrants. That there is no us without them. (Qtd. in Widgery 122)

     

    Temporary Hoarding‘s emphasis on the mongrel character of British identity was a slap at the discourse of national purity employed not simply by neo-fascists but by mainstream politicians such as Margaret Thatcher. By reminding kids attending gigs of the UK’s imperial history, RAR offered an internationalist perspective that goes beyond street fighting to illuminate the broader inequalities on which the global capitalist system is founded.

     

    Conclusions

     

    In tandem with the fierce resistance of Black and Asian communities to the violent attacks of the police, organized neo-fascists, and racist Britons in general, RAR offered a potent challenge to the neo-fascist threat in the streets and at the ballot box during the mid- to late 1970s. As the election of Margaret Thatcher in 1979 suggests, however, their attacks on explicit racism were ill designed to combat the more subtle, coded forms of discrimination deployed by mainstream politicians. In addition, the forms of militancy that catalyzed polycultural forms of unity such as those organized by RAR were frequently based on models of masculinity and street fighting bravado that rendered many women’s identities and struggles invisible. As the formation of the Organization of Women of Asian and African Descent (OWAAD) by Black feminists during these years indicates, the male chauvinist elements of the Black Power tradition were actively challenged from within the Black community. All too often, however, white activists and artists such as the Clash identified precisely these traditions as the core of Black British culture.24

     

    RAR folded after Margaret Thatcher’s election. The organization’s dissolution no doubt reflects the severity of the blow dealt to the Left by the electoral consolidation of Thatcher’s aggressive popular authoritarian neo-liberal ideology in Britain. Given the repressive climate that characterized the 1980s, the dissolution of RAR was a significant loss. For, although organized groups of neo-fascist thugs largely disappeared from the streets following Thatcher’s victory, British racism did not recede. The 1980s saw a series of violent conflagrations in Britain’s cities that were directly related to the forms of authoritarian policing and structural economic neglect meted out to the nation’s so-called ethnic minorities. But RAR’s demise was also, to a certain extent at least, a product of its own success. As Widgery puts it in his memoir, “Our aim was to become unnecessary by establishing an anti-racist, multi-cultural and polysexual feeling in pop music which would be self-generating, and to make politics as legitimate a subject as love . . . . Whatever the follies of eighties pop, there has been no sign of overt racism from white musicians” (115). Despite the limitations that characterize RAR, the traditions of polycultural solidarity that emerged from the group’s public events, from autonomous anti-racist defense groups like the Southall Youth Movement, and from the popular resistance at the Notting Hill carnival transformed British popular culture for a whole generation.

     

    The creativity with which such groups tackled Britain’s post-imperial legacy helped stimulate a renaissance in the popular arts that would put Britain on the cutting edge of artistic and theoretical innovation during the 1980s and 1990s, notwithstanding Thatcherite political hegemony. Explicit racism largely disappeared from British popular culture and an international consciousness developed in the music scene that led to events such as Band Aid and Live Aid. Black filmmakers such as Isaac Julien and Sankofa produced pioneering work whose creolizing aesthetic helped recode narratives of race and nation in Britain (Mercer). In addition, the radical cultural tactics generated by RAR remain a touchstone for efforts to overcome the toxic contradictions of popular authoritarianism in contemporary Britain. Although the lineage of direct action groups such as Reclaim the Streets, which organized a massive anti-neo-liberal street festival that disrupted commerce in the London in 1999, clearly calls back to the Situationist International, the countercultural politics of the DiY groups of the 1990s also owe a lot to RAR’s innovative use of style.25 The recent revival of RAR’s strategy in the “Love Music, Hate Racism” campaign suggests that, for some Britons at least, the campaigns of the late 1970s offer important resources of hope. Most importantly, RAR and affiliated Black and Asian community groups helped give marginalized youths a sense of their collective agency at a particularly bleak moment in British history. As LKJ was to write in the title track of an album he released in the late 1970s: “it is noh mistri/ wi mekin histri/ it is noh mistri/ wi winnin victri” (24).

     

    Notes

     

    1. For a discussion of RAR’s emphasis on the autonomous value of youth culture and a critique of other anti-racist traditions that failed to take this approach, see Gilroy 121-129.

     

    2. For a critique of multiculturalism, see Kundnani 67.

     

    3. Paul Gilroy has consistently challenged the implicit but habitual xenophobic nationalism of the British Left. For a particularly strong critique, see Gilroy 26-27.

     

    4. Much has been made of the debt owed by punk to the Situationalist International. However, discussions of punk’s genealogy rarely mention specific interactions between punk bands such as the Clash and reggae musicians. For a particularly interesting discussion of the links between punk and the European avant-garde, see Marcus.

     

    5. Paul Gilroy writes suggestively in There Ain’t No Black of the call-and-response aesthetic of black diasporic musical forms (164), but does not relate this aesthetic to underground musical traditions within the white community.

     

    6. For an excellent ethnographic account of the cross-racial affiliations of British urban youth of the era, see Jones.

     

    7. I am indebted to a very knowledgeable anonymous reviewer for this point.

     

    8. David Widgery’s memoir is the only detailed history of Rock Against Racism to date. As a result, his perspective on the organization necessarily looms large in retrospective analysis, although he was not necessarily the most prominent or involved organizer at the time. In-depth interviews conducted by Goodyer suggest, however, that there is substantial agreement among core organizers over Widgery’s account of the movement. See Goodyer 60.

     

    9. James’s influence is, for instance, very much evident in Paul Gilroy’s analysis of the riots of the 1980s in Britain’s cities. See Gilroy 245.

     

    10. For a detailed discussion of this period in James’s life, see Buhle.

     

    11. One of the earliest and most succinct discussions of James’s autonomist theory can be found in Robinson.

     

    12. See, for instance, Stuart Hall and associates’ subtle characterization of race as a modality of class (394).

     

    13. The lack of police reaction to such killings is partially explained by the fact that racial hate crimes were not recognized as a specific category of criminal behavior during the mid- to late 1970s in Britain. This fact is, of course, a symptom of broader forms of institutional racism in Britain at the time.

     

    14. The radical experiences of youths in self-defense groups such as the Southall Youth Movement (SYM) often led them to question not just the older generation’s leadership but also “established” community values such as sexism. See Widgery 32.

     

    15. As Paul Gilroy notes, these groups reflect the changing mode of production in the post-Fordist economies of developed nations such as Britain. See Gilroy 225.

     

    16. Gilroy attributes these goals, derived from the work of Manuel Castells on urban social movements, to British self-defense groups such as the Southall Youth Movement. See Gilroy 230.

     

    17. Additional details concerning these organizations can be found in Sivanandan 142-143.

     

    18. Sivanandan has been and remains one of the most powerful advocates of this political mobilization of the category “black.” For his critique of the decline of “black” as a political color, see Communities of Resistance. For an analysis of challenges to this unificatory terminology over the last decade, see Alibhai-Brown xi-xiii.

     

    19. The social construction of “race” has, of course, been one of the central concerns of post-colonial theory. For an early example of this line of thought that draws heavily on the British context, see Gates.

     

    20. Gilroy offers a withering critique of this strategy of “ethnic absolutism.” See Gilroy 43.

     

    21. Bowie made the following comments to Playboy journalist Cameron Crowe:

     

    PLAYBOY: You've often said that you believe very strongly in fascism. Yet you also claim you'll one day run for Prime Minister of England. More media manipulation?BOWIE: Christ, everything is a media manipulation. I’d love to enter politics. I will one day. I’d adore to be Prime Minister. And, yes, I believe very strongly in fascism. The only way we can speed up the sort of liberalism that’s hanging foul in the air at the moment is to speed up the progress of a right-wing, totally dictatorial tyranny and get it over as fast as possible. People have always responded with greater efficiency under a regimental leadership. A liberal wastes time saying, “Well, now, what ideas have you got?” Show them what to do, for God’s sake. If you don’t, nothing will get done. I can’t stand people just hanging about. Television is the most successful fascist, needless to say. Rock stars are fascists, too. Adolf Hitler was one of the first rock stars.

     

     

    Bowie was also photographed arriving back in the UK around this time in an open topped Mercedes, giving a fascist “sieg heil” salute. This was shortly before he went off to live in Berlin and record albums like “Low.”

     

    22. Williams first articulates the concept of “structure of feeling” in Culture and Society. He develops this concept in relation to Gramsci’s theory of hegemony in later work. For a discussion of the debates that circulated around this concept among members of Britain’s New Left, see Dworkin.

     

    23. The most germane example in this context is Hall, Resistance through Rituals.

     

    24. For a discussion of these avant-garde/punk links, see Marcus.

     

    25. This was true both for white and for Asian activists. For a discussion of the masculinism of the Asian Youth Movement, see Westwood. A more extended critique of the masculinism of black nationalist political formations can be found in Samantrai.

     

    26. For a discussion of DiY groups in the 1990s, see McKay.

     

    Works Cited

     

    • Alibhai-Brown, Yasmin. Imagining the New Britain. New York: Routledge, 2001.
    • Arendt, Hannah. The Origins of Totalitarianism. New York: Harcourt Brace, 1951.
    • Buhle, Paul. C.L.R. James: The Artist As Revolutionary. New York: Verso, 1988.
    • Crowe, Cameron. “David Bowie: A Candid Conversation with the Actor, Rock Singer and Sexual Switch-hitter.” <http://www.cameroncrowe.com/eyes_ears/articles/crowe_jrl_bowie.html>.
    • Dworkin, Dennis. Cultural Marxism in Postwar Britain: History, the New Left and the Origins of Cultural Studies. Durham: Duke UP, 1997.
    • Gates, Henry Louis, ed. “Race,” Writing, and Difference. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986.
    • Gilroy, Paul. “There Ain’t No Black in the Union Jack:” The Cultural Politics of Race and Nation. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1987. 121-129.
    • Goodyer, Ian. “Rock Against Racism: Multiculturalism and Political Mobilization, 1976-1981.” Immigrants and Minorities 22.1 (Mar 2003): 44-62.
    • Hall, Stuart et al. Policing the Crisis: Mugging, the State, and Law and Order. London: Macmillan, 1978.
    • —. Resistance through Rituals: Post-War Youth Culture. New York: Routledge, 1976.
    • Hebdige, Dick. Subculture: The Meaning of Style. New York: Routledge, 1979.
    • Hitchcock, Peter. “‘It Dread Inna Inglan:’ Linton Kwesi Johnson, Dread, and Dub Identity.” Postmodern Culture 4.1 (Sept. 1993) <http://80-muse.jhu.edu.proxy.library.csi.cuny.edu/journals/postmodern_culture/v004/4.1hitchcock.html>
    • Home, Stewart. We Mean It Man: Punk Rock and Anti-Racism–or, Death in June Not Mysterious. 30 Sept. 2005. <http://www.stewarthomesociety.org/man>
    • Johnson, Linton Kwesi. Mi Revalueshanary Fren. London: Penguin, 2002.
    • Jones, Simon. Black Culture, White Youth: The Reggae Tradition from JA to UK. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan Education, 1988.
    • Kalra, Vininder, John Hutnyk, and Sanya Sharma. “Re-Sounding (Anti)Racism, or Concordant Politics?” Dis-Orienting Rhythms: The Politics of the New Asian Dance Music. Eds. Kalra, Vininder, John Hutnyk, and Sanya Sharma. London: Zed, 1996.
    • Kundnani, Arun. “The Death of Multiculturalism.” Race and Class 43.4 (Apr-Jun 2002): 67-72.
    • Marcus, Greil. Lipstick Traces: A Secret History of the Twentieth Century. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1989.
    • McKay, George. DiY Culture: Party and Protest in Nineties Britain. New York: Verso, 1998.
    • Mercer, Kobena. “Recoding Narratives of Race and Nation.” Black Film/British Cinema. Ed. Kobena Mercer. London: ICA, 1992.
    • Prashad, Vijay. Everybody Was Kung Fu Fighting: Afro-Asian Connections and the Myth of Cultural Purity. Boston: Beacon, 2001.
    • Race Today Collective. “Self Organization vs. Self Help.” Race Today Mar. 1976.
    • Renton, Dave. “David Widgery.” 30 Sept 2005. <http://www.dkrenton.co.uk/anl/widgery.html>.
    • Reynolds, Simon. Rip It Up and Start Again: Post-Punk 1978-1982. London: Faber and Faber, 2005.
    • Robinson, Cedric. Black Marxism: The Making of the Black Radical Tradition. New York: Zed, 1983.
    • Sabin, Roger. “I Won’t Let That Dago By: Rethinking Punk and Racism.” Punk Rock: So What? The Cultural Legacy of Punk. Ed. Roger Sabin. London: X, 1999.
    • Samantrai, Ranu. AlterNatives: Black Feminism in the Postimperial Nation. Stanford: Stanford UP, 2002.
    • Sivanandan, Ambalavaner. Communities of Resistance: Writings on Black Struggles for Socialism. New York: Verso, 1990.
    • —. “From Resistance to Rebellion: Asian and Afro-Caribbean Struggles in Britain.” Race and Class 23.2/3 (Autumn 1981/Winter 1982): 111-52.
    • The Specials. “A Message to You, Rudy.” The Official Specials website. 22 Sept. 2005. <http://www.thespecials.com/lyricview.php?sid=1>.
    • —. “History.” The Official Specials website. 22 Sept. 2005. <http://www.thespecials.com/history3.php>.
    • Thornton, Sarah. “General Introduction.” The Subcultures Reader. Eds. Ken Gelder and Sarah Thornton. New York: Routledge, 1997.
    • Westwood, Sallie. “South Asian Masculinities In Britain.” Nation and Migration: The Politics of Space in the South Asian Diaspora. Ed. Peter Van der Veer. Philadelphia: U of Pennsylvania P, 1995.
    • Widgery, David. Beating Time: Riot’n’Race’n’Rock’n’Roll. London: Chatto and Windus, 1986.

     

     

  • Fog of War: What Yet Remains

    Timothy Donovan 

    English Department
    University of North Florida
    tdonovan@unf.edu

    skimball@unf.edu
    jlsmith@unf.edu

     

    On 8 October 2004, Jacques Derrida died. We are now left with these remains. We write as mediums, like cane-tappers trying to record under the influence of a Derrida that remains within us and outside us.

     

    As we write, we face the unknowable singularity of death, yet we still feel its strange temporal force. Even as we are tempted to mark its significance with its finality, we are more forcefully haunted by our responsibility to mark its memory with its futures. With difficulty, we ask what would it be to receive the gift of Derrida’s death? How do we sustain the generosity of the gift we have received? And how does our mourning recognize such generosity? In part, we respond to such questions by extending Derrida’s thought toward pressing political problems that demand deconstruction.

     

    Documentarian Errol Morris was perhaps presented with a similar task, trying to record Robert McNamara, who sat in front of his camera and who remained out of reach, a memory and a documentary yet to come. Since his resignation as Secretary of Defense (to Presidents John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson during the years 1961-1968), McNamara has found himself haunted by past memories and by possible futures. We watch him in Morris’s award-winning documentary film, The Fog of War: Eleven Lessons in the Life of Robert S. McNamara (2003) tapping into his past, urgently tapping out his tale, hoping to exhort those who most need to hear and see, those who may influence a future so that it avoids catastrophe. He talks, he converses, he writes, he contributes feverishly to a material archive that he hopes will prevent complete destruction, including a destruction that he can only intuit, and that his structures of reason are necessarily inadequate to address: the destruction of the archive itself.

     

    Morris records the lessons that have emerged from McNamara’s years of wandering, to Cuba, to Vietnam, and back to Vietnam. McNamara remains a witness to more than eighty years of unprecedented worldwide political and military violence. Some of this violence McNamara assisted, planned, and directed. What remains for him as his life nears conclusion is an “honest” accounting of the motivations and rationales that directed him, and so many other powerful American policy-makers, toward an unknown number of misjudgments during their time. Surely McNamara has remorse for what he so starkly terms his responsibility for having “kill[ed] people unnecessarily.” Yet more than absolution and exoneration for past action, The Fog of War offers eleven well-reasoned lessons that aim to produce greater resolution for the future. Ultimately, McNamara wants to make very clear that the stakes of warfare have changed immeasurably with the emergence of nuclear weapons.

     

    Our efforts here as writers are to outline how, in attempting to give the gift of his life’s insight before his own death, McNamara is precipitated into an impossible but necessary work of mourning what remains of the dead. This work turns on a crisis of decision, the crisis of the nuclear referent, the crisis of a radical and radically haunting facelessness that shadows–better, that cuts across–all decision.

     

    From the tapping of our fingers to the clicking of the cameras we are all engaged in the commemoration of mourning. To these remains we are all drawn, where at once the possibilities of the past, present, and the future await us.

     

    We write as mediums, like cane-tappers trying to record under the influence of a Derrida that remains within us and outside us.

     

    What Remains to be Seen? The Rhetoric of Witnessing 

     

    Morris’s Fog documents further written recollections published by McNamara over the last fifteen years that try to account for the unprecedented violence that has occurred since the First World War. Titles such as Wilson’s Ghost: Reducing the Risk of Killing and Catastrophe; In Retrospect: The Tragedy and Lessons Of Vietnam; and Argument Without End: In Search of Answers to the Vietnam Tragedycertainly indicate a keen historical focus, but also McNamara’s personal commitment to persuading others about the perils of the future threatened by the remains of the past.  Initially, McNamara’s writing provides a corrective for the political misjudgments influenced by the predominance of a Cold War perspective. This motivation for critique, however, is haunted by a more looming threat than just cautionary advice about the limits of perspective.  The Cold War grounded in nuclear build-up is the advent of conflict haunted by a decisive possibility that would end politics, the polis, and perhaps the world. The optimism evident in post-World War hope for a “war that would end all wars” has ironically been resignified. McNamara’s writing is haunted by the possibility of a “war that would end all wars,” because he witnessed this possibility. If war indeed fogs and confuses judgment, his purpose is to show that the competitive logic of war always points toward an imperative guided by a nuclear logic.A rhetoric of responsibility that thematizes McNamara’s written work also orients the lessons in Morris’s film. Responsibility as an evaluative duty is evident near the film’s end, when McNamara turns to the poetry of T.S. Eliot to grasp the force of his need to recollect, to witness his past.“We shall not cease from exploring

    And at the end of our exploration

    We will return to where we started

    And know this place for the first time“[1]McNamara’s citation from the Four Quartets–which does not conceive of and so defends against the prospect of a radical end, such as nuclear annihilation–indicates the conventional sense of responsibility as the duty to explore ceaselessly, but the responsibility of exploration has a reactive energy of recollection that is divided.  McNamara’s recollections have a retrogressive, circular movement projected backward that returns in memory, gathering the remains to return to a momentary place anew.  In “knowing this place for the first time,” he must return, recollect, and clear the fog that has confused him and so many others of his generation. Yet the desire to step out of the fog and gain the proximity that would provide clarity to some beginning is threatened by the same opacity that he wants to lighten. To begin again at a place with full knowing may be nothing more than naïve nostalgia for a purified point of origin.And yet, in nearly every way, Morris’s McNamara is a confident evaluator, assured of his interpretive decision to “return to where we started” historically.  The documentary begins with a montage of post-World War/Cold War images that ends with a shot of McNamara during his service as Secretary of Defense preparing for a television press conference and questioning the television crews, “are you ready? All set?”  Morris draws attention to the equivocal nature of origin as well as to the equivocal authority McNamara has over the archive with an opening interchange that seems to build a clever transition from the press conference decades ago to the present filming. At the beginning of Fog, McNamara prepares himself for the interview by asking the filmmaker to speak in a practiced tone so he could clearly hear the questions.  After practicing voice levels, McNamara states authoritatively and efficiently that he does not need to “go back”:”Now I remember exactly the sentence I left off on.  I remember how it started, and I was cut off in the middle.  But you can fix it up someway.  I don’t want to go back, introduce the sentence, because I know exactly what I wanted to say.”

     

    Just as we know that this film is constructed by editing, we see and hear McNamara directing some of the editing.  The decision to begin the film with a seemingly incidental matter is more than just clever. McNamara’s comments introduced us to a very precise and efficient man who knows exactly what he “want[s] to say.” Such certainty is not just momentary; McNamara has to some extent a very clear evaluation of the fog that has clouded the twentieth century. His desire to convey a precise viewpoint is clear in Morris’s documentary, and is also evident in his written work, which is as clear, efficient, and logical as fine technical writing.

     

    This desire for efficiency is exemplified in recollections that produce what Kenneth Burke calls an “analysis of analysis” (Burke 9).  On topics ranging from the Cuban Missile Crisis to the Vietnam war, McNamara is insistent that the fog of the Cold War concealed, for good or for ill, underlying cultural, political, and moral principles that could have resulted in political negotiation that may have minimized the needless killing and massive destruction suffered over the second half of the twentieth century.  In many ways his judgment that historical myopia guided U.S. foreign policy seems generally correct, and his support of this evaluation is compelling. The lessons Morris culls from McNamara’s testimony are most forceful when the filmmaker highlights the United States’ sense of its worldwide destiny and, thus, of global responsibility, a state that was often motivated by political imperialism.

     

    McNamara’s keen analysis of an ideological paradigm that underwrote all decisions for many decades is understood more subtly as a “terminal incapacity” (7). Kenneth Burke argues that terminal incapacity occurs when one’s very abilities function as blindness (7). The resolution to fight the threat of the Triple Axis in World War II reinforces the resolve to battle a new enemy–worldwide communism. Thereafter, the U.S. response to the threat of the spread of communism becomes programmatic, and the U.S. cannot envision subtle social, cultural, and political problems that might open a different perspective on its dreaded responsibility. The U.S. ability to fight communism produced a resolve to do so that finally blinded or incapacitated the U.S.’s ability to evaluate its anti-communist goals and the means with which it secured them.  In the end, McNamara provides the viewer with a cautionary critique, lessons that clarify the past and help envision the future.

     

    And yet, he still mourns.

     

    We don’t want to dismiss entirely the use of personal evaluation, the wisdom of an elder statesman recollecting his political life as a testimony for the future. The future is customarily presumed to be a reconstitution of the past. Yet, there remains a sense of responsibility that binds McNamara.  In one sense, he cites an evaluative efficiency that binds his responsibility, and yet he remains bound by another responsibility that provokes him beyond reason.  McNamara’s ongoing lessons about responsibility are haunted by a summons to which he often responds with trembling. What he has seen is threatened further by what he has not seen–indeed, by what he has seen he has not seen, what he would give us to see. McNamara never saw the faces of the hundred thousand Japanese civilians killed by a firestorm during the World War II bombings in Japan. What he did see–the singular spectacle of Quaker Norman Morrison, his body ablaze in protest–brings him to interiorize in mourning the faceless thousands incinerated in Japan, Vietnam, and many _____ elsewhere yet to come. Franklin is the spectacle that actualizes “the truth of the mourning of the other…who always speaks in me before me” (Derrida, Mémoires 29). McNamara’s recollections in the film are another attempt to bring clarity to a call that haunts him, to evoke the unseen faces that might authorize the summons. Further, his persistence in re-facing his former enemies–Castro’s face, the faces of Vietnamese leaders, and the faces of others–shows McNamara’s need to personify and endow with a sense of presence, clarity, and authority a summons that resists location. In the end, we believe that McNamara’s exhortations summon these specters for the viewer, so that we might also see and feel–in the absence of the face of the other, of the other others whose ashes cover the face of the world–the grave responsibility that remains.

     

    Faced with McNamara’s lessons of hope for empathy and renewed rationality, the viewer is also challenged by a kind of physical pressure. We are not offering detail in place of argument when we point out that the viewer cannot overlook Robert McNamara’s presence in the film: his face, his voice, and his eyes. His direct, pervasive presence is not solely a matter of Morris’s Interrotron.[2] In Fog, McNamara seems almost to enter our space. His urgent tone and direct gestures seem to project forward, penetrating the film’s virtual space to assure us of his counsel. This guidance is expressed in a proud voice that wavers somewhere between warning and remorse.  Quite starkly, Morris’s most pressing close-ups encounter McNamara’s eyes fogged with a watery kind of melancholy filled by the confusion of responsibility.  We cannot look past his eyes tinged with remorse, betrayed by his most powerful personal talent: the force of analytical reason.  Foremost, we cannot look past his eyes because his mourning of reason strains to perceive another form that can account for experiences that exceed his understanding. He, or Morris, wants us to see him seeing (at) those limits.

     

    In mourning, we turn to the profound writing of Jacques Derrida because no other thinker has shown us with so much insight and patience the importance of mourning what is to come: the crisis of the future. Derrida remains the great thinker of the future, a future that is an absolute threat.

     

    Ceaseless Mourning: What Remains to Be Thought

     

    War, ultimately from the Indo-European wers-, to confuse, mix up.

     

    –Adapted from The American Heritage Dictionary of Indo-European Roots (77)

     

     

    Haunted by the spectralizing effects of the remains, McNamara’s answers to the questions Morris poses offer themselves to be read in a certain way[3]–that is, as scenes, acts, and gestures in an incomplete, indeed an incompletable, work of mourning.

     

    No doubt McNamara entertains no such intent. From the beginning to the end of the interview, McNamara directs his discussions and arguments toward the absolute urgency of certain “lessons.” These are not the eleven often deeply ironic lessons Morris uses to punctuate his film, but ten nation-guiding principles McNamara has formulated in the explicit hope of refocusing present and future American military and foreign policy. Although Morris does not include them in his film (he appends them in a “special feature” to The Fog of War‘s DVD release), they inform all McNamara’s discussions. Indeed, the imperative to which McNamara’s principles attempt to answer constitutes the horizon of his sense of the nation’s collective responsibility to itself and to the world. Over and over, then, McNamara’s responses to Morris underscore the central–the nuclear–imperative to which he testifies: America in particular, the world more generally, must reduce the threat of nuclear war and the frequency and virulence of conventional war in the twenty-first century.

     

    This imperative–with its psychological urgency on the one hand, its force of moral necessity on the other–imposes a ceaseless work of mourning that provokes the subject to yet further mourning rather than aiding the subject to bring grief to an end. The reason is that a certain irremediable loss, a loss itself lost to understanding, permeates McNamara’s pedagogical aims and opens his discourse to what might be called the lesson of his lessons. This lesson of the lessons, a lesson, therefore, without lesson, is that there is something utterly unlearnable about war from war, something unlearnable about human fallibility. This unlearnability poses deep problems for individual and collective responsibility in the realm of political decisions, and it is a something that cannot be broached except by way of a mourning that does not end.

     

    1.1 The Lesson of the Lessons, the Lessons without Lesson

     

    “My rule is, try to learn, try to understand . . . develop the lessons and try to pass them on.”

     

    –McNamara, The Fog of War.

     

    “One has to think and never be sure of thinking.”

     

    –Blanchot, The Writing of the Disaster (145).

     

    Morris organizes The Fog of War around a series of eleven aphoristic “lessons” which he draws from McNamara’s own words, often quoting him directly. A close inspection of these lessons indicates the dramatic irony of their central contradiction: a heightened consciousness is necessary and yet insufficient for learning what must be learned from war–from thinking about war and from thinking about thinking about war.[4] A similar inspection of McNamara’s own lessons–which are much less gnomically conceived principles than Morris’s, and which arise out of McNamara’s experiences in the Pentagon, out of his deep apprehensions about nuclear armaments, and out of his judgment that it is absolutely necessary to reduce “the brutality of war,” “the level of killing,” and the threat of terrorism–shows that they, too, are essentially contradictory. One of their greatest ironies derives from the way they specify incompatible goals–above all the contradictory goal of maintaining the sovereignty of the United States on the one hand and an imaginary sovereignty of a universal political entity to come–“the human race” or “society as a whole”–on the other.[5]

     

    If both sets of lessons are similar in being contradictory, even if they are contradictory in dissimilar ways, they are also both offered as “lessons,” a term Morris and McNamara alike employ uncritically. Morris and McNamara each thematizes his pedagogical aims but not the value of the presumptive value of those aims–in other words, not the possible lessons that might be drawn from attempting to draw lessons from war. What, then, does the word lesson disclose about the meaning and force of McNamara’s and Morris’s lessons? More importantly, what does the word lesson disclose about the points of view and assumptions this term conceals?

     

    According to The American Heritage Dictionary of Indo-European Roots, the word lesson derives from a stem, leg-, to collect “with derivates meaning to speak’” (35). According to Shipley, it means to “gather, set in order; consider, choose; then read, speak” (209). This root has given rise to the Greek stems legein, to gather, speak, and logos, speech, word, reason. The two are the source of, among their English derivatives, lexicon, dialect, logic, and logistics as well as of apology. In its descent through the Latin, legere, to gather, choose, pluck, read, leg– has generated such terms as legend, legible, legion, collect, and intelligent, as well as sortilege, neglect, and sacrilege. Possibly through the Latin lex, law, it has eventuated in legal, legitimate, loyal, legislator, and privilege; and possibly through legare, to dispute, commission, charge, it has produced allege and legacy.

     

    More directly than many words, “lesson” inherits an overdetermined range of connotation and denotation. Bearing above all the metaphysical legacy of the logos, the word “lesson” capitalizes on those intellectual traditions in which knowledge is conceived as a potentially transcendental force, a life-protecting force, which provides humans a means of surviving their violence. The word “lesson,” then, functions symptomatically as a wish-fulfillment and thus as an expression of the anxiety the wish-fulfillment would relieve. Would that there were or could be lessons from war. If such lessons are possible, then such knowledge might enable humans to reduce their dependence on war. If such lessons are not possible, then advances in techno-scientific knowledge–and the annihilative military and terrorist purposes to which such knowledge is predicted to be put–are likely to be apocalyptic.

     

    McNamara is explicit about his fear. It is the theme of all of his remarks. In the section of the documentary that proceeds under the title “Rationality Will Not Save Us,” McNamara attributes the avoidance, to date, of nuclear holocaust to sheer “luck!” He warns: “That danger exists today, the danger of total destruction of one’s society.” He attempts to formalize this warning in his second and deeply paradoxical lesson concerning the unpredictable consequences of the “human fallibility”: “The indefinite combination of human fallibility and nuclear weapons will lead to the destruction of nations.” Morris reduces this observation to a caution about the limits of rationality. Thus, whereas Morris stipulates the limits of a rationality that, by itself, “will not save us,” and holds open the possibility that something other than or in addition to rationality might, McNamara declares that a destruction beyond all remediation “will” happen for reasons of a “fallibility” that is inherent in if not constitutive of humanness in general, not just of particular (rational) modes or forms of human thought. In his tenth lesson, then, McNamara invokes not only the specter of the nuclear terrorism that threatens “nations”–nations in general, all nations, the identifying names of which become irrelevant in relation to the nuclear annihilation that would destroy the archive of names along with nations–but also the fact of American responsibility for contributing to this peril: “One of the greatest dangers we face today is the risk that terrorists will obtain access to weapons of mass destruction as a result of the breakdown of the Non-Proliferation Regime. We in the U.S. are contributing to that breakdown.” In these two lessons, then, McNamara specifies the apotropaic meaning of his use of the word “lesson,” which marks the apocalyptic tone of his entire discourse, of his entire testimony.

     

    McNamara twice identifies the uncanny source of his fear, and thus of what will have been his future testimony before Morris’s camera. The first revelation occurs in his dispassionate observation that “there will be no learning period with nuclear weapons.” The second occurs when he reports on his visit to Cuba in 1992 and his highly emotional confrontation with Castro over the missile crisis thirty years earlier. He recalls that he learned for the first time that “162 nuclear warheads, including 90 tactical warheads, were on the island at the time of this critical moment of the crisis.” He is flabbergasted: “I couldn’t believe what I was hearing, and Castro got very angry with me because I said, ‘Mr. President, let’s stop this meeting. This is totally new to me. I’m not sure I got the translation right.’” But the meeting proceeded, and McNamara recalls having asked Castro three questions the answers to which instantly excite in him a simultaneous disbelief in and yet utterly appalled acceptance of what he is hearing:

     

    Mr. President, I have three questions to you. Number one: did you know the nuclear weapons were there? Number two: if you did, would you have recommended to Khrushchev in the face of a U.S. attack that he use them? Number three: if he had used them, what would have happened to Cuba?

     

    Castro answers yes to the first question. To the second, Castro answers no, not would have but did: “I would not have recommended to Khrushchev, I did recommend to Khrushchev that they be used.” And to McNamara’s third question, Castro evidently replies that Cuba “would have been totally destroyed” and then adds: “Mr. McNamara, if you and President Kennedy had been in a similar situation, that’s what you would have done.” Although McNamara repudiates Castro’s assertion, his emotion in remembering the exchange as well as during the encounter itself suggest that he now knows Castro could be right. In the moment he hears Castro’s third answer, McNamara is beside himself–literally so, for he is borne away by a dread that makes him tremble in the knowledge not only that he is learning something he had not known during the missile crisis, but something he had not known he had not known about the mindset of his opponent and of himself. He now knows that his double ignorance could have led to a nuclear confrontation.

     

    In other words, in the moment of gaining access to his abyssal self-ignorance, McNamara is forced to see his past blindness. At that moment he envisions the unimaginable–an apocalyptic future that was avoided not by insight or foresight but by blind luck. More generally, he is on the verge of glimpsing the possibility of a present and future blindness that could not be revealed as such until afterward. If he knows that “it’s almost impossible for our people today to put themselves back into that period,” then he must suspect the terrible consequence: it will be “almost impossible” for “our people today” to learn from “that period.” Therefore, when, near the beginning of the film, McNamara says that “at 85, I can look back,” he is not necessarily claiming a specular privilege but confessing, rather, the spectacular structural sightlessness that attaches to every experience of oneself in the present. “We all make mistakes,” McNamara says near the end of the film. What prevents this assertion from being a pious cliché is that McNamara not only knows that “our understanding, our judgment, is inadequate,” but suspects that such knowledge about the fragility and incompleteness of knowledge comes only in hindsight, only belatedly, which is to say always too late.

     

    However, whether or not he grasps it, the lesson of his lessons is that he could not deduce, invent, or otherwise recognize the specific lessons during the experiences which only in retrospect produce them. The lesson of the lessons is not in their content. The essential feature of each of the lessons is not the lesson itself. Rather, the lesson of the lessons is that they are without lesson: they do not summarize a formalizable knowledge that can be taught, learned, transmitted. The lessons are untimely, and the lesson of these lessons is that they can never present themselves as such precisely when they are most needed. Or, rather, the lesson of McNamara’s lessons is that he has intuited something about the nature of knowing, especially in times of crisis when unprecedented events unfold in unprecedented ways such that one must reckon with what exceeds present categories of comprehension, decision, action, and anticipatable consequence, putting one in the position of having to invent on the spot new means of responding to the danger at hand.

     

    McNamara’s earlier understanding of this intractable double bind demonstrates how difficult it is to escape the effects of this bind at the very moment of recognizing it. A third of the way through the film, a younger McNamara, then Secretary of Defense, admits: “There’s much I don’t know I don’t know.” Affirming the logical necessity of this proposition, he laughs awkwardly, unable to confront its emotional force, its affective power, which will overtake him years later as one signal of what yet remains to haunt him. Years before he will have been haunted, the Secretary of Defense does not grasp the import of his insight as an index of the inescapable possibility that every present self-declaration can be caught up in a dramatic irony to which the speaker is blind. Not simply blindness, then, and not even blindness to one’s blindness, but the possibility of being blind and the unavailability of a means for determining whether or not one really is–it is this condition of possibly inevitable self-ignorance that constitutes the nuclear core of the terrible fallibility to which McNamara bears witness. In testifying to the need to learn something from the history of war in the twentieth-century and from the prospective nuclear eventuality he fears is inevitable, he testifies to the failure of his testimony and acts out the second-order cognitive fallibility that is an inescapable feature of this very testimony.

     

    In other words, McNamara’s lessons are literally irresponsible–that is, non-responsive to the realities they would negotiate–for a reason that is structural to human consciousness and is not merely the consequence of a faulty or self-protecting memory. McNamara does not quite deduce this consequence. At the end of the film, however, he acts it out in a performative declaration that gives the lie not to the specific substance of his lessons but to their meta-level efficacy, to their ability to be sent and received as lessons. In the film’s epilogue, he balks at talking further about his responsibilities concerning the Vietnam War: “You don’t know what I know,” he says. He is talking specifically “about how inflammatory my words can be.” And yet his statement has an immeasurably greater pertinence, for the problem of the kinds of lessons to which McNamara would testify is that any such lesson requires knowing what one does not know one does not know, and a willingness to open oneself to the prospect of having to engage in an impossible act of self-recognition, a self-remarking that gives and withdraws the very possibility of witnessing.

     

    1.2 The Necessity and Impossibility of Witnessing

    “As we know, there are known knowns. There are things we know we know. We also know there are known unknowns. That is to say we know there are some things we do not know. But there are also unknown unknowns, the ones we don’t know we don’t know.”

     

    –Donald Rumsfeld, DOD news briefing, 12 February 2002.

    1.21 Epistemological Asymmetry

     

    There is a fundamental difference between the consciousness of self and the consciousness of other. It appears that each person has a direct, immediate, and privileged access to part of his or her own mind that is denied to others, who for their part have only an indirect and mediated access to anyone else’s “first-person” mental state. A person seems to be able to know his or her own mind by an act of self-reflection. “The certitude of inner existence, Husserl thinks, has no need to be signified. It is immediately present to itself. It is living consciousness” (Derrida, Speech and Phenomena 43). But no such act of self-reflection will enable an individual to know the mind of the other in the same way. The result is an epistemological asymmetry between what an I can know of itself and what the same I can know of another. This asymmetry is built into the very structure of consciousness, and it blocks each and every I from knowing others or being known by them in the way that this I knows–or thinks it knows–itself.

     

    People tend to experience the asymmetry narcissistically–that is, as the richness of their own consciousness of themselves as opposed to the much poorer knowledge others seem to have of them. Who would trade the consciousness they have of themselves for the consciousness others have of them?

     

    However, the certainty attaching to the experience of one’s own self-consciousness, a certainty in which Descartes sought a foundation for knowledge, may always be less accurate, less reliable, less truthful than the knowledge others have of oneself. One reason for this derives from the tautological nature of knowing or believing something to be the case. If a person holds a belief, he or she cannot simultaneously believe that this belief is in error. If an I knows or thinks it knows something to be the case, this I cannot simultaneously know in the present moment that it is mistaken, if it is. The grammatical (present) tense of this tautology is not accidental: anyone can, in principle, come to recognize that a belief they had previously affirmed is false, that they can have held a mistaken belief. However, at the moment, the person cannot simultaneously believe that the belief is true. A person can believe (or think he or she believes) or not; but this person cannot both believe and not believe what he or she believes.

     

    And yet others might very well recognize that I am in error, if I am, in believing what I (think I) believe. What is more, others might also be in a position to recognize not only that, because I believe what I believe, I do not and cannot presently experience the falsity of my belief (under the circumstances, once again, that I am, in fact, harboring a false belief). This means that others are able, in principle, to occupy an epistemological position that remains out of reach for me: others can know that I am wrong; they can know that I do not know that I am wrong; they can know that I do not know that they (or someone else) might know what I do not; and they can know that I am not merely wrong, and not merely unaware of my ignorance, but unaware of my unawareness of my ignorance, and so on, at the very moment that I am convinced that I know what I (think I) know.

     

    Under these circumstances, it would behoove me to bracket my (false) consciousness of myself, my mistaken belief, and to become as open as possible to the other’s consciousness of my error–indeed, for the other’s awareness of my unawareness of my unawareness.

     

    And yet such an attitude remains difficult to achieve, especially when my emotional state reinforces my sense of knowing what I know. The experience of being impassioned–angry, for example–very often heightens the (potentially illusory) sense of certitude attaching to my experience of my own beliefs, my own knowledge, especially when the object of that knowledge is someone with whom I am angry. To be sure, it is possible to recognize the possibility that my emotional state is affecting my perceptions; it is even possible to count to ten before responding. Both possibilities, however, affirm the commonplace experience that the feeling of anger often intensifies the certitude with which one (thinks one) knows something to be the case.

     

    The experience of knowing or seeming to know what one knows inscribes human consciousness within an untranscendable horizon; at the same time, however, it programs human consciousness–at least that form of consciousness that has developed from the tradition of western metaphysics–to experience its inscription not as a confinement within an unsurpassable limit but as a freedom that offers precisely the promise of transcendence in the form of access to truth itself.

     

    Derrida generalizes this irony in Of Grammatology when he summarizes the phenomenological experience of “hearing oneself think.” Consciousness, especially in its form as conscience, he notes, seems to occur as an unmediated self-voicing in which one’s thought is available to oneself as a signified that is seemingly independent of any signifier, and that therefore has a completely non-material being, a non-material presence to the subject that hears itself thinking. “This experience of the effacement of the signifier in the voice is not merely one illusion among many–since it is the condition of the very idea of truth. . . . This illusion is the history of truth” (20). The history of truth is the history of the attempt to recuperate the knowledge of self as superior to the other’s (potential) knowledge of the self’s (potentially abyssal) self-ignorance. For this reason the truth of the truth–the truth that the experience of truth derives from an illusory experience of seeming self-presence–cannot be introjected, cannot become the non-illusory basis of the experience of one’s self-consciousness.

     

    The reason is evident in the paradox, notoriously remarked by Donald Rumsfeld, that one can know that there are “unknown unknowns” but, by definition, not know what they are. Here, Rumsfeld can represent the world, including his enemies. He can represent his representations of himself. What is more, he can represent his self-representations as limited, partial, possibly erroneous or self-deluding. He can even represent the possibility that he might not know something, not know that he does not know it, and thus not be able to represent the limit that cuts, divides, or separates him from the very knowledge he thinks he has. What Rumsfeld intuits, in short, is that insofar as the object of knowing is subject to an indeterminate future falsifiability, self-consciousness is a source of radical epistemological provisionality. Indeed, it is a source of epistemological self-impoverishment. The catastrophe of self-consciousness is not its capacity for an infinitely regressive series of self-inclusive self-representations but its irreparable incapacity for representing the error of its representations (if and when they can be determined to be in error), except belatedly.

     

    What turns the screw of catastrophe ever tighter is the further paradox that each of us can have, in principle, more accurate beliefs about the beliefs of others than those around us, who can also have more accurate beliefs about our beliefs than we can. These two asymmetries do not balance or cancel each other out but double and redouble each other ad infinitum. They mark and remark a rationally determinable structural boundary to rationality, a limit condition that can be specified from one side, as it were, but not from the other–the one side emerging only when the I foregoes its presumptive privilege of attesting to itself, to its knowledge of itself.

     

    1.22 Declining to Witness

     

    At the same time, in specifying its knowledge of the other, the I can never entirely separate itself from a minimal assertion about what it (thinks it) knows of itself. The I that knows that the other does not know its error is an I that is always in the position of knowing (or thinking that it knows) that it knows. In other words, the predication “I know” means “(I think) I know that I know,” and for this reason the I cannot assume the position of the other; that is, the I cannot become the other who knows what it (some I) does not know it does not know of itself. Only another other, an other that does not say “I,” an other that cannot say “I,” an other that is therefore not simply another human subject able to speak in the first person–only this other other could know what any human subject, appearing to speak to or for or from itself, cannot know and cannot know it cannot know. If bearing witness presupposes a first-person predication, then this other other can never bear witness to my false beliefs. Its meta-level knowledge would not be recuperable as a form of self-consciousness. This other other is not a you that says “I.” In not being able to say “I”–and thus in not being able to say “I see,” “I know that you do not know,” “I recognize that you do not recognize that you do not know,” and so on–this other other could witness what no I can witness of itself or any other I, what, in fact, no one who ever says “I” can witness.

     

    Consciousness is a disaster, then, precisely insofar as it precipitates each I into a position of thinking it knows, precisely insofar as it cuts each I off from the possibility of speaking without saying “I,” without embedding its knowledge and its representations of its knowledge in a self-referential, hence self-interested, frame.

     

    This is a secret that consciousness keeps from itself within itself, even when it reveals this secret to itself: I can never know, until some future moment, whether or not my present beliefs are in the name of a value other than self-interest–for example, the value of a truth that would not participate in the illusory experience of self-certainty. I can never make that future moment come to pass. I can never make it arrive. I can never say: “Now, at last, I know. Now I finally know that I know.”[6]

     

    1.23 Deciding–For and Against

     

    On this count, how should McNamara be judged? As Alexander Cockburn shows, throughout the interviews McNamara misremembers and occludes the historical record, construes his behavior in self-serving ways, and otherwise inauthenticates himself. If one were to bracket McNamara’s personal fallibility, however, there would remain the problem of an impersonal fallibility within the very structure of knowing and acting. This fallibility takes the form of unforeseen or unintended consequences, of unwanted outcomes, of results that those who initiate a course of events might be the first to repudiate on moral or ethical grounds–in other words, of developments for which no one r can take responsibility. “Do you feel in any way responsible for the [Vietnam] war? Do you feel guilty?” Morris asks. McNamara answers: “I don’t want to say any more.”[7] One might wish to condemn McNamara for his evasions–indeed, for his evasion of his evasions–especially on the matter of America’s invasion in Southeast Asia. And yet it is also possible that McNamara cuts off the exchange precisely because responsibility can never be a matter of a sorrowful, rueful, or otherwise mournful subject coming to accept a determinable responsibility that originates in this person’s decisions and actions. It is possible, then, that McNamara does not want to answer Morris because he has caught a glimpse of a responsibilit–yan impossible, unforgivable responsibility–to which he does not know how to respond, and for which he does not know whether or not it would be possible to know what his responsibilities would be.

     

    Responsibility requires decision, and decision entails not just lost opportunities but infinite opportunity costs. Every decision cuts off all other possible futures in order to deliver what will have been a particular future. To decide, then, is to impose a –cidal fate upon what might have been. It is to beckon toward what cannot come to pass, hence cannot die either. It is to cut off and so lose what, in not coming into being, cannot be lost as such, and thus would be a loss before and beyond loss, a death before and beyond death, a loss or a death without loss or death.

     

    McNamara might be understood as struggling to articulate a version of this insight. “Historians don’t really like to deal with counter-factuals, with what might have been,” he declares in the film. When he then adds that, “Well, I know a few things,” he is not asserting a positive or empirical knowledge based on experience but anticipating what he shortly thereafter calls the “fog of war.” This metaphorical fog itself does not cloud judgment but rather foregrounds what does–namely, the beclouded and beclouding nature of all judgment with respect to the futures that are decided against, consciously or not, in coming to any decision. That is why he ruminates on his guilt not so much for a decision he made as for a corporate decision which blocks any simple attribution or acceptance of blame: “in order to win a war, should you kill 100,000 people in one night by firebombing or any other way?” he asks, having recalled his part in the military “mechanism that in a sense recommended” just such a decision–namely, “killing 50% to 90% of the people of 67 Japanese cities and then bombing them with two nuclear bombs.” When McNamara invokes the “mechanism” of decision-making, he admits that the decision in question must–absolutely must–be faulted, but he em also recognizes it is an empty gesture to take the burden of fault on himself no matter how much others might want him to or even how much he might want to: “LeMay said, If we’d lost the war, we’d all have been prosecuted as war criminals.’ And I think he’s right. He, and I’d say I, were behaving as war criminals.” McNamara knows that the “fog” of war–the “fog” that renders responsibility impossibly irresponsible–is not limited to war but is a feature of all decision: “Our understanding, our judgment, is inadequate.” If his pronouncement is bathetic, it nevertheless speaks to the terrible knowledge of what cuts him off from the we (the 100,000 dead among so many others) at the very moment he invokes a community of like minds, of the we whose understanding and judgment are in adequate.

     

    Vis-à-vis the lost futures entailed in any decision, the inadequacy is radical. It is no wonder that McNamara would seek, in the words he loves from Eliot, to “know the place for the first time”–as if it were s possible to abide in a moment of time before the onset not only of loss but of all the losses that have been and will continue to be lost. These lost losses proceed from out of the very act of deciding, from out of the instant of decision,[8] for one never decides in the name of life alone without deciding also in the name of a nameless and incalculable deathliness. Having to decide means having to decide against life in deciding for life.  War invariably makes such implication explicit. The memory of those decisions produces a ceaseless work of mourning.

     

    1.3 Memory and Mourning

     

    “Let me just ask the TV–are you ready?”

     

    –Robert McNamara, The Fog of War

     

    The therapeutic disciplines typically distinguish between normal and pathological grief in mourning. Freud, for example, contrasts melancholia with a more typical course of grieving. In melancholia, Freud says, the individual “knows whom he has lost but not what it is he has lost in them” (“Mourning and Melancholia” 166). In normal mourning, even at its most severe, however, the individual does not suffer this unknowing: “there is nothing unconscious about the loss,” and thus nothing unknowable about the source of the individual’s suffering or its psychodynamic course. The result is that “the testing of reality, having shown that the loved object no longer exists, requires forthwith that all the libido shall be withdrawn from its attachments to this object” 165-66). This withdrawal is often t exceedingly difficult. The individual must convert the representation of the loved object as living into a representation of the loved object as dead or permanently gone, as thereafter irrecoverable, as irreparably mute before the desire of the one who remains. “Each single one of the memories and hopes” by which the survivor had been libidinally invested in or “bound . . . to the object” must be “brought up and hyper-cathected” so as to “detach” this person’s libido and enable it to be redirected toward the world of the living. The grieving individual, Freud suggests, knows this quite well. And yet Freud finds himself unable to explain either “why this process of carrying out the behest of reality bit by bit . . . should be so extraordinarily painful” or why the pain should “seem natural to us” (166). Normal grief proceeds from something unknowable, a pain that, because it “seems natural,” conceals its essential mystery, its essential unknowability, its essential non-essentiality.

     

    As has been suggested, this double, indeed abyssal unknowability permeates the very structure of consciousness, which is incapable of representing and introjecting the lost losses that are a consequence of every decision. For this reason, then, consciousness is implicated in a work of mourning that can never, in principle, bring the process of withdrawing its “cathexes” from the lost object to an end. The reason is simple: the very basis of any decision is a simultaneous psychic investment and disinvestment. Cathexis to a loved object is always a refusal to cathect to all the other possible objects. It is a non-cathexis in them, a blocking off or even blotting out of them. Cathexis itself entails a form of the very withdrawal of cathexis that Freud considers to be the mystery of grief and its pain. Cathexis to is simultaneously decathexis from: cathectic attachment to a loved object is from its onset a version of the decathexis from by which the subject is formed or constituted in a mourning without end, in the ceaseless work of mourning that attends all identifications and object choices and thereafter all decision. In Mémoires, “Dialanguages,” and elsewhere, Derrida has explained that one can never completely assimilate the dead other, who remains before and after the interiorizing movement of mourning. All the more so would the other others remain beyond cathectic or decathectic appropriation. For this reason, then, all object choice, all cathexis and its decathectic self-preservation upon the death of the object, inscribes psychic life within a structure of cutting, of -cision, the fatality of which McNamara attempts to witness.

     

    The shared etymology of memory and mourning points to the identity of attachment and loss, love and grief. Both memory and mourning descend from a common Indo-European stem, (s)mer-, to remember. This root has given rise to the Germanic murnan, to remember sorrowfully, the origin of mourn, and to the Latin memor, mindful, the source of memory, remember, commemorate, and other cognate terms (American Heritage Dictionary 62). These etymologies suggest that memory–the “very essence of the psyche” in Freud’s model, as Derrida explains in “Freud and the Scene of Writing” 199–is inseparable from the work of mourning. If the heart of mourning is an experience of loss, then so too would be the condition of the possibility of a subject’s self-relation, of its auto-affection. Psychic life would begin with a movement of ontological subtraction. However, if the heart of mourning is not a loss that can be experienced but an incalculable loss of what will never have been–of losses that were never present to be subsequently lost, of losses that can never be recalled, of losses that are lost as losses–then the condition of the possibility of psychic life would be absolutely mournful.

     

    Anticipating his listeners’ unbelief, the first-person subject of Errol Morris’s documentary–the person who is still moved to tears by his memory of John F. Kennedy and this President’s determination to prevent nuclear war–this person, Robert Strange McNamara, insists that he can remember the celebration in San Francisco at the end of World War I. His first memory, then, would be from as early as the age of two, and it is this: “My earliest memory is of a city exploding with joy”

     

    Exploding in Sorrow: The Remains of the Dead

     

    The future can only be anticipated in the form of an absolute danger.

     

    –Jacques Derrida Of Grammatology

     

    ‘If we’d lost the war, we’d all have been prosecuted as war criminals.’ And I think he’s right. He, and I’d say I, were behaving as war criminals. LeMay recognized that what he was doing would be thought immoral if his side had lost. But what makes it immoral if you lose and not immoral if you win?”

     

    –Robert McNamara, The Fog of War

     

    McNamara tries to access some reason that will stop the world from ceaseless mourning, but in sorrow he is haunted by the vague sense that such reason itself might be the threat he fears.Any ethical principle remains threatened by the velocity and efficiency of competition that is the essence of warfare. The lessons of war seem to arrive too late. In McNamara’s economy of decision, war demands that “one must do evil in order to produce good.” However, as Derrida reminds us, the advent of the nuclear age may introduce a new rate of speed and temporality so effective that it erases all competence in a feverish drive to dominate (“No Apocalypse, Not Now” 20). It is this unprecedented rate of speed and competition that McNamara tentatively begins to intuit as a kind of evil because implosion is its telos. As an efficiency expert, McNamara is guided by reason. He understands very clearly that nuclear weapons are efficient while his work is a plea for political and military initiatives that are essentially slow and inefficient: reasoned judgment, deliberation, negotiation, and internationalism. Few within international politics would argue with such sound judgment. And yet this sound, reasonable advice does not seem to face the threat that intuits. Perhaps the , conflict that McNamara faces is a “reason that must let itself be reasoned with” (Derrida, Rogues: Two Essays on Reason 159).

     

    In General Curtis Lemay, McNamara faces his threatening intuitions because Lemay, like Castro, exemplifies the frightful, extremist will to accelerate the stakes of warfare to the utmost. If McNamara is troubled by the stakes of moral behavior, by criminality in war, Lemay embodies the perspective that aggression has no limit when warranted by the necessity for national self-defense. Taken to these limits, McNamara reasons, Lemay’s military strategy presents a glimpse of the evil of competitive aggression that may dominate the future. When evil takes the form of a face so ordinary and so respected, one must recognize in this face a glimpse of oneself.

     

    Lemay personifies the logic of the nuclear age, a strategic logic that accelerates the goal driven by the desire to “prevail” over all others. The etymology of “prevail” expresses an absolutism that predominates before and beyond all else. The will to absolutism manifested when Lemay besieged Japan in a torrid firestorm, and when he argued for using nuclear weapons against Cuba in the Cuban Missile Crisis and, again, against the North Vietnamese in the Vietnam War. He justified those absolute decisions on practical grounds: if you have a powerful advantage over your enemy, you should exercise this force before it is visited on you. Thus the definition of a war criminal is a general who loses. The problem of needless killing remains a moral distinction arbitrated by the victor. Both sides must sacrifice the utmost to prevail. And the sacrifices made for victory are archived by a victor who is authorized by a morality and a spirituality underwritten by an absolute, transcendental ideal. Freedom, liberation, progress, destiny, God are some of the many proper names used to efface the confusion of needless sacrifice in warfare.

     

    For McNamara, Lemay’s strategies of brutal, competitive force realize the apocalyptic finality of warfare once nuclear armaments proliferate throughout the world. His repeated response to the force of such hard-line military and political strategy has been a dedicated effort to persuade his witnesses to interrupt the sense of entitled “omnipotence” that disguises a dangerous sense of “vulnerability” that remains the legacy of the Cold War (Lifton 128). For him, the stakes of this legacy remain despite historical differences. In fact, his rhetorical tone has become more urgent. In the May/June 2005 issue of Foreign Policy, he argues that the Bush Administration’s policy on nuclear weapons continues and contributes to policies that have been in place for over forty years and that have “grown more dangerous and diplomatically destructive in the intervening years” (“Apocalypse Soon” 1). Further, entitled by a sense of omnipotence, the Bush Administration has contributed to the nuclear arms conflict by failing to ratify the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT), suggesting that American interests remain independent of the interests of the international community. What entitles such authority? McNamara would suggest that such a perspective of a self-interested power is the effect of hard-line politics of force. As the strongest nation in the world, the US can dominate the political sphere and control world history. But we believe that McNamara increasingly senses that this reason is only part of the reason, meaning that certain reasons are not reasonable enough.

     

    McNamara cannot quite access the forces of authority that extend Lemay’s, the Bush Administration’s, or the U.S.’s historical sense of messianic dominance. McNamara’s thinking encounters a prior, more formidable violent force that he can barely sense and that he cannot fully know. Yet in the face of Lemay and others, he is offered a glimpse of the holocaustal possibility of the messianism of American foreign policy–a future that in its drive toward finality effaces any trace of the future.

     

    At this impasse, we believe that Derrida’s writing provides profound insight into the violent absolutism that confounds McNamara’s perspective. At this impasse, Jacques Derrida’s writing is most memorable because he has made a compelling claim about the singular force of deconstruction. Deconstruction has a singular competency in the nuclear age, for the logic of this era–total remainderless destruction–“watches over deconstruction, guiding its footsteps” (“No Apocalypse” 27). If deconstruction is anything at all, it intervenes in those decisive “events which would end any affirmative opening toward the arrival of the other” (Derrida, “The Deconstruction of Actuality” 32).

     

    From a Derridean perspective, the nuclear age is a metonymy inscribed within the structure of ontotheological historicity that Derrida names metaphysics, the movement of an “absolute epoche” that struggles toward the revelation of finality (“No Apocalypse” 27). Derrida summarizes the movement of this particular historicity succinctly when he notes that “the very concept of history has lived only upon the possibility of meaning, upon the past, present, or promised presence of meaning and of truth (Derrida, Dissemination 184). The nuclear age is the troubling potential of the internal logics of transcendence and finality within metaphysical structures that provide complete revelation in a parousia of truth.

     

    The holocaustal apocalypse of nuclear war would finally make present the unwitnessable truth of metaphysics: an explosion of negative transcendence that results from the political efficiency of technocratic reason, as this decision making economy ultimately prevails in an attempted capitalization of the absolute. In Derridean terms, such an unveiling would mean the event of an absolute wholly other revealed within a telos of deathward closure, which would end all mourning in a “remainderless destruction . . . completed by a nuclear catastrophe that would irreversibly destroy the entire archive and all symbolic capacity” (Derrida, “No Apocalypse” 27-28).

     

    What is at issue here . . .is the violence of the archive itself, as archive, as archival violence. (Derrida, Archive Fever 7)

     

    Nuclear catastrophe would certainly risk annihilating all that is named humanity. One would not need to read Jacques Derrida’s writing to reach this stunningly obvious conclusion. Catastrophic death is surely not a horror to be passed over as an obvious simplicity. Nevertheless, Derrida’s point about annihilation directs us to a far more complicated and rewarding explanation about the metaphysical economy of the absolute–an economy infected with a trace of evil. What is this trace of evil as such?

     

    When Derrida refers to the destruction of the archive, he writes of the violent emergence of utter evil. Such a force of evil violently opposes and destroys all others in its drive to prevail as an absolute: the “one” (78). Derrida’s writing relentlessly traces the violence of the archive he names western metaphysics, an archive that sends forth a deathliness in its efforts to enclose or transcend any trace of its constitutive other. The essence of the nuclear referent figured by the center, the core, or the basis is the effect of a burning drive to authorize, elect, dominate, and conclude. Nuclear war is the legacy of this burning fever.

     

    As the ultimate sacrifice, nuclear war would be the event that finally reaches to award a name to the unnamable. It would be the war that would end all confusion.In confusion, McNamara is constrained by the limit of thinking: he knows but he does not quite know; and he sees but he cannot see clearly. He is haunted by the faint image of things burning, and he hears the murmur of their cries. From where do these images arrive? Are these things of the past? Are these things now? Are these things yet to come? At these threatening limits, he trembles in sorrow.

     

    Of the specters that remain with us haunting our writing, of those that we faintly acknowledge one commands our attention: Its voice echoes: “no apocalypse, not now.”

      WHAT YET REMAINS 

     

    Every decision is a cut. Every decision is a cut that marks the incalculable decisions that could have been made, the infinite decisions that didn’t make the cut. And all of these remaindered decisions haunt the decisions that, having been made, remain. We can see, for instance, when we look back upon decisions we have made in our lives, that they are fractured by their possibilities, that they have always been fractured by the other possibilities, not only the un-chosen possibilities, but even those contingent on the un-chosen, those to which we are blind in principle. The past, we see, is actually always fractured by the future it cannot calculate.For this reason, the Derridean archive would be the repository not only of the future that will come to pass but of those futures that will not. It would include the trace of what, by virtue of the structure of decision, is without trace.

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

    Born of their cuts. Decisions are born from cutting, by necessity.

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

    “A witness, as such, is always blind. Witnessing substitutes narrative for perception.”

     
    –Derrida, Memoirs of the Blind 104.

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

    BLIND TO THE CUT

     

    A film is born of cuts, and bears its cuts, any film, a home movie, a flashy Hollywood production, a documentary film of an historic decision maker. For a celluloid strip is first cut to pieces before a film can take form: razors, scissors, cisions, and decisions enjoin in their shredding. Virtually all films are edited in a process of cutting that enables the assembling or the splicing of the cuts. The reassembly, however, does not restore but continues the violence to temporal and spatial continuity. Sergei Eisenstein–Soviet socialist filmmaker and innovator of montage–saw political possibilities in the dialectical conflict in the splice and decided to emphasize it, marking his aesthetic in the cut. At the same time, Hollywood film, prioritizing narrative structure, perfected “continuity editing,” also called “invisible editing,” editing that distracts the viewer from its constitutive cuts to render their necessary visibility “invisible.”

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

    EVERY DECISION IS A CUT

     

    Decisions are sometimes marked by their fatal effects, and they are always marked by their fatal origins, their need to have cut off future possibilities. “We burned to death a hundred thousand Japanese civilians in one night.” We see Robert McNamara say this three times in The Fog of War. On the third time he asks: “Was there a rule then that said you shouldn’t bomb, shouldn’t kill, shouldn’t burn to death 100,000 civilians in one night?” Mass killing is obviously traumatic, but it is in the syntactical stutter that McNamara marks the painful structure of decision itself.

     

     

     

     

    “Blindness does not prohibit tears, it does not deprive one of them.”

     

    –Derrida, Memoirs of the Blind 127.

     

     

     

    McNamara is a man who can cry, but, while citing this event three times, he never cries for the 100,000 Japanese civilians. Yet while we don’t quite see a mourning for those dead, we do catch a glimpse of a mourning of the decisions not made–the U.S. military could have decided, even, to “kill” the citizens of Tokyo, but it didn’t; it decided to “burn to death” the citizens of Tokyo. And McNamara marks this decision over and over. The decision to kill 50-90% of the urban population of Japan before dropping two atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki was always haunted by the other possible decisions, and it remains haunted by the other possible decisions. For a decision is in ruins as soon as it is made, for it sits amidst the ashes of all the unmade decisions, all the futures sacrificed.

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

    Shouldn’t bomb, shouldn’t kill, shouldn’t burn to death.

     

     

     

     

    “In the beginning, at the origin, there was ruin. At the origin comes ruin; ruin comes to the origin; it is what first comes and happens to the origin, in the beginning. With no promise of restoration.”

     

    –Derrida, Memoirs of the Blind 65.

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

    “That’s what’s happening right now.”

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

    “It’s too late.”

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

    “It leaves. It leaves.”

     

    –Derrida, Derrida

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

    (Shouldn’t bomb, shouldn’t kill, shouldn’t burn to death.)

     

    CRITICAL FLICKER FUSION

     

    In film, the stutter becomes a flicker. Consider for a moment that the movement on a roll of film is created by interrupting a still image 24 times a second, 24 still photographs, each cut with a black bar, a non-image, images and non-images both spooled through the projector. Yet, we see a continuous, uninterrupted moving image. Humans continue to see an image for a fraction of a second after it is removed from eyesight, and this is called an “afterimage,” a trace of a trace. While we are watching our afterimage, a black bar, a lapse, a not-seen, crosses the screen. Flick, flick. Forty-eight times a second a projector’s light pulses whose luminosity we perceive as unwavering (Critical Flicker Fusion) . In the flicker is the seen and not seen, what allows for, but is not itself, seeing. This technical point exemplifies an ethical difficulty. Sight is not just partial; one’s vision is essentially irresponsible to the traces that allow for the presence of vision. There is a constitutive blindness to seeing because sight has no insight into its own blindness.

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

    HAUNTING POSSIBILITIES

     

    We are necessarily blind. The physiologically blind, we should notice, often reach out to ask other eyes to see in their blindness.

     

    During his 98 bombing missions in Vietnam, former Captain Randy Floyd never once saw the Vietnamese people who died and suffered from the bombs dropped from his plane. His job was “very clean,” as he says, simply pulling the “commit switch” with the pre-programmed bomb pattern when it was time. Military performance depends upon decisiveness, upon an unwavering beam of light. More than anything the “commit switch” cleans up the messy job of decision, blinding one to the incalculable decisions that could have been made, the incalculable futures sacrificed. The job of the bombardier is the job of a blind man who thinks he can see. “During the missions, after the missions, the result of what I was doing, the result of this, this game, this, uh, exercise of my technical expertise never really dawned on me, that reality of the screams, or of the people being blown away, or of their homeland being destroyed, uh, just was not a part of what I thought about.” If he knew he were blind at the time, he would need to reach out for guidance from another, another whom he himself could not see. Someone looking up and watching a bomb fall from the sky perhaps. “When I was there, I never saw a child that got burned by napalm.”

     

    To see a future clearly requires a blindness, a staving off of possibility. Those sacrificed possibilities can return to haunt, and they can return to haunt such that we not only are in a position to mourn the sacrifices of the past, but begin to recognize in the notion of possibility, the necessary sacrifices of the future. “But I look at my children now, and, um, I don’t know what would happen, if, uh, uh, what I would think about if someone napalmed ’em.

     

    Randy Floyd’s children haven’t been napalmed. But they could be. In opening to his blindness, the Other he can’t see, in recognizing that there will always be Others he can’t see, Randy Floyd accesses the Other of infinite possibility. He isn’t recognizing the probability that his children could be burned to death; he is recognizing the possibility. We witness Randy Floyd’s non-witnessing. He knew what he didn’t see, a knowledge which opened the possibility of not knowing what he didn’t see. Once one begins to recognize those unseen possibilities, one is experiencing the difference that necessitates mourning. When Randy Floyd accesses this structure he doesn’t mourn the future death of his children as much as he folds that incalculable future upon a past whose structural difference he then painfully experiences. The past is always fractured by the future it cannot calculate or see.

     

    Randy Floyd appears in the 1974 documentary Hearts and Minds. We watch his eyes as he speaks, his words forcing unthinkable images into his mind, seeing what he can’t see: Vietnamese children napalmed; his own children napalmed. We watch him cover his eyes with his hands to wipe the blurring tears. And then, on the screen, we see, cut in, what he didn’t: Vietnamese children, skin peeling off in sheets.

     

    The documentary gives sight to a blindness, what we neglected to mourn, what we never knew to mourn, showing us that there are endless blindnesses. There is a blindness of the other in all sight. And there is a blindness within mourning that is a recognition of the other, whose death and whose presence is never fully incorporable, whose death and whose presence we are always available to, without closure. One can only mourn without promise of restoration.

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

    “They would like to follow the gaze of the other whom they do not see,” perhaps even the Other other, the other who does not return us to ourselves” (Derrida, Memoirs of the Blind6).

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

    WITH NO PROMISE OF RESTORATION

     

    Documentary film has a history of bringing the unseen into view: it preserves what has passed; it travels to foreign lands; it serves as exposé; it focuses on the mundane; it represents the marginalized. But before it can serve any of those functions for viewers, it must be organized by the filmmaker(s). The film must be shredded to pieces before it is assembled into a viewing experience whose unfolding in time and space we feel to be coherent.

     

    Many films achieve coherence by relying on overarching narrative logic that allows us to experience a series of discontinuous shots as continuous. In fact, the practice of continuity editing is one of the great hallmarks of Classic Hollywood film. Continuity editing establishes a number of editing devices that habituate the viewer to experiencing continuity where they see discontinuity. Something as simple as the shot-reverse shot technique so frequently used when filming a conversation illustrates this well: we begin with an establishing two-shot of two interlocutors; then we alternate back and forth, usually in close-up, between the two as they converse–shot-reverse shot. Our sense of narrative continuity–that two people exchange words in a conversation whose meaning and significance become increasingly clear–overrides the visual discontinuity–that the perspective hops from one spot to the next without spatial transition and that “dead time” is cut out.

     

     

     

     

     

     

    “A witness, as such, is always blind. Witnessing substitutes narrative for perception.”

     

    –Derrida, Memoirs of the Blind104.

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

    While basic continuity style has dominated Hollywood since the early twentieth century, the Hollywood Renaissance cut into this dominance in the late 1960s, a time of worldwide revolution that included the Vietnam War. A number of American filmmakers began making experimental and culturally conscious films, many of them violent to narrative expectation. Easy Rider (Hopper 1969) and Bonnie and Clyde (Penn 1967) both famously and abruptly kill their protagonists without resolution or perhaps even significance; Catch-22 (Nichols 1970), a World War II satire produced during the Vietnam War, often denies the viewer establishing shots, splicing the viewer instead into disorienting close-ups in medias res; and M*A*S*H(Altman 1970), a Korean War satire produced during Vietnam, keeps the viewer so far from the central action that we remain unsure of its centrality. As Warren Beatty astutely observed, “Bob [Altman] had a talent for making the background come into the foreground and the foreground go into the background, which made the story a lot less linear than it actually was” (Biskind 103). In other words, American fictional film during the Vietnam War takes up a similar challenge as documentary film generally: it aims to break our habits of seeing in order to bring to sight forces already at work: discontinuity, disorientation, non-resolution, uncertainty. These films break from the logic of classical cinematic language. They are marked by their insistence that we see film in ruins, a representation that in its medium and in its structure always testifies to the violence and division of its origin.Derrida’s generalization of the ruin in Memoirs of the Blind allows us to see how a film in ruins could speak to an American culture increasingly threatened by dissent and diversity: “The ruin . . . is experience itself. . . . There is nothing of the totality that is not immediately opened, pierced, or bored through” (69). The ruin offers “no promise of restoration” (65).

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

    BLIND SPOTS

     

    Randy Floyd mourns “with no promise of restoration.” His own sense of totality has been opened, pierced, bored through.

     

    Robert McNamara’s horizon, however, doesn’t reveal that choice. His life of war put him in the position of making decisions so fatal that his understandable response is to hope to provide a structure to relieve the future of seeing this repetition; he hopes to restore the future with the past.

     

    “At my age, 85, I’m at age where I can look back and derive some conclusions about my actions. My rule has been try to learn, try to understand what happened. Develop the lessons and pass them on” (Morris).

     

    He quite reasonably suggests a goal:

     

    “Should not the nations of the world–the United States in particular–establish as their overarching foreign policy goal the reduction of fatalities from conflict within and among nations?” (McNamara, Argument 5)

     

    To help determine the future, McNamara begins digging in the ruins to locate the “missed opportunities” of leaders and decision makers in conflict.

     

    “I want to be absolutely clear that my primary concern is with raising the probabilities of preventing conflict in the future. The missed opportunities we examine are, we argue, due primarily to mutual misperception, misunderstanding, and misjudgment by leaders in Washington and Hanoi. We therefore ask: If each side had known the truth about the other’s reality, might the outcome have been less tragic?” (6).

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

    “As a general rule–a most singular rule, appropriate for dissociating the eye from vision–we are all the more blind to the eye of the other the more the other shows themselves capable of sight, the more we can exchange a look or a gaze with them.”

     

    –Derrida, Memoirs of the Blind 106.

     

     

     

    While McNamara recognizes the presence of blind spots in the past, he cannot see their structural necessity. He hopes they can be illuminated. Within his reasonable world, he has no choice but to work through probabilities. Yet statistical analysis calculates outcome while it cannot see the incalculable within all outcome, the threateningly incalculable that must be, impossibly, confronted.The future haunts: those nagging blind spots.

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

    “The point is right away to go beyond, in one fell swoop, the first glance and thus to see there where this glance is blind, to open one’s eyes wide there where one does not see what one sees. One must see, at first sight, what does not let itself be seen. And this is invisibility itself. For what first sight misses is the invisible. The flaw, the error of first sight is to see, and not to notice the invisible.
    –Derrida, Specters of Marx141.

     

     

     

     

     

    McNamara’s image is already captured, divided by its future.

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

    “Absolute hospitality requires that I open up my home and that I give not only to the foreigner . . . but to the absolute, unknown, anonymous other, and that I give place to them, that I let them come, that I let them arrive, and take place in the place I offer them, without asking of them either reciprocity (entering into a pact) or even their names.”

     

    –Derrida, Of Hospitality25.

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

    As captured by Morris’s documentary, McNamara’s struggle with reason and its inadequacy to address futurity is a strikingly beautiful and painful impasse. Morris takes McNamara’s image and renders it through the hesitating fragility of a blink, that physiological reminder of the weakness of sight, that it shares itself with blindness. The de-centered composition, dropped frames, freeze frames, and oblique angles all work cinematically to take unwavering self-possession from a man still looking for the ghosts that will possess him.

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

    “But we are never ourselves, and between us, identical to us, a ‘self’ is never in itself or identical to itself.”

     

    –Derrida, Mémoires28.

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

    EYES AND TEARS

     

    We are necessarily blind, and we reach out to ask other eyes to see in our blindness. Derrida illustrates this idea simply with the many portraits of blind men reaching forward with their hands.

     

    In the “Deleted Scenes” from The Fog of War, McNamara cites Dylan Thomas’s poem “The Hand that Signed the Paper,” which ends:

     

    The five kings
    count the dead
    but do not soften
    The crusted
    wound nor pat
    the brow;

     

    A hand rules pity
    as a hand rules
    heaven;

     

    Hands have no
    tears to flow.

     

    The counting hand doesn’t reach forward; it stays close to the chest. Hands, here, enlist the dead in their self-enclosing and instrumental reason. They “see” the dead as a reflection of their own empire and cannot acknowledge the near-dead. But the blindness of this hand does not cause it to reach out to implore another for assistance. Blind eyes do. Or rather the hands of those with blind eyes do, for the eyes of the blind no longer service self-navigation, the seeing of oneself in place. The desire to picture oneself no longer performs through the eyes that are blind.

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

    “The desire for self-presentation is never met, it never meets up with itself, and that is why the simulacrum takes place. Never does the eye of the Other recall this desire more sovereignly to the outside and to difference, to the law of disproportion, dissymmetry, and expropriation. And this is memory itself.”

     

    –Derrida, Memoirs of the Blind121.

     

    Even the non-blind find their eyes have deceived them in providing the hope of a glimpse of totality in self. Self-representational desires, especially at their strongest–for instance, in an act of self-portraiture–reveal the inadequacy of one’s own eyes to actually see oneself seeing. As Derrida write in Memoirs of the Blind: The Self-Portrait and Other Ruins, the truth of the eyes is unveiled when seeing is veiled, as through tears. For in welling up and delivering forth tears the eyes are doing something:

     

    “It makes something happen or come, makes something come to the eyes, makes something well up in them, by producing an event. It is performative, something vision alone would be incapable of if it gave rise only to representational reporting” (122).

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

    At the end of the book, Derrida explains of the Andrew Marvell poem “Eyes and Tears,” “between seeing and weeping, he sees between and catches a glimpse of the difference, he keeps it, looks after it in memory–and this is the veil of tears–until finally, and from or with the ‘same eyes,’ the tears see” (128-9):

     

    Thus let your streams o'erflow your springs,Till eyes and tears be the same things:

     

    And each the other’s difference bears;

     

    These weeping eyes, those seeing tears.

     

    The weeping eyes seeing are no longer a repository of (self) representations, but instead the performative locus of (self) expropriation, no longer an instrument servicing the desire for (self) enclosure. Catching a glimpse of the difference they weep, and mourn, and cry with joy.

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

    “No justice . . . seems possible or thinkable without the principle of some responsibility, beyond all living present, within that which disjoins the living present, before the ghosts of those who are not yet born or who are already dead, be they victims of wars.”

     

    –Derrida, Specters of Marxxix.

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

    “Is the most distressing, or even the most deadly infidelity that of a possible mourning which would interiorize within us the image, idol, or ideal of the other who is dead and only lives in us? Or is it that of the impossible mourning which . . . refuses to take or is incapable of taking the other within oneself, as in the tomb or the vault of some narcissism?”

     

    –Derrida, Mémoires 6.

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

    No apocalypse. Not now.

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

    “It’s too late.”

     

    –Derrida, Derrida.

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

    EVERY MOMENT IS MARKED BY THE POSSIBILITY

     

    What is threatening to us is what we cannot–in advance–know, name, or foresee. What is necessary is our opening to alterity, within us and outside us. Jacques Derrida taught us this forcefully in his lifelong project of recognizing the future as the “arrival of the totally unexpected,” a sentiment introduced early in the documentary bearing his name, Derrida. Later–or was it earlier?–in the “deleted interviews” of the film, he recognizes a “death effect” that occurs when one has one’s picture taken. Since the presence of the pro-filmic subject is not required, but recalled, as the photograph passes through time, photographing always marks an absence: “This film will survive me . . . every moment is marked by the possibility.” One gives oneself over to the monstrous future that includes one’s death.

     

     

     

     

     

    “The desire for self-presentation is never met. . . . Never does the eye of the Other recall this desire more sovereignly to the outside and to difference, to the law of disproportion, dissymmetry, and expropriation. And this is memory itself.”

     

    –Derrida, Memoirs of the Blind 121.

     

    Even Derrida shows reluctance. Yet he finally says, in Derrida, “at the end there was something good in allowing oneself to be surprised, in allowing other people to take what they want. It’s too late. It leaves; it leaves. That’s what’s happening right now.”

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

    It leaves. It leaves.


    Notes

     

    1. McNamara nearly gets the stanza right, but his memory slips on a couple of words.  The correct citation is from Section V of Eliot’s Four Quartets: “We shall not cease from exploration/ And the end of all our exploring/ Will be to arrive where we started/ And know the place for the first time.”

     

    2. Errol Morris invented what he calls the “Interrotron” to help control the gaze of the interviewed subject.  The camera works so that the interviewer’s image is directly over the lens, which structures a conversation between interviewer and interviewee that has the interviewee looking directly into the camera.

     

    3.In “Four Protocols: Derrida, His Deconstruction,” John P. Leavey explains how, “in its most general sense, Derrida’s deconstruction can be reduced to a simple phrase: d’une certaine manière, in a certain way,” a phrase Derrida himself uses, in both Writing and Difference and Of Grammatology, to describe his project (43).

     

    4. Thus, for example, “Rationality will not save us” (lesson 2), and yet one must “maximize efficiency,” seek “proportionality,” “get the data,” and “be prepared to reexamine your reasoning” (lessons 4, 5, 6, and 8). Thus, too, “Belief and seeing are both often wrong” (Morris, lesson 7); however, not only is it that “There’s something beyond one’s self” (lesson 3) but that it is knowable that there is something beyond oneself. On the one hand, “To do good, you may have to do evil” (lesson 9) because, after all, “you can’t change human nature” (Morris, lesson 11); on the other hand, we must “empathize with the enemy” (lesson 1) and yet must not answer the questions the enemy asks “but the question you wish had been asked of you” (lesson 10)–which is to say that we must not yield to the enemy’s perspective but insist on our own.

     

    5.The first two lessons involve divergent frames of reference. On the one hand, the future appears to be apocalyptic, for “the indefinite combination of human fallibility and nuclear weapons will lead to the destructions of nations” (lesson 2). On the other hand, we can mitigate this indefiniteness “by adhering to the principle of a ‘Just War,’ in particular to the principle of proportionality (lesson 1). According to the first lesson, the destruction of nations is unavoidable. According to the second, the destruction can be reduced and in any event rendered more rational and justified. That is, the second posits in a “Just War” a force of justice that is a matter of a certain calculability. In its justice, the “Just War” releases a force capable of blocking the incalculable forces associated with human error in making decisions about using nuclear weapons, the outcomes of which can be predicted to be unpredictable.

     

    Another tension obtains in the way McNamara presents as a solution to the problem of war what might in fact be part of the problem of war. On the one hand, “surely we can agree that we should establish as a major goal of U.S. foreign policy and, indeed, of foreign policies across the globe: the avoidance in this century of the carnage–160 million dead–caused by conflict in the 20th century” (lesson 4). On the other hand, however, “one of the greatest dangers we face today is the risk that terrorists will obtain access to weapons of mass destruction as a result of the breakdown of the Non-Proliferation Regime” which “we in the U.S. are contributing to.” (lesson 10). The call to change “our” policy, however, presupposes not only that “we” can agree that “our” policy is flawed but that the flaw can be repaired by more rigorously pursuing the “major goal” of avoiding our or the enemy’s reliance on war. If we can agree, we will not be tempted to engage in the violence that threatens to erupt from our disagreements.

     

    Lesson 3 requires that the United States try to convince other nations that its economic, political, and military superiority is to their advantage. On the one hand, “We are the most powerful nation in the world–economically, politically, militarily–and we are likely to remain so for decades.” On the other hand, the U.S. should try to “persuade other nations with similar interests and similar values of our proposed use of that power.” The relation of lesson 3 to lesson 8 restates this tension in terms of the call to curtail the nation’s sovereignty. On the one hand “we should build a system of jurisprudence based on the International Court . . . which would hold individuals responsible for crimes against humanity” (lesson 8). On the other hand “We are the most powerful nation in the world” (lesson 3) and the U.S. is not likely to relinquish our claim to define, defend, or otherwise pursue its national self-interests, let alone the sovereignty on which they are predicated.

     

    Finally, nine of the ten lessons pit the sovereignty of the nation-state against the non-existent sovereignty of “the human race”–that is, of “society as a whole.” Thus, on the one hand we must act out of our individual self-sovereignty (lessons 3, 5, 6, 7, 9, 10); on the other hand, we must act out of our regard for “society as a whole” (lesson 6), for “the human race” (lesson 1), for “our own poor and . . . the disadvantaged across the world” (lesson 5).

     

    6. Writing of disaster in general, of a revelation without revelation, Maurice Blanchot declares that “The disaster ruins everything, all the while leaving everything intact. It does not touch anyone in particular; ‘I’ am not threatened by it, but spared, left aside.” In other words, “There is no reaching the disaster.” For this reason, “When the disaster comes upon us, it does not come” (The Writing of the Disaster, 1). All disasters are disasters of consciousness, of the epistemological asymmetry between, on the one hand, one consciousness and another (an I and a you, an I and a he or a she) and, on the other hand, between the self-conscious, self-reflexive I and an altogether other other, n another knowing–unknown, unknowable, unattached to self-reflexive subjectivity that says “I,” hence to an unknowing knowing.

     

    7. Is it that he does not want to say “any more” (that is, anything additional on the matter) or that he does not want to say “anymore” (that is, he no longer wants to say what he may have said in the past)?

     

    8. In explicating Kierkegaard’s reading of Abraham and Isaac, Derrida underscores Kierkegaard’s recognition that “the instant of decision is madness’” (cited in The Gift of Death 65). In his analysis of Blanchot’s recit, “The Instant of My Death,” Derrida endeavors to answer “How is it that the instant makes testimony both possible and impossible at the same time?” (Demeure 33).

     

    Filmography

     

    • Bonnie and Clyde. Dir. Arthur Penn. Warner Brothers, 1967.
    • Catch-22. Dir. Mike Nichols. Paramount, 1970.
    • Derrida. Dir. Kirby Dick and Amy Ziering Kofman. DVD. Zeitgeist Films, 2002.
    • Easy Rider. Dir. Dennis Hopper. Columbia Pictures, 1969.
    • The Fog of War: Eleven Lessons from the Life of Robert S. McNamara. Dir. Errol Morris. Sony Pictures Classics, 2003. DVD. Columbia TriStar Home Video, 2004.
    • Hearts and Minds. Dir. Peter Davis. Warner Brothers, 1974. DVD. The Criterion Collection, 2002.
    • M*A*S*H. Dir. Robert Altman. 20th Century Fox, 1970.
    • McCabe & Mrs. Miller. Dir. Robert Altman. Warner Brothers, 1971.

     

    Works Cited

     

    • The American Heritage Dictionary of Indo-European Roots.Rev. and ed. Calvert Watkins. Boston: Houghton, 1985.
    • Biskind, Peter. Easy Riders, Raging Bulls: How the Sex-Drugs-and-Rock ‘n’ Roll Generation Saved Hollywood. New York: Simon, 1998.
    • Blanchot, Maurice. The Instant of My Death/Jacques Derrida, Demeure: Fiction and Testimony. Trans. Elizabeth Rottenberg. Stanford: Stanford UP, 2000.
    • —. The Writing of the Disaster. Trans. Ann Smock. Lincoln: U of Nebraska P, 1986.
    • Burke, Kenneth. Permanence and Change. 3rd ed. Berkeley: U of California P, 1984.
    • Cockburn, Alexander. “The Fog of Cop-Out: Robert McNamara 10, Errol Morris 0.” Counterpunch Weekend Ed. (24/25 January 2004). < http://www.counterpunch.org/cockburn01242004.html>.
    • Derrida, Jacques. Archive Fever: A Freudian Impression. Trans. Eric Prenowitz. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1995.
    • —. “Deconstruction of Actuality.” Radical Philosophy 68 (1994): 28-41.
    • —. “Dialanguages.” Points . . . Interviews, 1974-1994. Ed. Elisabeth Weber. Trans. Peggy Kamuf and others. Stanford: Stanford UP, 1995. 132-55.
    • —. Dissemination. Trans. Barbara Johnson. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1981.
    • —. “Freud and the Scene of Writing.” Writing and Difference. Trans. Alan Bass. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1978.
    • —. The Gift of Death. Trans. David Wills. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1995.
    • —. Mémoires: for Paul de Man. Rev. ed. Trans. Cecile Lindsay, Jonathan Culler, Eduardo Cadava, and Peggy Kamuf. New York: Columbia UP, 1989.
    • —. Memoirs of the Blind: The Self-Portrait and Other Ruins. Trans. Pascale-Anne Brault and Michael Naas. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 2003.
    • —. “No Apocalypse, Not Now (Full Speed Ahead, Seven Missiles, Seven Missives).” Trans. Catherine Porter and Philip Lewis. Diacritics 14.2 (1984): 20-31.
    • —. Of Grammatology. 2nd ed. Trans. Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 1998.
    • —. Of Hospitality. Trans. Rachel Bowlby. Stanford: Stanford UP, 2000.
    • —. On Cosmopolitanism and Forgiveness. Trans. Rachel Bowlby. Stanford UP, 2000.
    • —. Rogues: Two Essays on Reason. Trans. Pascale-Anne Brault and Michael Naas. Stanford: Stanford UP, 2005.
    • —. Specters of Marx: The State of the Debt, the Work of Mourning, and the New International. Trans. Peggy Kamuf. New York: Routledge, 1994.
    • —. Speech and Phenomena and Other Essays on Husserl’s Theory of Signs. Trans. David B. Allison. Evanston: Northwestern UP, 1973.
    • Freud, Sigmund. “Mourning and Melancholia.” General Psychological Theory: Papers on Metapsychology. Ed. Philip Rieff. New York: Collier/Macmillan, 1963. 164-79.
    • Leavey, John P. “Four Protocols: Derrida, His Deconstruction. Semeia 23 (1992): 42-57.
    • Lifton, Robert Jay. Superpower Syndrome: America’s Apocalyptic Confrontation with the World. New York: Thunder Mouth P/ Nation, 2003.
    • McNamara, Robert S. “Apocalypse Soon.” Foreign Policy (May/June 2005). <http://www.foreignpolicy.com> 22 May 2005.
    • McNamara, Robert S., James G. Blight, and Robert Brigham with Thomas J. Biersteker and Col. Herbert V. Schandler. Argument Without End: In Search of Answers to the Vietnam Tragedy. New York: Public Affairs, 1999.
    • Shipley, Joseph T. The Origins of English Words: A Discursive Dictionary of Indo-European Roots. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 1984.

     

  • Notices

     

     

     

    Volume 16, Number 2
    January, 2006